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Processing of ellipsis with garden-path antecedents in French and German

  • In a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading times were shorter at the ellipsis site when the antecedent was a temporarily ambiguous garden-path structure. As a post-hoc explanation of this finding, Paape assumed that the antecedent’s memory representation was reactivated during syntactic reanalysis, making it easier to retrieve. In two eye tracking experiments, we subjected the reactivation hypothesis to further empirical scrutiny. Experiment 1, carried out in French, showed no evidence in favor in the reactivation hypothesis. Instead, results for one out of the three types of garden-path sentences that were tested suggest that subjects sometimes failed to resolve the temporary ambiguity in the antecedent clause, and subsequently failed to resolve the ellipsis. The results of Experiment 2, a conceptual replication of Paape’s (Paape, 2016) original study carried out in German, are compatible with the reactivation hypothesis, but leave open the possibility that the observed speedup forIn a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading times were shorter at the ellipsis site when the antecedent was a temporarily ambiguous garden-path structure. As a post-hoc explanation of this finding, Paape assumed that the antecedent’s memory representation was reactivated during syntactic reanalysis, making it easier to retrieve. In two eye tracking experiments, we subjected the reactivation hypothesis to further empirical scrutiny. Experiment 1, carried out in French, showed no evidence in favor in the reactivation hypothesis. Instead, results for one out of the three types of garden-path sentences that were tested suggest that subjects sometimes failed to resolve the temporary ambiguity in the antecedent clause, and subsequently failed to resolve the ellipsis. The results of Experiment 2, a conceptual replication of Paape’s (Paape, 2016) original study carried out in German, are compatible with the reactivation hypothesis, but leave open the possibility that the observed speedup for ambiguous antecedents may be due to occasional retrievals of an incorrect structure.show moreshow less

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Metadaten
Author:Dario L. J. F. PaapeORCiDGND, Barbara Hemforth, Shravan VasishthORCiDGND
URN:urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-414062
Parent Title (German):Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe
Subtitle (English):Evidence from eye tracking
Series (Serial Number):Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe (452)
Document Type:Postprint
Language:English
Date of first Publication:2018/07/26
Year of Completion:2018
Publishing Institution:Universität Potsdam
Release Date:2018/07/26
Tag:activation; ambiguities; clauses; discourse; hypothesis; lingering misinterpretation; memory; sentence comprehension; verb-phrase ellipsis
Issue:452
Pagenumber:46
Source:PLoS ONE 13 (2018) 6, Art. e0198620 DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0198620
Organizational units:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät
Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Strukturbereich Kognitionswissenschaften
Dewey Decimal Classification:5 Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik / 50 Naturwissenschaften / 500 Naturwissenschaften und Mathematik
6 Technik, Medizin, angewandte Wissenschaften / 61 Medizin und Gesundheit / 610 Medizin und Gesundheit
Peer Review:Referiert
Publication Way:Open Access
Licence (German):License LogoCreative Commons - Namensnennung, 4.0 International
Notes extern:Bibliographieeintrag der Originalveröffentlichung/Quelle