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Restrictions on addition

  • Children up to school age have been reported to perform poorly when interpreting sentences containing restrictive and additive focus particles by treating sentences with a focus particle in the same way as sentences without it. Careful comparisons between results of previous studies indicate that this phenomenon is less pronounced for restrictive than for additive particles. We argue that this asymmetry is an effect of the presuppositional status of the proposition triggered by the additive particle. We tested this in two experiments with German-learning three-and four-year-olds using a method that made the exploitation of the information provided by the particles highly relevant for completing the task. Three-year-olds already performed remarkably well with sentences both with auch 'also' and with nur 'only'. Thus, children can consider the presuppositional contribution of the additive particle in their sentence interpretation and can exploit the restrictive particle as a marker of exhaustivity.

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Metadaten
Author:Frauke Berger, Barbara HöhleGND
URN:urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-414911
DOI:https://doi.org/10.25932/publishup-41491
ISSN:1866-8364
Parent Title (English):Postprints der Universität Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe
Subtitle (English):children’s interpretation of the focus particles auch ‘ also ’ and nur ‘ only ’ in German
Series (Serial Number):Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe (509)
Document Type:Postprint
Language:English
Date of first Publication:2019/01/24
Year of Completion:2012
Publishing Institution:Universität Potsdam
Release Date:2019/01/24
Tag:acquisition; asymmetry; comprehension; implicature; mandarin; presupposition; semantics; tolerance
Issue:509
Pagenumber:28
Source:Journal of Child Language 39 (2012) 2, S. 383–410 DOI: 10.1017/S0305000911000122
Organizational units:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät
Dewey Decimal Classification:1 Philosophie und Psychologie / 15 Psychologie / 150 Psychologie
4 Sprache / 40 Sprache / 400 Sprache
Peer Review:Referiert
Publication Way:Open Access
Grantor:Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Licence (German):License LogoKeine Nutzungslizenz vergeben - es gilt das deutsche Urheberrecht
Notes extern:Bibliographieeintrag der Originalveröffentlichung/Quelle