TY - THES A1 - Ramelli, Christian T1 - Die Rheinische Verlaufsform im rheinfränkischen Dialekt T1 - The am+infinitive construction in Rhine Franconian Dialect N2 - Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der Rheinischen Verlaufsform (RV) im rheinfränkischen Dialekt. Nach dem DUDEN handelt es sich bei der RV um eine Konstruktion, die aus dem Kopulaverb sein und einer PP mit am und nominalisiertem Infinitiv besteht und dem Ausdruck von progressivem Aspekt dient. Die vorliegenden Arbeiten zur RV beschäftigen sich im Wesentlichen entweder mit der Ausprägung der Konstruktion im Standarddeutschen (z.B. Reimann (1999), Krause (2002), Rödel (2003), Rödel (2004a), Rödel (2004b), van Pottelberge (2004)) oder im Ripuarischen (z.B. Andersson (1989), Bhatt & Schmidt (1993)) und kommen zu unterschiedlichen Ergebnissen bezüglich der Verwendungsmöglichkeiten und des Aufbaus der Konstruktion, insbesondere des Status des Infinitivs in der Verlaufsform. Hauptziel dieser Arbeit ist es, zu zeigen, dass sich die Grammatikalisierung der Verlaufsform von der im DUDEN beschriebenen Konstruktion zu einer analytischen Verbform entlang eines festen Grammatikalisierungspfades vollzieht und die entsprechenden Teilschritte bei der Entwicklung zu einer analytischen Verbform herauszuarbeiten. Auf dieser Grundlage wird in der Arbeit dargestellt, wie sich mittels eines geeigneten Sets an Indikatoren der Grammatikalisierungsgrad der Verlaufsform in einem Dialektraum oder einem diatopischen Register konkret feststellen lässt. N2 - This study deals with the Rheinische Verlaufsform (RV) in Rhine Franconian Dialect. According to DUDEN the RV is a construction which consists of the copula verb sein and a PP with am and a nominalized infinitive and serves to express progressive aspect. The existing studies on the RV mainly focus on the shape of the construction in Standard German ((e.g. Reimann (1999), Krause (2002), Rödel (2003), Rödel (2004a), Rödel (2004b), van Pottelberge (2004))) or in Ripuarin Dialect (e.g. Andersson (1989), Bhatt & Schmidt (1993)) and come to different results regarding the possibilities of use of the construction, especially the status of the infinitive. The main goal of this study is to show that the grammaticalization of the Verlaufsform from the construction described in the DUDEN towards an analytic verb form takes place along a fixed grammaticalization path and to identify substeps within the development towards an analytic verb form. On this basis it is going to be shown in this study how the degree of grammaticalization of the Verlaufsform can be concretely determined in a dialect space or a diatopic register by means of a suitable set of indicators. KW - Syntax KW - Dialektologie KW - Verlaufsform KW - Rheinfränkisch KW - Aspekt KW - Aspect KW - Dialectology KW - Rhine Franconian KW - Syntax KW - Progressive Y1 - 2015 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-102797 ER - TY - THES A1 - De Cesare, Ilaria T1 - Word order variability and change in German infinitival complements T1 - Variation und Wandel in der Stellung deutscher Infinitivkomplemente BT - a multi-causal approach BT - ein multikausaler Ansatz N2 - The present work deals with the variation in the linearisation of German infinitival complements from a diachronic perspective. Based on the observation that in present-day German the position of infinitival complements is restricted by properties of the matrix verb (Haider, 2010, Wurmbrand, 2001), whereas this appears much more liberal in older stages of German (Demske, 2008, Maché and Abraham, 2011, Demske, 2015), this dissertation investigates the emergence of those restrictions and the factors that have led to a reduced, yet still existing variability. The study contrasts infinitival complements of two types of matrix verbs, namely raising and control verbs. In present-day German, these show different syntactic behaviour and opposite preferences as far as the position of the infinitive is concerned: while infinitival complements of raising verbs build a single clausal domain with the with the matrix verb and occur obligatorily intraposed, infinitive complements of control verbs can form clausal constituents and occur predominantly extraposed. This correlation is not attested in older stages of German, at least not until Early New High German. Drawing on diachronic corpus data, the present work provides a description of the changes in the linearisation of infinitival complements from Early New High German to present-day German which aims at finding out when the correlation between infinitive type and word order emerged and further examines their possible causes. The study shows that word order change in German infinitival complements is not a case of syntactic change in the narrow sense, but that the diachronic variation results from the interaction of different language-internal and language-external factors and that it reflects, on the one hand, the influence of language modality on the emerging standard language and, on the other hand, a process of specialisation. N2 - Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der Variation in der Linearisierung von deutschen Infinitivkomplementen aus diachroner Perspektive. Ausgehend von der Beobachtung, dass im Gegenwartsdeutschen die Stellung von Infinitivkomplementen durch Eigenschaften des Matrixverbs eingeschränkt wird (Haider, 2010, Wurmbrand, 2001), während diese in älteren Sprachstufen des Deutschen viel liberaler erscheint (Demske, 2008, Maché und Abraham, 2011, Demske, 2015), untersucht die vorliegende Dissertation die Entstehung solcher Beschränkungen und die Faktoren, die zu einer reduzierten, jedoch noch bestehenden Variation geführt haben. In der Untersuchung werden die Wortstellungseigenschaften von Infinitivkomplementen gegenübergestellt, die von zwei Typen von Matrixverben eingebettet werden, nämlich Anhebungs- und Kontrollverben. Diese zeigen im Gegenwartsdeutschen ein unterschiedliches syntaktisches Verhalten und entgegengesetzte Präferenzen, was die Stellung des Infinitivs betrifft: Während Infinitivkomplemente von Anhebungsverben einen Verbalkomplex mit dem Matrixverb bilden und obligatorisch intraponiert vorkommen, bilden Infinitivkomplemente von Kontrollverben sententiale Konstituenten und kommen überwiegend extraponiert vor. In älteren Sprachstufen des Deutschen konnte diese Korrelation bis ins Frühneuhochdeutsche nicht festgestellt werden. Neben einer empirisch fundierten Beschreibung des Wortstellungswandels von Infinitivkomplementen, die darauf abzielt, den Zeitpunkt der Entstehung dieser Korrelation zu identifizieren, werden in der Arbeit mögliche Faktoren und Gründe untersucht, die zu diesen Präferenzen geführt haben. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass der Worstellungswandel in deutschen Infinitivkomplementen nicht dem syntaktischen Wandel im engeren Sinne zuzuordnen ist, sondern dass die diachrone Variation auf einem Zusammenspiel von verschiedenen sprachinternen und sprachexternen Faktoren beruht. Es wird dafür argumentiert, dass sich die diachrone Distribution der Wortstellungsmuster zum einen durch den Einfluss von Medialität auf die Entstehung der Standardsprache, zum anderen durch einen Prozess der Spezialisierung erklären lässt. KW - infinitival complements KW - syntactic change KW - Early New High German KW - quantitative historical linguistics KW - corpus study KW - Infinitivkomplemente KW - syntaktischer Wandel KW - Frühneuhochdeutsch KW - quantitative historische Linguistik KW - Korpusstudie Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-527358 ER - TY - THES A1 - Patterson, Clare T1 - The role of structural and discourse-level cues during pronoun resolution T1 - Zur Rolle von struktureller und diskursbasierter Information während der Pronomenverarbeitung N2 - Pronoun resolution normally takes place without conscious effort or awareness, yet the processes behind it are far from straightforward. A large number of cues and constraints have previously been recognised as playing a role in the identification and integration of potential antecedents, yet there is considerable debate over how these operate within the resolution process. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the parser handles multiple antecedents in order to understand more about how certain information sources play a role during pronoun resolution. I consider how both structural information and information provided by the prior discourse is used during online processing. This is investigated through several eye tracking during reading experiments that are complemented by a number of offline questionnaire experiments. I begin by considering how condition B of the Binding Theory (Chomsky 1981; 1986) has been captured in pronoun processing models; some researchers have claimed that processing is faithful to syntactic constraints from the beginning of the search (e.g. Nicol and Swinney 1989), while others have claimed that potential antecedents which are ruled out on structural grounds nonetheless affect processing, because the parser must also pay attention to a potential antecedent’s features (e.g. Badecker and Straub 2002). My experimental findings demonstrate that the parser is sensitive to the subtle changes in syntactic configuration which either allow or disallow pronoun reference to a local antecedent, and indicate that the parser is normally faithful to condition B at all stages of processing. Secondly, I test the Primitives of Binding hypothesis proposed by Koornneef (2008) based on work by Reuland (2001), which is a modular approach to pronoun resolution in which variable binding (a semantic relationship between pronoun and antecedent) takes place before coreference. I demonstrate that a variable-binding (VB) antecedent is not systematically considered earlier than a coreference (CR) antecedent online. I then go on to explore whether these findings could be attributed to the linear order of the antecedents, and uncover a robust recency preference both online and offline. I consider what role the factor of recency plays in pronoun resolution and how it can be reconciled with the first-mention advantage (Gernsbacher and Hargreaves 1988; Arnold 2001; Arnold et al., 2007). Finally, I investigate how aspects of the prior discourse affect pronoun resolution. Prior discourse status clearly had an effect on pronoun resolution, but an antecedent’s appearance in the previous context was not always facilitative; I propose that this is due to the number of topic switches that a reader must make, leading to a lack of discourse coherence which has a detrimental effect on pronoun resolution. The sensitivity of the parser to structural cues does not entail that cue types can be easily separated into distinct sequential stages, and I therefore propose that the parser is structurally sensitive but not modular. Aspects of pronoun resolution can be captured within a parallel constraints model of pronoun resolution, however, such a model should be sensitive to the activation of potential antecedents based on discourse factors, and structural cues should be strongly weighted. N2 - Pronomenauflösung erfolgt normalerweise scheinbar mühelos und ohne bewusste Anstrengung. Jedoch ist die Verarbeitung von pronominalen Referenzen aus linguistischer Sicht ein hochkomplexer Prozess. Durch unterschiedliche wissenschaftliche Studien wurden bereits zahlreiche Faktoren ermittelt, die bei der Pronomenauflösung eine Rolle spielen, allerdings herrscht weitgehend noch keine Einigkeit darüber, wie genau diese Faktoren die Verarbeitung von Pronomen beeinflussen. Ziel dieser Dissertation ist es zu untersuchen, wie der Leser/Hörer mit Pronomen umgeht, denen mehrere Antezedenten zugeordnet werden können, um zu verstehen, welche Rolle bestimmte Informationsquellen in der Verarbeitung von Pronomen spielen. Besondere Beachtung findet dabei, wie strukturelle Eigenschaften sowie Informationen aus dem vorangegangenen Diskurs für die Suche nach einem passenden Antezedenten benutzt werden. Die angewandte Untersuchungsmethode der vorliegenden Dissertation ist Eye-tracking during reading, ergänzt mit verschiedenen offline-Fragebögen. Die Experimente erforschen die Rolle der folgenden Aspekte in der Verarbeitung von Pronomen: Prinzip B der Bindungstheorie (Chomsky 1981; 1986), Koreferenz und Variablenbindung laut der Primitives of Binding Hypothese (Reuland 2001, Koornneef 2008), Antezedentenreihenfolge im Satz, und Diskursstatus des Antezedents. Obwohl es zeigt sich, dass der Hörer/Leser sensibel für subtile Veränderungen in der syntaktischen Konfiguration ist, wie z.B. für die Reihenfolge der Antezedenten im Satz und für den Diskursstatus des Antezedenten, gibt es keinen Nachweis dafür, dass Variablenbindung zeitlich vor Koreferenz erfolgt. Einige Aspekte der Auflösung pronominaler Referenzen können in einem parallel constraints model erfasst werden, allerdings sollte so ein Modell strukturelle Informationen stark gewichten und sensitiv sein für die Aktivierung potenzieller Antezedenten aufgrund von Diskursfaktoren. KW - Pronomen KW - Anaphora KW - Psycholinguistik KW - Pronouns KW - anaphora KW - psycholinguistics KW - Binding Theory KW - Centering Theory Y1 - 2013 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-71280 ER - TY - GEN A1 - van de Koot, Hans A1 - Silva, Renita A1 - Felser, Claudia A1 - Sato, Mikako T1 - Does Dutch a-scrambling involve movement? BT - Evidence from antecedent priming N2 - The present study focuses on A-scrambling in Dutch, a local word-order alternation that typically signals the discourse-anaphoric status of the scrambled constituent. We use cross-modal priming to investigate whether an A-scrambled direct object gives rise to antecedent reactivation effects in the position where a movement theory would postulate a trace. Our results indicate that this is not the case, thereby providing support for a base-generation analysis of A-scrambling in Dutch. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 327 KW - scrambling KW - movement KW - cross-modal priming Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-398566 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bosch, Sina A1 - De Cesare, Ilaria A1 - Demske, Ulrike A1 - Felser, Claudia T1 - New empirical approaches to grammatical variation and change JF - Languages : open access journal Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3390/languages6030113 SN - 2226-471X VL - 6 IS - 3 PB - MDPI CY - Basel ER - TY - GEN A1 - Krause, Helena A1 - Bosch, Sina A1 - Clahsen, Harald T1 - Morphosyntax in the bilingual mental lexicon BT - an experimental study of strong stems in German T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Although morphosyntax has been identified as a major source of difficulty for adult (nonnative) language learners, most previous studies have examined a limited set of largely affix-based phenomena. Little is known about word-based morphosyntax in late bilinguals and of how morphosyntax is represented and processed in a nonnative speaker's lexicon. To address these questions, we report results from two behavioral experiments investigating stem variants of strong verbs in German (which encode features such as tense, person, and number) in groups of advanced adult learners as well as native speakers of German. Although the late bilinguals were highly proficient in German, the results of a lexical priming experiment revealed clear native-nonnative differences. We argue that lexical representation and processing relies less on morphosyntactic information in a nonnative than in a native language. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 528 KW - morphological structure KW - 2nd-language grammar KW - inflected nouns KW - ER-FMRI KW - representation KW - sensitivity KW - violations KW - acquisition KW - agreement KW - learners Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-415478 SN - 1866-8364 IS - 528 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold A1 - Engbert, Ralf T1 - Conference Abstracts: 14th European Conference on Eye Movements ECEM2007 T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - paper 233 Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56799 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Dimigen, Olaf A1 - Valsecchi, Matteo A1 - Sommer, Werner A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Human Microsaccade-Related Visual Brain Responses N2 - Microsaccades are very small, involuntary flicks in eye position that occur on average once or twice per second during attempted visual fixation. Microsaccades give rise to EMG eye muscle spikes that can distort the spectrum of the scalp EEG and mimic increases in gamma band power. Here we demonstrate that microsaccades are also accompanied by genuine and sizeable cortical activity, manifested in the EEG. In three experiments, high-resolution eye movements were corecorded with the EEG: during sustained fixation of checkerboard and face stimuli and in a standard visual oddball task that required the counting of target stimuli. Results show that microsaccades as small as 0.15° generate a field potential over occipital cortex and midcentral scalp sites 100 –140 ms after movement onset, which resembles the visual lambda response evoked by larger voluntary saccades. This challenges the standard assumption of human brain imaging studies that saccade-related brain activity is precluded by fixation, even when fully complied with. Instead, additional cortical potentials from microsaccades were present in 86% of the oddball task trials and of similar amplitude as the visual response to stimulus onset. Furthermore, microsaccade probability varied systematically according to the proportion of target stimuli in the oddball task, causing modulations of late stimulus-locked event-related potential (ERP) components. Microsaccades present an unrecognized source of visual brain signal that is of interest for vision research and may have influenced the data of many ERP and neuroimaging studies. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - paper 240 Y1 - 2009 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56923 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold A1 - Engbert, Ralf T1 - How tight is the link between lexical processing and saccade programs? N2 - We question the assumption of serial attention shifts and the assumption that saccade programs are initiated or canceled only after stage one of word identification. Evidence: (1) Fixation durations prior to skipped words are not consistently higher compared to those prior to nonskipped words. (2) Attentional modulation of microsaccade rate might occur after early visual processing. Saccades are probably triggered by attentional selection. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - paper 239 Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56919 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Engbert, Ralf A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - The game of word skipping: Who are the competitors? N2 - Computational models such as E-Z Reader and SWIFT are ideal theoretical tools to test quantitatively our current understanding of eye-movement control in reading. Here we present a mathematical analysis of word skipping in the E-Z Reader model by semianalytic methods, to highlight the differences in current modeling approaches. In E-Z Reader, the word identification system must outperform the oculomotor system to induce word skipping. In SWIFT, there is competition among words to be selected as a saccade target. We conclude that it is the question of competitors in the “game” of word skipping that must be solved in eye movement research. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - paper 237 Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56899 ER -