@techreport{MatzatSchmeisser2023, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Matzat, Johannes and Schmeißer, Aiko}, title = {Do unions shape political ideologies at work?}, series = {CESifo Working Paper}, journal = {CESifo Working Paper}, number = {10301}, publisher = {CESifo GmbH (M{\"u}nchener Gesellschaft zur F{\"o}rderung der Wirtschaftswissenschaft)}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, issn = {2364-1428}, pages = {61}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Labor unions' greatest potential for political influence likely arises from their direct connection to millions of individuals at the workplace. There, they may change the ideological positions of both unionizing workers and their non-unionizing management. In this paper, we analyze the workplace-level impact of unionization on workers' and managers' political campaign contributions over the 1980-2016 period in the United States. To do so, we link establishment-level union election data with transaction-level campaign contributions to federal and local candidates. In a difference-in-differences design that we validate with regression discontinuity tests and a novel instrumental variables approach, we find that unionization leads to a leftward shift of campaign contributions. Unionization increases the support for Democrats relative to Republicans not only among workers but also among managers, which speaks against an increase in political cleavages between the two groups. We provide evidence that our results are not driven by compositional changes of the workforce and are weaker in states with Right-to-Work laws where unions can invest fewer resources in political activities.}, language = {en} } @misc{ThonigDelRioKieferetal.2020, author = {Thonig, Richard and Del Rio, Pablo and Kiefer, Christoph and Lazaro Touza, Lara and Escribano, Gonzalo and Lechon, Yolanda and Spaeth, Leonhard and Wolf, Ingo and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Does ideology influence the ambition level of climate and renewable energy policy?}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {1}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57798}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-577981}, pages = {19}, year = {2020}, abstract = {We investigate whether political ideology has an observable effect on decarbonization ambition, renewable power aims, and preferences for power system balancing technologies in four European countries. Based on the Energy Logics framework, we identify ideologically different transition strategies (state-centered, market-centered, grassroots-centered) contained in government policies and opposition party programs valid in 2019. We compare these policies and programs with citizen poll data. We find that ideology has a small effect: governments and political parties across the spectrum have similar, and relatively ambitious, decarbonization and renewables targets. This mirrors citizens' strong support for ambitious action regardless of their ideological self-description. However, whereas political positions on phasing out fossil fuel power are clear across the policy space, positions on phasing in new flexibility options to balance intermittent renewables are vague or non-existent. As parties and citizens agree on strong climate and renewable power aims, the policy ambition is likely to remain high, even if governments change.}, language = {en} } @article{ThonigDelRioKieferetal.2020, author = {Thonig, Richard and Del Rio, Pablo and Kiefer, Christoph and Lazaro Touza, Lara and Escribano, Gonzalo and Lechon, Yolanda and Spaeth, Leonhard and Wolf, Ingo and Lilliestam, Johan}, title = {Does ideology influence the ambition level of climate and renewable energy policy?}, series = {Energy sources, part B: economics, planning, and policy}, volume = {16}, journal = {Energy sources, part B: economics, planning, and policy}, number = {1}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Philadelphia}, issn = {1556-7249}, doi = {10.1080/15567249.2020.1811806}, pages = {4 -- 22}, year = {2020}, abstract = {We investigate whether political ideology has an observable effect on decarbonization ambition, renewable power aims, and preferences for power system balancing technologies in four European countries. Based on the Energy Logics framework, we identify ideologically different transition strategies (state-centered, market-centered, grassroots-centered) contained in government policies and opposition party programs valid in 2019. We compare these policies and programs with citizen poll data. We find that ideology has a small effect: governments and political parties across the spectrum have similar, and relatively ambitious, decarbonization and renewables targets. This mirrors citizens' strong support for ambitious action regardless of their ideological self-description. However, whereas political positions on phasing out fossil fuel power are clear across the policy space, positions on phasing in new flexibility options to balance intermittent renewables are vague or non-existent. As parties and citizens agree on strong climate and renewable power aims, the policy ambition is likely to remain high, even if governments change.}, language = {en} } @article{CarlaUhink2021, author = {Carl{\`a}-Uhink, Filippo}, title = {Ein Schierlingsbecher oder ein Sprung ins Barathron?}, series = {Historische Zeitschrift : HZ}, volume = {312}, journal = {Historische Zeitschrift : HZ}, number = {2}, publisher = {De Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {0018-2613}, doi = {10.1515/hzhz-2021-0007}, pages = {295 -- 331}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Der Aufsatz behandelt die drei unterschiedlichen Hinrichtungsformen, die im 5. und 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. in Athen angedroht wurden: apotympanism{\´o}s, Sturz ins Barathron und Schierling. Eine solche Untersuchung verspricht reichen Aufschluss {\"u}ber die demokratische Ideologie, die entsprechenden Diskurse und ihre stetige Verst{\"a}rkung durch Prozesse und Bestrafungen. Der Aufsatz vertritt dabei die These, dass eine chronologische Analyse dieser Hinrichtungsformen einen wichtigen und bisher unerforschten Beitrag zur Debatte {\"u}ber Kontinuit{\"a}t und Diskontinuit{\"a}t in der athenischen Demokratie vor und nach der Tyrannis der Dreißig leisten kann. Er zeigt, dass die Formen, in denen die Todesstrafe angedroht wurde, das Ausmaß der {\"A}nderungen in den Diskursen in der und {\"u}ber die athenische Demokratie nach der Niederlage im Peloponnesischen Krieg erkennen l{\"a}sst. Die Unterschiede in den Exekutionsformen k{\"o}nnen einen wichtigen Beitrag zum Verst{\"a}ndnis der Verschiebung des Begriffes der „Gleichheit" vom 5. ins 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. leisten.}, language = {de} }