TY - JOUR A1 - Weaver, Catherine A1 - Heinzel, Mirko A1 - Jorgensen, Samantha A1 - Flores, Joseph T1 - Bureaucratic representation in the IMF and the World Bank JF - Global perspectives N2 - The legitimacy and effectiveness of international organizations are often linked directly to issues of representation—not only on their high-level governing boards and in top leadership but also within their staff. This article explores two key questions of bureaucratic representation in the critical cases of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. First, we seek to unpack three essential dimensions of staff representation—nationality, education, and gender—to explain how representation may matter for international organizations. Second, we aim to describe the multiple dimensions of representation in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank over the past twenty years by deploying a novel dataset on staff demographics, focusing on ranks with decision-making authority within the institutions. Our descriptive analysis reveals that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have made considerable efforts to diversify their bureaucracies. Nonetheless, representation remains uneven; for example, nationals from middle- and low-income countries, women, and staff without economics degrees from prominent US- or UK-based universities are less present in key leadership positions. These results may be well explained by the particular needs of the institutions’ technical mandates and limits in the supply of qualified staff and, as such, need not be seen as suboptimal. Nonetheless, perceived imbalances in representation may continue to pose external legitimation and operational challenges to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in a complex political environment where such multidimensional representation is important to sustaining the buy-in of donor and borrower countries alike. To this end, we recommend that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank enhance their diversity and inclusion efforts by increasing transparency via reporting disaggregated data on workforce composition and introducing annual requirements to publish progress reports with management feedback to strengthen internal and external accountability. KW - representation KW - international bureaucracy KW - multilateralism KW - World Bank KW - IMF Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2022.39684 SN - 2575-7350 VL - 3 IS - 1 PB - University of California Press CY - Oakland, CA ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fischer, Caroline A1 - Heuberger, Moritz A1 - Heine, Moreen T1 - The impact of digitalization in the public sector BT - a systematic literature review JF - Der moderne Staat N2 - The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration. KW - digital transformation KW - e-government KW - impact evaluation KW - public value KW - public values Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3224/dms.v14i1.13 SN - 1865-7192 SN - 2196-1395 VL - 14 IS - 1 SP - 3 EP - 23 PB - Barbara Budrich CY - Leverkusen-Opladen ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Griscom, Bronson W. A1 - Busch, Jonah A1 - Cook-Patton, Susan C. A1 - Ellis, Peter W. A1 - Funk, Jason A1 - Leavitt, Sara M. A1 - Lomax, Guy A1 - Turner, Will R. A1 - Chapman, Melissa A1 - Streck, Charlotte T1 - National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics JF - Biological sciences N2 - Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'. KW - natural climate solutions KW - climate mitigation KW - protection KW - land management KW - restoration KW - Paris Agreement Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0126 SN - 0962-8436 SN - 1471-2970 VL - 375 IS - 1794 SP - 1 EP - 11 PB - The Royal Society Publishing CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - von Schlippe, Arist A1 - Jansen, Till T1 - Das Erwartungskarussell im Coaching BT - Klarheit schaffen und Entscheidungsblockaden lösen JF - Zeitschrift Führung + Organisation N2 - Eine indifferente Gemengelage unterschiedlicher Erwartungen ist im Coaching nicht selten. Jeder will etwas anderes - was genau, weiß man häufig nicht. Oftmals ist man sich noch nicht einmal sicher, was man selbst will. Das führt zu Stress und Blockaden. Und die Optionen und Handlungsmöglichkeiten geraten aus dem Blick. Diese Situation ist auch vielen Führungskräften wohlbekannt. Y1 - 2022 UR - https://www.wiso-net.de/document/ZFO__a1ae60c88195bb8546e6483f5a7db1d2a25e48fa SN - 0722-7485 IS - 02 SP - 125 EP - 127 PB - Schäffer-Poeschel CY - Stuttgart ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Semi-parliamentary government in perspective BT - concepts, values, and designs JF - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article responds to four commentaries on the concept of semi-parliamentary government and its application to Australian bicameralism. It highlights four main points: (1) Our preferred typology is not more ‘normative’ than existing approaches, but applies the criterion of ‘direct election’ equally to executive and legislature; (2) While the evolution of semi-parliamentary government had contingent elements, it plausibly also reflects the ‘equilibrium’ nature of certain institutional configurations; (3) The idea that a pure parliamentary system with pure proportional representation has absolute normative priority over ‘instrumentalist’ concerns about cabinet stability, identifiability and responsibility is questionable; and (4) The reforms we discuss may be unlikely to occur in Australia, but deserve consideration by scholars and institutional reformers in other democratic systems. KW - Executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - visions of democracy KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1451488 SN - 1036-1146 SN - 1363-030X VL - 53 IS - 2 SP - 264 EP - 269 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dannemann, Udo A1 - Gürtler, Friedemann T1 - Meine Krise, deine Krise – unsere Krise(n)? BT - Zukunftswerkstatt zum Thema Klimakrise und Energiegewinnung JF - POLIS KW - Klimakrise KW - Transformation KW - Krise KW - politische Bildung Y1 - 2024 UR - https://elibrary.utb.de/doi/10.46499/2377.3002 U6 - https://doi.org/10.46499/2377.3002 SN - 2749-4861 SN - 1611-373X VL - 28 IS - 1 SP - 22 EP - 25 PB - Wochenschau Verlag CY - Frankfurt, M. ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Thomeczek, Jan Philipp T1 - Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist? BT - an empirical analysis JF - Politische Vierteljahresschrift N2 - Germany’s relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht’s Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10% are within reach. While Wagenknecht’s positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht’s and BSW’s populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005–2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW’s manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of “the majority”. Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate. N2 - Die langjährige Stabilität des deutschen Parteiensystems wird aktuell durch eine neue links-konservative Partei herausgefordert: Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW). Erste Umfragen deuten an, dass das BSW bundesweit bis zu 10 % der Stimmen gewinnen könnte. Die Einordnung als links-konservativ oder in Anlehnung an die englische Literatur links-autoritär wurde bereits medial intensiv diskutiert. Weniger Beachtung hat bislang die populistische Kommunikation von Wagenknecht gefunden. Die populistische Ansprache durch das BSW kann bei der Beantwortung der Frage behilflich sein, warum das BSW scheinbar gegensätzliche Gruppen wie Wähler:innen der Linken und der AfD gleichzeitig ansprechen kann, da populistische Einstellungen unter den Wähler:innen beider Parteien weit verbreitet sind. Der vorliegende Beitrag analysiert die Rolle der populistischen Kommunikation von Wagenknecht und dem BSW mithilfe qualitativer und quantitativer Methoden. Dazu wurden zunächst alle Reden (ca. 10.000) und alle Pressemitteilungen (ca. 19.000) aller Linken-Bundestagsabgeordneten der gesamten parlamentarischen Lebensdauer der Fraktion (2005–2023) untersucht. Die Ergebnisse dieser quantitativen Analyse zeigen, dass Wagenknecht unter den Linken-Abgeordneten mit Abstand am häufigsten populistische Kommunikationselemente einsetzte und sie ebenso in der Lage war, einige der populistischsten Abgeordneten zum BSW-Beitritt zu überreden. Der Artikel schließt mit einer qualitativen Auswertung der populistischen Rhetorik im BSW-Parteiprogramm. Es wird deutlich, dass hier insbesondere die Kritik an der Politik- und Wirtschaftselite eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Diese Elitenkritik wird mit einem starken Bevölkerungsbezug kombiniert, der beispielsweise in der Ansprache der „Mehrheit“ deutlich wird. Insgesamt erscheint damit die Klassifizierung als populistische Partei gerechtfertigt. KW - populism KW - Germany KW - BSW KW - mixed methods KW - new parties KW - Populismus KW - Deutschland KW - neue Parteien Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z SN - 0032-3470 SN - 1862-2860 PB - Springer VS CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hong, Jun Sung A1 - Kim, Dong Ha A1 - Thornberg, Robert A1 - Wachs, Sebastian A1 - Wright, Michelle F. T1 - Racial discrimination to bullying behavior among White and Black adolescents in the USA: from parents' perspectives JF - International journal of environmental research and public health N2 - The present study proposes and tests pathways by which racial discrimination might be positively related to bullying victimization among Black and White adolescents. Data were derived from the 2016 National Survey of Children's Health, a national survey that provides data on children's physical and mental health and their families. Data were collected from households with one or more children between June 2016 to February 2017. A letter was sent to randomly selected households, who were invited to participate in the survey. The caregivers consisted of 66.9% females and 33.1% males for the White sample, whose mean age was 47.51 (SD = 7.26), and 76.8% females and 23.2% males for the Black sample, whose mean age was 47.61 (SD = 9.71). In terms of the adolescents, 49.0% were females among the White sample, whose mean age was 14.73 (SD = 1.69). For Black adolescents, 47.9% were females and the mean age was 14.67(SD = 1.66). Measures for the study included bullying perpetration, racial discrimination, academic disengagement, and socio-demographic variables of the parent and child. Analyses included descriptive statistics, bivariate correlations, and structural path analyses. For adolescents in both racial groups, racial discrimination appears to be positively associated with depression, which was positively associated with bullying perpetration. For White adolescents, racial discrimination was positively associated with academic disengagement, which was also positively associated with bullying perpetration. For Black adolescents, although racial discrimination was not significantly associated with academic disengagement, academic disengagement was positively associated with bullying perpetration. KW - academic disengagement KW - bullying KW - depression KW - racial discrimination KW - race Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19127084 SN - 1660-4601 VL - 19 IS - 12 PB - MDPI AG CY - Basel ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism BT - patterns of majority formation in 29 democracies JF - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system – a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government – which we call ‘semi-parliamentary government’. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015. KW - Executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government KW - visions of democracy Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1451487 SN - 1036-1146 SN - 1363-030X VL - 53 IS - 2 SP - 211 EP - 233 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rockström, Johan A1 - Kotzé, Louis A1 - Milutinović, Svetlana A1 - Biermann, Frank A1 - Brovkin, Victor A1 - Donges, Jonathan A1 - Ebbesson, Jonas A1 - French, Duncan A1 - Gupta, Joyeeta A1 - Kim, Rakhyun A1 - Lenton, Timothy A1 - Lenzi, Dominic A1 - Nakicenovic, Nebojsa A1 - Neumann, Barbara A1 - Schuppert, Fabian A1 - Winkelmann, Ricarda A1 - Bosselmann, Klaus A1 - Folke, Carl A1 - Lucht, Wolfgang A1 - Schlosberg, David A1 - Richardson, Katherine A1 - Steffen, Will T1 - The planetary commons BT - a new paradigm for safeguarding earth-regulating systems in the Anthropocene JF - Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America N2 - The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice. KW - anthropocene KW - earth system governance KW - global commons KW - international law KW - planetary boundaries Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2301531121 SN - 1091-6490 SN - 1877-2014 VL - 121 IS - 5 PB - National Academy of Sciences CY - Washington, DC ER -