@article{HuttenlauchBeerHanneKlothetal.2021, author = {Huttenlauch, Clara and Beer, Carola de and Hanne-Kloth, Sandra and Wartenburger, Isabell}, title = {Production of prosodic cues in coordinate name sequences addressing varying interlocutors}, series = {Laboratory phonology}, volume = {12}, journal = {Laboratory phonology}, number = {1}, publisher = {Ubiquity Press}, address = {London}, issn = {1868-6346}, doi = {10.5334/labphon.221}, pages = {31}, year = {2021}, abstract = {Prosodic boundaries can be used to disambiguate the syntactic structure of coordinated name sequences (coordinates). To answer the question whether disambiguating prosody is produced in a situationally dependent or independent manner and to contribute to our understanding of the nature of the prosody-syntax link, we systematically explored variability in the prosody of boundary productions of coordinates evoked by different contextual settings in a referential communication task. Our analysis focused on prosodic boundaries produced to distinguish sequences with different syntactic structures (i.e., with or without internal grouping of the constituents). In German, these prosodic boundaries are indicated by three major prosodic cues: f0-range, final lengthening, and pause. In line with the Proximity/Anti-Proximity principle of the syntax-prosody model by Kentner and Fery (2013), speakers clearly use all three cues for constituent grouping and prosodically mark groups within and at their right boundary, indicating that prosodic phrasing is not a local phenomenon. Intra-individually, we found a rather stable prosodic pattern across contexts. However, inter-individually speakers differed from each other with respect to the prosodic cue combinations that they (consistently) used to mark the boundaries. Overall, our data speak in favour of a close link between syntax and prosody and for situational independence of disambiguating prosody.}, language = {en} } @article{HuttenlauchFeldhausenBraun2018, author = {Huttenlauch, Clara and Feldhausen, Ingo and Braun, Bettina}, title = {The purpose shapes the vocative}, series = {Journal of the International Phonetic Association}, volume = {48}, journal = {Journal of the International Phonetic Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {Cambridge}, issn = {0025-1003}, doi = {10.1017/S0025100317000597}, pages = {33 -- 56}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The question of whether intonation contours directly signal meaning is an old one. We revisit this question using vocatives in Colombian Spanish (Bogot{\´a}). We recorded speakers' productions in three pragmatic conditions - greeting, confirmation-seeking, and reprimand - and compared proper names (vocatives) to situation-specific one-word utterances, such as !'Hola! 'Hello' (non-vocatives). Intonational analyses showed no direct one-to-one correspondence between the pragmatic conditions and intonation contours: (a) for vocatives, e.g. a rising-falling contour occurred in both greetings and reprimands; and (b) for non-vocatives, e.g. a step-down contour (a.k.a. calling contour) occurred in both greeting and confirmation-seeking conditions. Looking beyond intonation to consider other phonetic variables - spectral tilt, duration, alignment of tonal targets, f0-range, f0-slope - the results showed that the intonation contours that occurred in more than one pragmatic condition differed in phonetic realisation, e.g. rising-falling vocatives showed differences in f0-range of the rise and spectral tilt. However, the corresponding non-vocatives did not show the same differences. Furthermore, vocatives in greeting contexts were realised differently from non-vocatives in greeting contexts. In sum, the pragmatic condition affects the prosodic realisation of (non-)vocatives, but the relationship is complex. The results are discussed in the light of prosodic constructions, leading to the conclusion that the prosodic realisation of vocatives and non-vocatives in Bogot{\´a} Colombian Spanish cannot be easily modelled by prosodic constructions.}, language = {en} }