TY - CHAP A1 - Bunnenberg, Philipp T1 - ETFs vs. aktives Fondsmanagement und Moral Hazard durch Closet Indexing T2 - EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-947802-44-9 SP - 175 EP - 189 PB - WeltTrends CY - Potsdam ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Bosch, David T1 - Robo-Advisiory and the consequences for capital market effiency T2 - EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-947802-44-9 SP - 239 EP - 249 PB - WeltTrends CY - Potsdam ER - TY - THES A1 - Jantz, Bastian T1 - The dynamics of accountability in public sector reforms T1 - Accountability-Dynamiken und Reformen des öffentlichen Sektors N2 - This PhD thesis is essentially a collection of six sequential articles on dynamics of accountability in the reformed employment and welfare administration in different countries. The first article examines how recent changes in the governance of employment services in three European countries (Denmark, Germany and Norway) have influenced accountability relationships from a very wide-ranging perspective. It starts from the overall assumption in the literature that accountability relationships are becoming more numerous and complex, and that these changes may lead to multiple accountability disorder. The article explores these assumptions by analyzing the different actors involved and the information requested in the new governance arrangements in all three countries. It concludes that the considerable changes in organizational arrangements and more managerial information demanded and provided have led to more shared forms of accountability. Nevertheless, a clear development towards less political or administrative accountability could not be observed. The second article analyzes how the structure and development of reform processes affect accountability relationships and via what mechanisms. It is distinguished between an instrumental perspective and an institutional perspective and each of these perspectives takes a different view on the link between reforms and concrete action and results. By taking the welfare reforms in Norway and Germany as an example, it is shown that the reform outcomes in both countries are the result of a complex process of powering, puzzling and institutional constraints where different situational interpretations of problems, interests and administrative legacies had to be balanced. Accountability thus results not from a single process of environmental necessity or strategic choice, but from a dynamic interplay between different actors and institutional spheres. The third article then covers a specific instrument of public sector reforms, i.e. the increasing use of performance management. The article discusses the challenges and ambiguities between performance management and different forms of accountability based on the cases of the reformed welfare administration in Norway and Germany. The findings are that the introduction of performance management creates new accountability structures which influence service delivery, but not necessarily in the direction expected by reform agents. Observed unintended consequences include target fixation, the displacement of political accountability and the predominance of control aspects of accountability. The fourth article analyzes the accountability implications of the increasingly marketized models of welfare governance. It has often been argued that relocating powers and discretion to private contractors involve a trade-off between democratic accountability and efficiency. However, there is limited empirical evidence of how contracting out shapes accountability or is shaped by alternative democratic or administrative forms of accountability. Along these lines the article examines employment service accountability in the era of contracting out in Germany, Denmark and Great Britain. It is found that market accountability instruments are complementary instruments, not substitutes. The findings highlight the importance of administrative and political instruments in legitimizing marketized service provision and shed light on the processes that lead to the development of a hybrid accountability model. The fifth and sixth articles focus on the diagonal accountability relationships between public agencies, supreme audit institutions (SAI) and parental ministry or parliament. The fifth article examines the evolving role of SAIs in Denmark, Germany and Norway focusing particularly on their contribution to public accountability and their ambivalent relationship with some aspects of public sector reform in the welfare sector. The article analyzes how SAIs assess New Public Management inspired reforms in the welfare sector in the three countries. The analysis shows that all three SAIs have taken on an evaluative role when judging New Public Management instruments. At the same time their emphasis on legality and compliance can be at odds with some of the operating principles introduced by New Public Management reforms. The sixth article focuses on the auditing activities of the German SAI in the field of labor market administration as a single in-depth case study. The purpose is to analyze how SAIs gain impact in diagonal accountability settings. The results show that the direct relationship between auditor and auditee based on cooperation and trust is of outstanding importance for SAIs to give effect to their recommendations. However, if an SAI has to rely on actors of diagonal accountability, it is in a vulnerable position as it might lose control over the interpretation of its results. N2 - Die öffentliche Verwaltung sieht sich einem immer stärker werdenden Legitimationsdruck ausgesetzt, da Verwaltungshandeln nicht mehr nur innerhalb hierarchisch strukturierter Behörden erfolgt, sondern eine Vielzahl von Akteuren (öffentlich und privat) – mit für den Bürger teilweise unklaren Zuständigkeiten – beteiligt sind. Die Beziehungen zwischen den Akteuren innerhalb dieser Netzwerke folgen nicht länger einer klaren Hierarchie, sondern es entwickeln sich unübersichtliche Strukturen, innerhalb derer es schwierig ist, konkrete Instanzen zur Verantwortung zu ziehen. Die Pluralisierung und Dynamisierung von Governance-Strukturen verändert somit die Legitimationsgrundlage staatlichen Handelns. Kritische Stimmen sprechen in diesem Zusammenhang gar von einem Legitimationsdefizit. Zentral innerhalb dieser Diskussion ist das Konzept der Accountability, definiert als Beziehung, in deren Rahmen ein Akteur einem anderen Akteur gegenüber eine Verpflichtung zur Rechenschaft eingeht und von diesem Gegenüber für diese Rechenschaft im Gegenzug legitimiert wird oder auch sanktioniert werden kann. Ganz im Gegensatz zu der gestiegenen Aufmerksamkeit für Accountability fehlt es derzeit an einer systematischen Diskussion über den Bedeutungs- und Formenwandel von Accountability. Accountability-Phänomene werden weiterhin mit den Maßstäben tradierter und vergleichsweise statischer Accountability-Konzepte behandelt. Die vorliegende Arbeit setzt hier an, indem Accountability als soziale Beziehung konzeptualisiert und analysiert wird. Accountability-Beziehungen sind somit als dynamische Arrangements zu verstehen, die Prozesse des Wandels, der Reform, Veränderung, Hybridisierung oder Transformation durchlaufen können. Dieses konzeptionelle Verständnis von Accountability-Dynamiken wird in der Folge auf die jüngsten Reformen im Wohlfahrtsstaat, insbesondere in der Arbeitsmarktpolitik, angewendet. Wohlfahrtsstattliche Systeme stehen seit geraumer Zeit unter Reform- und Anpassungsdruck, gängige Kritikpunkte sind mangelnde Effizienz und Nachhaltigkeit sowie sinkende öffentliche Unterstützung. Politische Legitimität und Verantwortlichkeit ist dabei eine der Grundvoraussetzungen für das Fortbestehen des Wohlfahrtsstaates kontinentaleuropäischer Prägung. Daher untersucht die Arbeit, in welcher Form die jüngsten Wohlfahrtsstaatreformen die Accountability-Strukturen beeinflusst haben. Dabei haben die jüngsten Modernisierungsansätze im Zuge der internationalen Reformbewegung des „New Public Management“ auch im Bereich der Arbeitsmarktverwaltung das Verhältnis zwischen demokratischer, politischer Accountability auf der einen Seite und organisatorischer Autonomie der administrativen Einheiten zur Erbringung von arbeitsmarktpolitischen Dienstleistungen auf der anderen Seite, verändert. Somit gerät das Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Legitimation und Effizienz in den Blickpunkt. Wie können die unterschiedlichen Verantwortlichkeiten (Ergebnis- und Leistungsverantwortung der dezentralen Ebenen und politische Verantwortung der gewählten Körperschaften) verknüpft werden? Wie verändert sich die Rechenschaftspflicht nachgeordneter Organisationen im Bereich der Arbeitsmarktpolitik durch zunehmende autonome Kompetenzen? Der Analysefokus richtet sich somit primär auf Organisationsreformen und deren Einfluss auf die Veränderung der Verantwortlichkeitsstrukturen in der Arbeitsmarktverwaltung in unterschiedlichen Ländern (Norwegen, Dänemark, Großbritannien und Deutschland). KW - accountability KW - administrative reforms KW - employment services KW - Accountability KW - Rechenschaftspflicht KW - Verwaltungsreformen KW - Arbeitsmarktpolitik Y1 - 2015 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-78131 ER - TY - THES A1 - Janetschek, Hannah T1 - Water development programs in India T1 - Entwicklungszusammenarbeit im Wassersektor Indiens BT - governance processes and effectiveness BT - Governanceprozesse und Effektivität N2 - In the past decades, development cooperation (DC) led by conventional bi- and multilateral donors has been joined by a large number of small, private or public-private donors. This pluralism of actors raises questions as to whether or not these new donors are able to implement projects more or less effectively than their conventional counterparts. In contrast to their predecessors, the new donors have committed themselves to be more pragmatic, innovative and flexible in their development cooperation measures. However, they are also criticized for weakening the function of local civil society and have the reputation of being an intransparent and often controversial alternative to public services. With additional financial resources and their new approach to development, the new donors have been described in the literature as playing a controversial role in transforming development cooperation. This dissertation compares the effectiveness of initiatives by new and conventional donors with regard to the provision of public goods and services to the poor in the water and sanitation sector in India. India is an emerging country but it is experiencing high poverty rates and poor water supply in predominantly rural areas. It lends itself for analyzing this research theme as it is currently being confronted by a large number of actors and approaches that aim to find solutions for these challenges . In the theoretical framework of this dissertation, four governance configurations are derived from the interaction of varying actor types with regard to hierarchical and non-hierarchical steering of their interactions. These four governance configurations differ in decision-making responsibilities, accountability and delegation of tasks or direction of information flow. The assumption on actor relationships and steering is supplemented by possible alternative explanations in the empirical investigation, such as resource availability, the inheritance of structures and institutions from previous projects in a project context, gaining acceptance through beneficiaries (local legitimacy) as a door opener, and asymmetries of power in the project context. Case study evidence from seven projects reveals that the actors' relationship is important for successful project delivery. Additionally, the results show that there is a systematic difference between conventional and new donors. Projects led by conventional donors were consistently more successful, due to an actor relationship that placed the responsibility in the hands of the recipient actors and benefited from the trust and reputation of a long-term cooperation. The trust and reputation of conventional donors always went along with a back-up from federal level and trickled down as reputation also at local level implementation. Furthermore, charismatic leaders, as well as the acquired structures and institutions of predecessor projects, also proved to be a positive influencing factor for successful project implementation. Despite the mixed results of the seven case studies, central recommendations for action can be derived for the various actors involved in development cooperation. For example, new donors could fulfill a supplementary function with conventional donors by developing innovative project approaches through pilot studies and then implementing them as a supplement to the projects of conventional donors on the ground. In return, conventional donors would have to make room the new donors by integrating their approaches into already programs in order to promote donor harmonization. It is also important to identify and occupy niches for activities and to promote harmonization among donors on state and federal sides. The empirical results demonstrate the need for a harmonization strategy of different donor types in order to prevent duplication, over-experimentation and the failure of development programs. A transformation to successful and sustainable development cooperation can only be achieved through more coordination processes and national self-responsibility. N2 - In der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ) wurden in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten herkömmliche bi- und multilaterale EZ-Geber durch eine Vielzahl kleinerer, privater oder privat-öffentlicher Geber ergänzt. Es stellt sich nun die Frage nach der Effektivität dieser neuen Geber im Vergleich zu den bisherigen. Die neuen Geber setzen ebenfalls EZ-Maßnahmen um und haben sich einem Mehr an Pragmatismus, Innovation und Flexibilität verschrieben. Sie stehen jedoch auch in der Kritik, die Funktion der lokalen Zivilgesellschaft zu schwächen und in fragilen Kontexten eine intransparente und oft umstrittene Alternative zur staatlichen Daseinsvorsorge darzustellen. Das transformative Potential dieser neuen Geber durch zusätzliche EZ-Gelder und für bessere Entwicklung ist in der Literatur umstritten. In der vorliegenden Dissertation erfolgt ein Vergleich der neuen und herkömmlichen Geber hinsichtlich ihrer Effektivität in der Erbringung von öffentlichen Gütern und Dienstleistungen im Wasser- und Abwasserbereich in Indien. Indien bietet sich als Länderkontext für die Untersuchung dieser Forschungsfrage insbesondere an, da es sich als Schwellenland mit gegenwärtig immer noch sehr hoher Armut und schlechter Wasserversorgung in vorwiegend ländlichen Gebieten einer Vielzahl von Akteuren und Ansätzen zur Lösung dieser Herausforderungen gegenüber sieht. Im theoretischen Rahmen der Dissertation werden aus dem Zusammenspiel von Akteurstypen und hierarchischer und nicht-hierarchischer Steuerung, vier Governance-Typen entwickelt. Diese vier Steuerungsmodi unterscheiden sich hinsichtlich der Entscheidungsfindung, Rechenschaftslegung und Delegierung von Aufgaben bzw. Richtung des Informationsflusses. Diese Governance-Typen werden in der empirischen Untersuchung um mögliche alternative Erklärungen ergänzt wie Ressourcenverfügbarkeit, Bedeutung von vorhergehenden Projekten in einem Projektkontext, lokale Legitimität als Türöffner und Machtasymmetrien im Projektkontext. Die empirische Analyse von sieben Fällen macht deutlich, dass die Akteursbeziehung eine notwendige Bedingung für erfolgreiche und eigenständige Projektumsetzung in der EZ ist. Darüber hinaus belegen die Ergebnisse, dass es einen systematischen Unterschied zwischen herkömmlichen und neuen Gebern gibt. Die Projekte der herkömmlichen Geber waren durchweg erfolgreicher und wiesen alle eine Akteursinteraktion auf, die die Verantwortung in die Hände des EZ-Empfängers legte und darüber hinaus von Vertrauen und Reputation einer langjährigen Zusammenarbeit profitierten. Der Erfolg der herkömmlichen Geber basierte vorwiegend auf der Rückendeckung der lokalen Umsetzung durch die nationale Ebene. Neben charismatischen Führungsfiguren stellten sich auch übernommene Strukturen und Akteure von Vorgängerprojekten als positive Einflussfaktoren für eine erfolgreiche Projektumsetzung heraus. Aus den Erfolgen und Misserfolgen der sieben hier untersuchten Fälle lassen sich zentrale Handlungsempfehlungen für die unterschiedlichen Akteure der EZ-Umsetzung ableiten. So könnten neue Geber eine Ergänzungsfunktion zu herkömmlichen Gebern erfüllen, indem sie durch Pilotstudien innovative Projektansätze entwickeln und diese dann als Ergänzung zu den Projekten herkömmlicher Geber vor Ort umsetzen. Herkömmliche Geber müssten im Gegenzug in ihren Programmen Raum für die Integration der Ansätze von neuen Gebern schaffen, um so eine Geberharmonisierung zu fördern. Auf staatlicher und bundesstaatlicher Nehmerseite gilt es ebenfalls, Nischen für Aktivitäten zu identifizieren und zu besetzen und die Harmonisierung unter den Gebern zu fördern. Die empirischen Ergebnisse belegen die Notwendigkeit einer Harmonisierungsstrategie von unterschiedlichen Gebertypen, um vor Ort Duplikation, Experimente und Misserfolge von EZ-Programmen zu verhindern. Eine Transformation zu einer erfolgreichen und nachhaltigen EZ kann nur durch mehr Koordinationsprozesse und nationale Eigenverantwortung erreicht werden. KW - governance KW - aid effectiveness KW - water development aid KW - development aid India KW - donor harmonization KW - actor interplay KW - new donors KW - conventional donors KW - donor reputation KW - governance KW - Wirksamkeit der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit KW - Wasserentwicklungszusammenarbeit KW - Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Indien KW - Geberharmonisierung KW - Akteursinteraktion KW - neue Geber KW - herkömmliche Geber KW - Reputation der Geber Y1 - 2016 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-401337 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Scheller, Henrik T1 - Ed Turner, political parties and public policy in the German Länder BT - when parties matter T2 - Party politics N2 - kein abstract vorhanden T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 89 Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-404163 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Does public reason require super-majoritarian democracy? BT - Liberty, equality, and history in the justification of political institutions T2 - Politics, philosophy & economics N2 - The project of public-reason liberalism faces a basic problem: publicly justified principles are typically too abstract and vague to be directly applied to practical political disputes, whereas applicable specifications of these principles are not uniquely publicly justified. One solution could be a legislative procedure that selects one member from the eligible set of inconclusively justified proposals. Yet if liberal principles are too vague to select sufficiently specific legislative proposals, can they, nevertheless, select specific legislative procedures? Based on the work of Gerald Gaus, this article argues that the only candidate for a conclusively justified decision procedure is a majoritarian or otherwise ‘neutral’ democracy. If the justification of democracy requires an equality baseline in the design of political regimes and if justifications for departure from this baseline are subject to reasonable disagreement, a majoritarian design is justified by default. Gaus’s own preference for super-majoritarian procedures is based on disputable specifications of justified liberal principles. These procedures can only be defended as a sectarian preference if the equality baseline is rejected, but then it is not clear how the set of justifiable political regimes can be restricted to full democracies. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 86 KW - public-reason liberalism KW - democracy KW - coercion KW - political equality KW - majority rule KW - Gerald Gaus Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-477860 VL - 12 IS - 2 ER - TY - THES A1 - Bunk, Bettina T1 - Governance and the Politics of Local Economic Development - South Africa and Mozambique Y1 - 2017 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Giebler, Heiko A1 - Ruth, Saskia P. A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Why choice matters BT - revisiting and comparing measures of democracy T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Measures of democracy are in high demand. Scientific and public audiences use them to describe political realities and to substantiate causal claims about those realities. This introduction to the thematic issue reviews the history of democracy measurement since the 1950s. It identifies four development phases of the field, which are characterized by three recurrent topics of debate: (1) what is democracy, (2) what is a good measure of democracy, and (3) do our measurements of democracy register real-world developments? As the answers to those questions have been changing over time, the field of democracy measurement has adapted and reached higher levels of theoretical and methodological sophistication. In effect, the challenges facing contemporary social scientists are not only limited to the challenge of constructing a sound index of democracy. Today, they also need a profound understanding of the differences between various measures of democracy and their implications for empirical applications. The introduction outlines how the contributions to this thematic issue help scholars cope with the recurrent issues of conceptualization, measurement, and application, and concludes by identifying avenues for future research. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 104 KW - application KW - conceptualization KW - democracy KW - democratic quality KW - measurement Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-427891 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 104 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Scianna, Bastian Matteo T1 - Stuck in the past? BT - British views on the Spanish army’s effectiveness and military culture, 1946–1983 T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe N2 - After the Civil War the Spanish army functioned as a guardian of domestic order, but suffered from antiquated material and little financial means. These factors have been described as fundamental reasons for the army’s low potential wartime capability. This article draws on British and German sources to demonstrate how Spanish military culture prevented an augmented effectiveness and organisational change. Claiming that the army merely lacked funding and modern equipment, falls considerably short in grasping the complexities of military effectiveness and organisational cultures, and might prove fatal for current attempts to develop foreign armed forces in conflict or post-conflict zones. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe - 153 KW - Spain KW - Franco KW - military effectiveness KW - military culture KW - organisational change Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-420615 SN - 1866-8380 IS - 153 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Terhalle, Maximilian T1 - Understanding the limits of power BT - America’s Middle East experience T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - The main thread of this review article is to identify the reasons of how to account for the trajectory of American power in the region. Leaving behind the vast amount of highly politicised and hastily compiled volumes of recent years (notwithstanding valuable exceptions), the monographs composed by Lawrence Freedman, Trita Parsi and Oliver Roy attempt to subtly disentangle the intricacies of US involvement in the region from highly distinct perspectives. One caveat for International Relations theorists is that none of the aforementioned authors intends to provide theoretical frameworks for his examination. However, since IR theory has damagingly neglected history in the last decades, the works under review here, at least in part, compensate for this disciplinary and intellectual failure. In conclusion, Freedman’s in-depth approach as a diplomatic historian, with its under-lying reference to the various traditions in US foreign policy thinking, is most illuminating, while Parsi’s contestable account focuses too narrowly on the Iran-Israel relationship. Roy’s explications fail to show how and why the ‘ideological’ element in US foreign policy came to carry exceedingly more weight after 2001 than it did in the 1990s. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 102 Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-413722 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 102 SP - 631 EP - 640 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Altieri, Riccardo T1 - Paul Frölich, American exile, and communist discourse about the Russian revolution T2 - American Communist History T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe - 144 Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-413040 ER - TY - THES A1 - Campos de Andrade, André Luiz T1 - Governing climate change in Brazil T1 - Steuerung des Klimawandels in Brasilien BT - a governance gap analysis of selected cases BT - eine Analyse von Governance-Lücken an ausgewählten Fällen N2 - Enacted in 2009, the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC) is a milestone in the institutionalisation of climate action in Brazil. It sets greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and a set of principles and directives that are intended to lay the foundations for a cross-sectoral and multilevel climate policy in the country. However, after more than a decade since its establishment, the PNMC has experienced several obstacles related to its governance, such as coordination, planning and implementation issues. All of these issues pose threats to the effectiveness of GHG mitigation actions in the country. By looking at the intragovernmental and intergovernmental relationships that have taken place during the lifetime of the PNMC and its sectoral plans on agriculture (the Sectoral Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change for the Consolidation of a Low-Carbon Economy in Agriculture [ABC Plan]), transport and urban mobility (the Sectoral Plan for Transportation and Urban Mobility for Mitigation and Adaption of Climate Change [PSTM]), this exploratory qualitative research investigates the Brazilian climate change governance guided by the following relevant questions: how are climate policy arrangements organised and coordinated among governmental actors to mitigate GHG emissions in Brazil? What might be the reasons behind how such arrangements are established? What are the predominant governance gaps of the different GHG mitigation actions examined? Why do these governance gaps occur? Theoretically grounded in the literature on multilevel governance and coordination of public policies, this study employs a novel analytical framework that aims to identify and discuss the occurrence of four types of governance gaps (i.e. politics, institutions and processes, resources and information) in the three GHG mitigation actions (cases) examined (i.e. the PNMC, ABC Plan and PSTM). The research results are twofold. First, they reveal that Brazil has struggled to organise and coordinate governmental actors from different policy constituencies and different levels of government in the implementation of the GHG mitigation actions examined. Moreover, climate policymaking has mostly been influenced by the Ministry of Environment (MMA) overlooking the multilevel and cross-sectoral approaches required for a country’s climate policy to mitigate and adapt to climate change, especially if it is considered an economy-wide Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), as the Brazilian one is. Second, the study identifies a greater manifestation of gaps in politics (e.g. lack of political will in supporting climate action), institutions and processes (e.g. failures in the design of institutions and policy instruments, coordination and monitoring flaws, and difficulties in building climate federalism) in all cases studied. It also identifies that there have been important advances in the production of data and information for decision-making and, to a lesser extent, in the allocation of technical and financial resources in the cases studied; however, it is necessary to highlight the limitation of these improvements due to turf wars, a low willingness to share information among federal government players, a reduced volume of financial resources and an unequal distribution of capacities among the federal ministries and among the three levels of government. A relevant finding is that these gaps tend to be explained by a combination of general and sectoral set aspects. Regarding the general aspects, which are common to all cases examined, the following can be mentioned: i) unbalanced policy capabilities existing among the different levels of government, ii) a limited (bureaucratic) practice to produce a positive coordination mode within cross-sectoral policies, iii) the socioeconomic inequalities that affect the way different governments and economic sectors perceive the climate issue (selective perception) and iv) the reduced dialogue between national and subnational governments on the climate agenda (poor climate federalism). The following sectoral aspects can be mentioned: i) the presence of path dependencies that make the adoption of transformative actions harder and ii) the absence of perceived co-benefits that the climate agenda can bring to each economic sector (e.g. reputational gains, climate protection and access to climate financial markets). By addressing the theoretical and practical implications of the results, this research provides key insights to tackle the governance gaps identified and to help Brazil pave the way to achieving its NDCs and net-zero targets. At the theoretical level, this research and the current country’s GHG emissions profile suggest that the Brazilian climate policy is embedded in a cross-sectoral and multilevel arena, which requires the effective involvement of different levels of political and bureaucratic powers and the consideration of the country’s socioeconomic differences. Thus, the research argues that future improvements of the Brazilian climate policy and its governance setting must frame climate policy as an economic development agenda, the ramifications of which go beyond the environmental sector. An initial consequence of this new perspective may be a shift in the political and technical leadership from the MMA to the institutions of the centre of government (Executive Office of the President of Brazil) and those in charge of the country’s economic policy (Ministry of Economy). This change could provide greater capacity for coordination, integration and enforcement as well as for addressing certain expected gaps (e.g. financial and technical resources). It could also lead to greater political prioritisation of the agenda at the highest levels of government. Moreover, this shift of the institutional locus could contribute to greater harmonisation between domestic development priorities and international climate politics. Finally, the research also suggests that this approach would reduce bureaucratic elitism currently in place due to climate policy being managed by Brazilian governmental institutions, which is still a theme of a few ministries and a reason for the occurrence of turf wars. N2 - Das 2009 verabschiedete nationale Klimagesetz (PNMC) war ein Meilenstein für die Institutionalisierung von Klimaschutzmaßnahmen in Brasilien. Es legt die Ziele für die Reduzierung der Treibhausgasemissionen (THG) sowie eine Reihe von Grundsätzen und Richtlinien fest, die die Grundlage für eine sektorübergreifende und mehrstufige Klimapolitik im Land bilden. Mehr als ein Jahrzehnt nach seiner in Kraftsetzung stößt das PNMC jedoch auf verschiedene Hindernisse in Zusammenhang mit seiner Ausführung, wie z. B. die Koordination, Planung und Umsetzung. All diese Probleme gefährden fortwährend die Wirksamkeit der Maßnahmen zur Verringerung der Treibhausgasemissionen im Land. Durch die Untersuchung der inner- und zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen, die seit des Bestehens des PNMC und den damit einhergehenden Sektorplänen für Landwirtschaft (Sektorplan zur Minderung und Anpassung an den Klimawandel für die Konsolidierung einer kohlenstoffarmen Wirtschaft in der Landwirtschaft - ABC-Plan)und für Verkehr und urbane Mobilität (Sektorplan für den Verkehr und die urbane Mobilität zur Minderung und Anpassung an den Klimawandel - PSTM) , untersucht die vorliegende explorative qualitative Forschung die Governance der brasilianischen Klimapolitik anhand der folgenden relevanten Fragestellungen: Wie sind die klimapolitischen Maßnahmen zur Minderung der Treibhausgasemissionen in Brasilien organisiert und zwischen den staatlichen Akteuren koordiniert? Was könnten die Gründe für die Art und Weise der gewählten Organisationsform sein? Was sind die vorherrschenden Governance-Lücken bei den untersuchten THG-Minderungsmaßnahmen? Was sind die Gründe für die Entstehung dieser Lücken? Auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Literatur über Multi-Level-Governance und über die Koordinierung öffentlicher Maßnahmen wird in dieser Studie ein neuartiger analytischer Rahmen verwendet, der darauf abzielt, das Auftreten von vier Arten von Governance-Lücken (Politik, Institutionen & Prozesse, Ressourcen und Informationen) in den drei untersuchten THG-Minderungsmaßnahmenbündeln (PNMC, ABC-Plan und PSTM) zu identifizieren und zu diskutieren. Dabei konnten im Ergebnis zwei wesentliche Governance-Lücken identifiziert werden. Erstens zeigt die Studie, dass sich Brasilien schwer tut, Regierungsakteure aus verschiedenen Politikbereichen und von verschiedenen Regierungsebenen zu organisieren und zu koordinieren, um die betrachteten THG-Minderungsmaßnahmen umzusetzen. Gleichzeitig wird die Klimapolitik hauptsächlich vom Umweltministerium (MMA) gestaltet, das die für eine Klimapolitik erforderlichen Mehrebenen- und sektorübergreifenden Ansätze zur Minderung und Anpassung s Landes an den Klimawandel vernachlässigt, insbesondere da es sich - wie in Brasilien - um einen wirtschaftübergreifendes (economy wide), national festgelegten Beitrag (NDC) handelt. Zweitens stellt die Studie fest, dass sich in allen untersuchten Fällen immer größer werdende Lücken in der Politik (z. B. mangelnder politischer Wille zur Unterstützung von Klimaschutzmaßnahmen), in den Institutionen und Prozessen (z. B. Versäumnisse beim Design von Institutionen und politischen Instrumenten; Koordinierungs- und Überwachungsmängel; Schwierigkeiten beim Aufbau eines „Klimaföderalismus“) zu beobachten sind. Gleichwohl zeigen die Erkenntnisse aus den untersuchten Fällen, dass es auch wichtige Fortschritte bei der Erhebung von Daten und Informationen für eine Entscheidungsfindung und - in geringerem Maße - bei der Zuweisung technischer und finanzieller Ressourcen gegeben hat. Dennoch ist es notwendig, die Begrenztheit dieser Verbesserungen zu benennen, die auf Kompetenzstreitigkeiten, eine geringe Bereitschaft zum Informationsaustausch zwischen den Akteuren der Bundesregierung, ein geringes Volumen an finanziellen Ressourcen und eine ungleiche Verteilung der Personalkapazitäten zwischen den Bundesministerien und zwischen den drei Regierungsebenen zurückzuführen sind. Eine wesentliche Erkenntnis der vorliegenden Arbeit ist, dass die zuvor beschriebenen Lücken vorwiegend durch eine Kombination von allgemeinen und sektoralen Aspekten zu erklären sind. Zu den allgemeinen Aspekten, die in allen untersuchten Fällen identifiziert wurden, gehören: i) unausgewogene politische Kapazitäten zwischen den verschiedenen Regierungsebenen; ii) eine mangelnde Verwaltungspraxis zur Schaffung eines positiven Koordinationsmodus innerhalb sektorübergreifender Politiken; iii) die sozioökonomischen Ungleichheiten, die sich auf die Art und Weise auswirken, wie verschiedene Regierungen und Wirtschaftssektoren das Klimaproblem wahrnehmen (selektive Wahrnehmung); iv) der eingeschränkte Dialog zwischen nationalen und subnationalen Regierungsebenen über die Klimaagenda (schwacher „Klimaföderalismus“). Als sektorale Aspekte können genannt werden: i) das Vorhandensein von Pfadabhängigkeiten, die die Befürwortung von transformativen Maßnahmen erschweren; und ii) der (unzureichend) wahrgenommene Zusatznutzen, den die Klimaagenda jedem Wirtschaftssektor bringen kann (z. B. Reputationsgewinn, Klimaschutz, Zugang zu Klima-Finanzmärkten). Indem die Forschungsarbeit die theoretischen und praktischen Implikationen der Ergebnisse anspricht, liefert sie wichtige Erkenntnisse, um die identifizierten Governance-Lücken zu schließen und Brasilien dabei zu helfen, den Weg zur Erreichung seiner NDCs und Netto-Null-Ziele zu gestalten. Auf theoretischer Ebene und vor dem Hintergrund des aktuellen Treibhausgasemissionsprofils des Landes empfiehlt die vorliegende Arbeit, dass die brasilianische Klimapolitik als eine sektorübergreifende und vielschichtige politische Agenda implementiert wird, die eine effektive Beteiligung verschiedener politischer und Verwaltungs- Ebenen sowie eine Berücksichtigung der sozioökonomischen Unterschiede des Landes erfordert. Daher argumentiert die Studie, dass künftige Verbesserungen der brasilianischen Klimapolitik und ihrer Rahmenbedingungen, die Klimapolitik als eine wirtschaftliche Entwicklungsagenda verstehen müssen, deren Auswirkungen über den Umweltsektor hinausgehen. Eine erste Konsequenz dieser neuen Perspektive ist eine Verlagerung der politischen und technischen Führung vom MMA zu den Institutionen des Regierungszentrums (Casa Civil) und der Wirtschaftspolitik des Landes (Wirtschaftsministerium). Dieser Wechsel könnte größere Kapazitäten für die Koordinierung, Integration und den Vollzug, sowie für die Schließung bestimmter erwarteter Lücken (z. B. finanzielle und technische Ressourcen) schaffen. Sie könnte auch zu einer stärkeren politischen Priorisierung der Agenda auf den höchsten Regierungsebenen führen. Außerdem könnte diese Veränderung der institutionellen Verankerung zu einer stärkeren Harmonisierung zwischen den nationalen Entwicklungsprioritäten und der internationalen Klimapolitik beitragen. Schließlich deutet die Untersuchung auch darauf hin, dass dieser Ansatz die bisherige verwaltungstechnische Zentralisierung reduzieren würde, da die Umsetzung der Klimapolitik in den brasilianischen Regierungsinstitutionen immer noch ein Thema einiger weniger Ministerien ist und mit Ressortstreitigkeiten einhergeht. KW - climate governance KW - climate policy KW - Brazil KW - climate change KW - Brasilien KW - Klimawandel KW - Klimagovernance KW - Klimapolitik Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587336 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Seyfried, Markus A1 - Brajnik, Irena Baclija T1 - Mayors and administrative reforms JF - Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy N2 - In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors’ perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level. KW - New public management KW - Local administrative systems KW - Administrative reform KW - Public-private partnerships Y1 - 2017 SN - 978-3-319-67410-0 SN - 978-3-319-67409-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13 SP - 387 EP - 409 PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bogumil, Jörg T1 - Administrative Reforms in the Multilevel System BT - Reshuffling Tasks and Territories JF - Public Administration in Germany N2 - The chapter analyses recent reforms in the multilevel system of the Länder, specifically territorial, functional and structural reforms, which represent three of the most crucial and closely interconnected reform trajectories at the subnational level. It sheds light on the variety of reform approaches pursued in the different Länder and also highlights some factors that account for these differences. The transfer of state functions to local governments is addressed as well as the restructuring of Länder administrations (e.g. abolishment of the meso level of the Länder administration and of single-purpose state agencies) and the rescaling of territorial boundaries at county and municipal levels, including a brief review of the recently failed (territorial) reforms in Eastern Germany. Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-53696-1 SN - 978-3-030-53697-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_16 SP - 271 EP - 289 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Callanan, Mark ED - Loughlin, John T1 - Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective BT - european subnational governments in the post-new public management era T2 - A research agenda for regional and local government N2 - This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe. Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-1-83910-663-7 SN - 978-1-83910-664-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781839106644.00013 SP - 111 EP - 132 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Gholiagha, Sassan A1 - Holzscheiter, Anna A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - Activating norm collisions BT - interface conflicts in international drug control JF - Global constitutionalism N2 - This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue’s interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open – which we term activation – depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts. KW - norm collisions KW - contestation KW - discourse KW - agency KW - international KW - drug control Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S2045381719000388 SN - 2045-3817 SN - 2045-3825 VL - 9 IS - 2 SP - 290 EP - 317 PB - Cambridge University Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - THES A1 - Heuberger, Moritz T1 - Coordinating digital government T1 - Die Koordination der digitalen Verwaltung BT - explaining coordination challenges regarding the digital transformation of public administration in a federal context BT - Erläuterung der Koordinationsherausforderungen bei der digitalen Transformation der öffentlichen Verwaltung im föderalen Kontext N2 - This thesis is analyzing multiple coordination challenges which arise with the digital transformation of public administration in federal systems, illustrated by four case studies in Germany. I make various observations within a multi-level system and provide an in-depth analysis. Theoretical explanations from both federalism research and neo-institutionalism are utilized to explain the findings of the empirical driven work. The four articles evince a holistic picture of the German case and elucidate its role as a digital government laggard. Their foci range from macro, over meso to micro level of public administration, differentiating between the governance and the tool dimension of digital government. The first article shows how multi-level negotiations lead to expensive but eventually satisfying solutions for the involved actors, creating a subtle balance between centralization and decentralization. The second article identifies legal, technical, and organizational barriers for cross-organizational service provision, highlighting the importance of inter-organizational and inter-disciplinary exchange and both a common language and trust. Institutional change and its effects on the micro level, on citizens and the employees in local one-stop shops, mark the focus of the third article, bridging the gap between reforms and the administrative reality on the local level. The fourth article looks at the citizens’ perspective on digital government reforms, their expectations, use and satisfaction. In this vein, this thesis provides a detailed account of the importance of understanding the digital divide and therefore the necessity of reaching out to different recipients of digital government reforms. I draw conclusions from the factors identified as causes for Germany’s shortcomings for other federal systems where feasible and derive reform potential therefrom. This allows to gain a new perspective on digital government and its coordination challenges in federal contexts. N2 - Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert die vielfältigen Koordinationsherausforderungen, vor welchen die öffentliche Verwaltung im Zuge der digitalen Transformation steht. Dabei werden im Speziellen Herausforderungen in föderalen Systemen anhand von vier Fallstudien in Deutschland betrachtet. Theoretische Erklärungen, sowohl aus der Föderalismusforschung als auch aus dem Neo-Institutionalismus, werden herangezogen, um die Ergebnisse der empirisch getriebenen Arbeit zu erklären. Die vier Artikel zeichnen ein umfassendes Bild des deutschen Falls und beleuchten Gründe für Deutschlands Nachholbedarf im Bereich der digitalen Verwaltung. Die Schwerpunkte der Untersuchungen sind dabei verteilt: Von Makro- über die Meso- bis zur Mikroebene der öffentlichen Verwaltung, wobei zwischen der Governance- und der instrumentellen Dimension von digitaler Verwaltung unterschieden wird. Der erste Artikel zeigt, wie Verhandlungen im Mehrebenensystem zu kostspieligen, aber letztendlich zufriedenstellenden Lösungen für die beteiligten Akteure führen und ein subtiles Gleichgewicht zwischen Zentralisierung und Dezentralisierung geschaffen wird. Im zweiten Artikel werden rechtliche, technische und organisatorische Hindernisse für die organisationsübergreifende Erbringung von Dienstleistungen diskutiert und die Bedeutung des interorganisatorischen und interdisziplinären Austauschs betont. Vor allem wird dabei die Notwendigkeit eines gemeinsamen Verständnisses und von gegenseitigem Vertrauen herausgearbeitet. Der institutionelle Wandel und seine Auswirkungen auf die Mikroebene, auf die Bürger*innen und die Mitarbeitenden in Bürgerämtern, stehen im Mittelpunkt des dritten Artikels, der die Kluft zwischen den Reformen und der Verwaltungsrealität auf kommunaler Ebene aufzeigt. Der vierte Artikel befasst sich mit der Sicht der Bürger*innen auf die digitalen Reformen der öffentlichen Verwaltung, ihren Erwartungen, ihrer Nutzung und ihrer Zufriedenheit. Im Zuge dessen wird in dieser Arbeit ausführlich dargelegt, wie wichtig das Bewusstsein für den Digital Divide ist, um die verschiedenen Adressat*innen von digitalen Verwaltungsreformen zu erreichen. Die identifizierten Faktoren für die Defizite in Deutschland lassen sich bis zu einem gewissen Grad auf andere föderale Systeme generalisieren und aus den Ergebnissen können Reformpotenziale abgeleitet werden - was eine neue Perspektive auf die Debatte rund um die digitale Verwaltung und die damit zusammenhängenden Herausforderungen für die Koordination in föderalen Kontexten ermöglicht. KW - digital government KW - e-government KW - federalism KW - institutional reform KW - multi-level governance KW - public management KW - e-services KW - digitale Verwaltung KW - e-government KW - e-services KW - Föderalismus KW - institutional reform KW - Mehrebenen-System KW - Public Management Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-562691 ER - TY - THES A1 - Ceballos, Juan Camilo T1 - The effect of political finance on corruption risk in Colombia BT - the unintended trade-offs of paying for democracy? N2 - Conventional wisdom holds that large sums of money poured into election campaigns are the gateway to corruption. Allegations of the corrupting influence of money in politics and policy are widespread on the national level. Yet, little empirical evidence has advanced the understanding of such a link on the local level, coupled with blurred corruption measures. This master’s thesis tests the effect of campaign finance on public procurement corruption risks in Colombian municipalities, focusing on donations, small donations, and financial disclosure. To that end, I seized publicly disclosed contribution-level data from the 2015 municipal elections and a novel index of institutionalized public procurement corruption risks based upon contract-level data from the near population of local governments. The analysis shows that donations are negatively associated with overall corruption risk, yet they affect specific corruption risks differently. By contrast, small donations seem to correlate positively with direct awarding for a sub-sample of medium-sized municipalities, whereas in their large-sized counterparts the effect of the former on institutionalized corruption is adverse. Finally, financial misreporting is positively linked with market competition restrictions and direct awarding. In the conclusion, I discuss the implications of these findings for future research and outline a series of policy recommendations. N2 - Eine herkömmliche Weisheit besagt, dass große Geldsummen, die in den Wahlkampf fließen, das Tor zur Korruption sind. Der Vorwurf des korrumpierenden Einflusses von Geld auf die Politik ist auf nationaler Ebene weit verbreitet. Es gibt jedoch nur wenige empirische Beweise, die das Verständnis einer solchen Verbindung auf lokaler Ebene mit verschwommenen Korruptionsmaßnahmen untersuchen. In dieser Masterarbeit teste ich die Auswirkungen der Wahlkampffinanzierung auf die Korruptionsrisiken im öffentlichen Beschaffungswesen in kolumbianischen Gemeinden, wobei ich mich auf Spenden, Kleinspenden und die finanzielle Offenlegung konzentriere. Zu diesem Zweck nutze ich öffentliche Daten zur Spendenhöhe aus den Kommunalwahlen von 2015 und einen neuartigen Index der Korruptionsrisiken im öffentlichen Beschaffungswesen misst. Letzteres basiert auf Daten der Vertragsebene auf der Ebene der Kommunalverwaltungen. Die Analyse zeigt, dass Spenden negativ mit dem allgemeinen Korruptionsrisiko verbunden sind. Darüber hinaus wirken sie sich jedoch auf spezifische Korruptionsrisiken unterschiedlich aus. Im Gegensatz dazu scheinen kleine Spenden für eine Teilstichprobe mittelgroßer Kommunen positiv mit der Direktvergabe zu korrelieren, während der Effekt bei großen Kommunen auf die Korruption negativ ist. Schließlich ist die finanzielle Nicht-Offenlegung positiv mit Marktwettbewerbsbeschränkungen und Direktvergabe korreliert. In der Schlussfolgerung diskutiere ich die Auswirkungen dieser Ergebnisse auf die zukünftige Forschung und skizziere eine Reihe von politischen Empfehlungen. T2 - Die Auswirkungen der Wahlkampffinanzierung auf die Korruptionsrisiken im öffentlichen Beschaffungswesen in Kolumbien KW - Corruption risks KW - Mayoralty KW - Colombia KW - Campaign finance KW - Procurement KW - Korruptionsrisiken KW - Wahlkampffinanzierung KW - Gemeindem KW - Kolumbien KW - Beschaffungswesen Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-487586 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Justifying types of representative democracy BT - a response JF - Critical review of international social and political philosophy N2 - This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform. KW - political equality KW - semi-parliamentarism KW - presidentialism KW - institutional design KW - executive personalism Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665 SN - 1369-8230 SN - 1743-8772 SP - 1 EP - 12 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - BOOK ED - Krieger, Heike ED - Liese, Andrea T1 - Tracing value change in the international legal order N2 - International law is constantly navigating the tension between preserving the status quo and adapting to new exigencies. But when and how do such adaptation processes give way to a more profound transformation, if not a crisis of international law? To address the question of how attacks on the international legal order are changing the value orientation of international law, this book brings together scholars of international law and international relations. By combining theoretical and methodological analyses with individual case studies, this book offers readers conceptualizations and tools to systematically examine value change and explore the drivers and mechanisms of these processes. These case studies scrutinize value change in the foundational norms of the post-1945 order and in norms representing the rise of the international legal order post-1990. They cover diverse issues: the prohibition of torture, the protection of women’s rights, the prohibition of the use of force, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, sustainability norms, and accountability for core international crimes. The challenges to each norm, the reactions by norm defenders, and the fate of each norm are also studied. Combined, the analyses show that while a few norms have remained surprisingly robust, several are changing, either in substance or in legal or social validity. The book concludes by integrating the conceptual and empirical insights from this interdisciplinary exchange to assess and explain the ambiguous nature of value change in international law beyond the extremes of mere progress or decline. KW - international legal order KW - international relations KW - value change KW - norm change KW - legal change KW - metamorphosis of international law KW - contestation KW - international law Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-0-19-285583-1 SN - 978-0-19-266836-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855831.001.0001 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kersting, Norbert A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine T1 - Sub-municipal Units in Germany BT - Municipal and Metropolitan Districts JF - Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts N2 - Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German Länder. In Berlin, Hamburg and München Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other Länder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-64725-8 SN - 978-3-319-64724-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5 SP - 93 EP - 118 PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rieck, Christian E. T1 - Strange New Worlds BT - the European Union's Search for Like-Minded Partners in the Indo-Pacific JF - European Strategic Approaches to the Indo-Pacific N2 - The Indo-Pacific is fast becoming the main arena for great power competition. After explaining the regional power hierarchy, the paper describes how the EU defines like-mindedness as an explicit partnership category in the Indo-Pacific and which of the countries qualify. Finally, the paper also examines the structural problems the EU faces when projecting power into a faraway region such as this one. The paper argues that for China’s rise to remain peaceful and in the absence of fully regional security arrangements, other Asian actors are increasingly looking for new regional structures that combine elements of cooperation, competition and containment vis-à-vis China - including a more pronounced EU role in the region. Y1 - 2022 UR - https://www.kas.de/en/web/politikdialog-asien/panorama SN - 0119-5204 VL - 2021 IS - 1 SP - 39 EP - 53 PB - Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung CY - Singapore ER - TY - GEN A1 - Bouckaert, Geert A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine T1 - Foreword T2 - Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-64725-8 SN - 978-3-319-64724-1 SP - V EP - VI PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Seyfried, Markus T1 - Comparatice methods B BT - comparative mezhods in public administration - the value of looking around JF - Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-1-78990-347-8 SP - 181 EP - 196 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bogumil, Jörg T1 - Performance measurement and benchmarking as “reflexive institutions” for local governments BT - Germany, Sweden and England compared JF - International journal of public sector management N2 - Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation. KW - Benchmarking KW - Administration KW - Local government reform Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004 SN - 0951-3558 SN - 1758-6666 VL - 31 IS - 4 SP - 543 EP - 562 PB - Emerald Group Publishing Limited CY - Bingley ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bergström, Tomas A1 - Copus, Colin A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Ruano, Jose M. A1 - Schaap, Linze A1 - Vakkala, Hanna T1 - Combining European Research on Local Governance and Local Democracy JF - Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA N2 - The contribution summarises the scientific discussion and research activities of the EGPA Permanent Study Group 4 (PSG 4) “Local Governance and Local Democracy”, founded in 2005. The impetus for proposing this specific PSG was the growing importance of the local level within the multi-level governance system in the European Union and most of its member states. The PSG 4 acts as a European network of research activities inside and outside EGPA, producing joint publications and organising scientific debates on many problems of the development of municipalities and local authorities. Our focus was on discussing both how to improve democracy by increased participation and deliberation, and how to secure provision of services in an efficient way in developed welfare societies. This includes analysing several forms of administrative changes and reforms at the local level and research of representative, direct and cooperative democracy at local level in a cross-European comparison. Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 SP - 135 EP - 145 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Marienfeldt, Justine ED - Teles, Filipe T1 - Comparing local government systems and reforms in Europe BT - from new public management to digital era governance? T2 - Handbook on local and regional governance N2 - The study of subnational and local government systems and reforms has become an increasingly salient topic in comparative public administration. In many European countries, policy implementation, the execution of public tasks and the delivery of services to citizens are largely carried out by local governments, which, at the same time, have been subjected to multiple reforms and sometimes comprehensive institutional re-organizations. This chapter discusses analytical key concepts and outcomes of the comparative study of local governments and local government reforms. It outlines frameworks and analytical tools to capture the variety of institutional settings and developments at the local level of government. It provides an introduction into crucial comparative dimensions, such as functional, territorial and political profiles of local governments, and analyses current reform approaches and outcomes based on recent empirical findings. Finally, the chapter addresses salient issues to be taken up in future comparative studies about local government. KW - comparative public administration KW - local government systems KW - digitalization KW - territorial reforms KW - decentralization KW - (post) new public management Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-1-80037-119-4 SN - 978-1-80037-120-0 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781800371200.00033 SP - 313 EP - 329 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Jann, Werner A1 - Veit, Sylvia T1 - Politics and Administration in Germany JF - Public Administration in Germany N2 - Although German bureaucracy is typically categorised as Weberian, a clear distinction between politics and administration has never been a defining characteristic of the German political-administrative system. Many close interrelations and interactions between elected politicians and appointed civil servants can be observed at all levels of administration. Higher-ranking civil servants in Germany are used to and generally appreciate the functional politicisation of their jobs, that is their close involvement in all stages of the policy process, from policy formation, goal definition, negotiation within and outside government to the implementation and evaluation of policies. For top positions, therefore, a class of ‘political civil servants’ is a special feature of the German system, and obtaining ‘political craft’ has become an important part of the learning and job experience of higher-ranking civil servants. KW - Politicisation KW - Political civil servant KW - Weberian bureaucracy KW - Political craft KW - Civil service career Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-53696-1 SN - 978-3-030-53697-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_10 SP - 145 EP - 161 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Veit, Sylvia T1 - The Federal Ministerial Bureaucracy, the Legislative Process and Better Regulation JF - Public Administration in Germany N2 - Over the last decades, Better Regulation has become a major reform topic at the federal and—in some cases—also at the Länder level. Although the debate about improving regulatory quality and reducing unnecessary burdens created by bureaucracy and red tape date back to the 1960s and 1970s, the introduction by law in 2006 of a new independent institutionalised body for regulatory control at the federal level of government has brought a new quality to the discourse and practice of Better Regulation in Germany. This chapter introduces the basic features of the legislative process at the federal level in Germany, addresses the issue of Better Regulation and outlines the role of the National Regulatory Control Council (Nationaler Normenkontrollrat—NKR) as a ‘watchdog’ for compliance costs, red tape and regulatory impacts. Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-53696-1 SN - 978-3-030-53697-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_20 SP - 357 EP - 373 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Stehle, Fee T1 - Rezension zu: Jordan, Andrew; Huitema, Dave; Asselt Harro van; Foster, Johanna (eds.): Governing climate change: polycentricity in action? - Cambridge ; New York, NY ; Port Melbourne : Cambridge University Press, 2018. - xv, 389 S. - ISBN 978-1-108-41812-6 JF - Global environmental politics Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_r_00596 SN - 1536-0091 SN - 1526-3800 VL - 21 IS - 1 SP - 157 EP - 159 PB - MIT Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tuttnauer, Or A1 - Wegmann, Simone T1 - Voting for Votes BT - opposition parties' legislative activity and electoral outcomes JF - American political science review N2 - Scholars frequently expect parties to act strategically in parliament, hoping to affect their electoral fortunes. Voters assumingly assess parties by their activity and vote accordingly. However, the retrospective voting literature looks mostly at the government's outcomes, leaving the opposition understudied. We argue that, for opposition parties, legislative voting constitutes an effective vote-seeking activity as a signaling tool of their attitude toward the government. We suggest that conflictual voting behavior affects voters through two mechanisms: as a signal of opposition valence and as means of ideological differentiation from the government. We present both aggregate- and individual-level analyses, leveraging a dataset of 169 party observations from 10 democracies and linking it to the CSES survey data of 27,371 respondents. The findings provide support for the existence of both mechanisms. Parliamentary conflict on legislative votes has a general positive effect on opposition parties' electoral performance, conditional on systemic and party-specific factors. Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055422000338 SN - 0003-0554 SN - 1537-5943 VL - 116 IS - 4 SP - 1357 EP - 1374 PB - Cambridge Univ. Press CY - New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Wegmann, Simone A1 - Evequoz, Aurelien T1 - Legislative functions in newly democratised countries: the use of parliamentary questions in Kenya and Zambia JF - The Journal of Legislative Studies N2 - A large literature exists examining the functions of legislatures and the behaviour of MPs in established democracies. But little efforts have been made to observe how MPs behave in new democratic assemblies. This article seeks to address this shortcoming through an exploration of the use of parliamentary questions in two new democracies: Kenya and Zambia. Analysing an innovative dataset we offer one of the few attempts to directly measure legislative behaviour in new democracies. We examine how the factors found in the literature on parliamentary questions in liberal democracies react to this shift of context and to what degree legislatures in these countries fulfil their core functions. Results show that opposition MPs are not necessarily among the most active but that electoral incentives such as the margin by which MPs have won their seats or the number of voters they represent explain the use and content of parliamentary questions. KW - Parliamentary questions KW - new democracies KW - opposition KW - Sub-Sahara Africa Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2019.1697057 SN - 1357-2334 SN - 1743-9337 VL - 25 IS - 4 SP - 443 EP - 465 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - THES A1 - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp T1 - United Nations beyond the state? Interactions of intergovernmental treaty secretariats in global environmental governance N2 - Within the context of United Nations (UN) environmental institutions, it has become apparent that intergovernmental responses alone have been insufficient for dealing with pressing transboundary environmental problems. Diverging economic and political interests, as well as broader changes in power dynamics and norms within global (environmental) governance, have resulted in negotiation and implementation efforts by UN member states becoming stuck in institutional gridlock and inertia. These developments have sparked a renewed debate among scholars and practitioners about an imminent crisis of multilateralism, accompanied by calls for reforming UN environmental institutions. However, with the rise of transnational actors and institutions, states are not the only relevant actors in global environmental governance. In fact, the fragmented architectures of different policy domains are populated by a hybrid mix of state and non-state actors, as well as intergovernmental and transnational institutions. Therefore, coping with the complex challenges posed by severe and ecologically interdependent transboundary environmental problems requires global cooperation and careful management from actors beyond national governments. This thesis investigates the interactions of three intergovernmental UN treaty secretariats in global environmental governance. These are the secretariats of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. While previous research has acknowledged the increasing autonomy and influence of treaty secretariats in global policy-making, little attention has been paid to their strategic interactions with non-state actors, such as non-governmental organizations, civil society actors, businesses, and transnational institutions and networks, or their coordination with other UN agencies. Through qualitative case-study research, this thesis explores the means and mechanisms of these interactions and investigates their consequences for enhancing the effectiveness and coherence of institutional responses to underlying and interdependent environmental issues. Following a new institutionalist ontology, the conceptual and theoretical framework of this study draws on global governance research, regime theory, and scholarship on international bureaucracies. From an actor-centered perspective on institutional interplay, the thesis employs concepts such as orchestration and interplay management to assess the interactions of and among treaty secretariats. The research methodology involves structured, focused comparison, and process-tracing techniques to analyze empirical data from diverse sources, including official documents, various secondary materials, semi-structured interviews with secretariat staff and policymakers, and observations at intergovernmental conferences. The main findings of this research demonstrate that secretariats employ tailored orchestration styles to manage or bypass national governments, thereby raising global ambition levels for addressing transboundary environmental problems. Additionally, they engage in joint interplay management to facilitate information sharing, strategize activities, and mobilize relevant actors, thereby improving coherence across UN environmental institutions. Treaty secretariats play a substantial role in influencing discourses and knowledge exchange with a wide range of actors. However, they face barriers, such as limited resources, mandates, varying leadership priorities, and degrees of politicization within institutional processes, which may hinder their impact. Nevertheless, the secretariats, together with non-state actors, have made progress in advancing norm-building processes, integrated policy-making, capacity building, and implementation efforts within and across framework conventions. Moreover, they utilize innovative means of coordination with actors beyond national governments, such as data-driven governance, to provide policy-relevant information for achieving overarching governance targets. Importantly, this research highlights the growing interactions between treaty secretariats and non-state actors, which not only shape policy outcomes but also have broader implications for the polity and politics of international institutions. The findings offer opportunities for rethinking collective agency and actor dynamics within UN entities, addressing gaps in institutionalist theory concerning the interaction of actors in inter-institutional spaces. Furthermore, the study addresses emerging challenges and trends in global environmental governance that are pertinent to future policy-making. These include reflections for the debate on reforming international institutions, the role of emerging powers in a changing international world order, and the convergence of public and private authority through new alliance-building and a division of labor between international bureaucracies and non-state actors in global environmental governance. N2 - Im Kontext internationaler Umweltinstitutionen unter den Vereinten Nationen (VN) ist deutlich geworden, dass allein zwischenstaatliche Verhandlungen für den Umgang mit dringenden grenzüberschreitenden Umweltproblemen unzureichend sind. Unterschiedliche wirtschaftliche und politische Interessen sowie umfassende Veränderungen in den Macht- und Normendynamiken der globalen (Umwelt-)Governance haben dazu geführt, dass die Verhandlungs- und Umsetzungsbemühungen der VN-Mitgliedstaaten häufig von institutionellen Blockaden und Trägheit geprägt sind. Diese Situation hat erneute Debatten unter Wissenschaftlern und Praktikern über die Krise des Multilateralismus ausgelöst, begleitet von Forderungen nach Reformen von VN-Umweltinstitutionen. Mit einem signifikanten Anstieg transnationaler Akteure und Institutionen sind jedoch nicht nur Staaten relevante Akteure in der globalen Umweltgovernance. Tatsächlich sind die Architekturen verschiedener Politikbereiche durch eine hochfragmentierte und hybride Mischung aus staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren sowie zwischenstaatlichen und transnationalen Institutionen gekennzeichnet. Daher erfordert der Umgang mit den komplexen Herausforderungen grenzüberschreitender Umweltprobleme eine globale Zusammenarbeit und sorgfältiges Management auch durch Akteure jenseits nationaler Regierungen. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Interaktionen von drei intergouvernementaler VN-Vertragssekretariaten in der globalen Umweltgovernance. Dabei handelt es sich um die Vertragssekretariate der Klimarahmenkonvention, der Biodiversitätskonvention und der Wüstenkonvention im Rahmen der VN. Obwohl frühere Forschungen die zunehmende Autonomie, Handlungsfähigkeit und den Einfluss von Vertragssekretariaten in bestimmten Teilbereichen der internationalen Umweltpolitik anerkannt haben, wurde ihren strategischen Interaktionen mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren wie Nichtregierungsorganisationen, zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren, Unternehmen und transnationalen Institutionen und Netzwerken sowie ihrer Koordination mit anderen VN-Sekretariaten bisher wenig Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Durch qualitative Fallstudien untersucht diese Arbeit die Mittel und Mechanismen dieser Interaktionen und ihre potenziellen Auswirkungen auf die Verbesserung der Effektivität und Kohärenz internationaler Institutionen hinsichtlich zugrunde liegender, interdependenter Umweltprobleme. Basierend auf einer (neo)institutionalistischen Ontologie stützt sich der konzeptionelle und theoretische Rahmen dieser Dissertation auf Forschung zur globalen Governance, der Regimetheorie und Studien zu internationalen Bürokratien. Aus einer akteurszentrierten Perspektive auf das Zusammenspiel internationaler Institutionen verwendet die Arbeit dabei Konzepte wie Orchestrierung und Interplay-Management, um die Interaktionen von und zwischen Vertragssekretariaten genauer zu erforschen. Die Untersuchungsmethodik umfasst sowohl Techniken der vergleichenden Analyse als auch Prozessanalyse, mittels derer empirische Daten aus verschiedenen Quellen, einschließlich offizieller Dokumente, verschiedener Sekundärmaterialien, semistrukturierter Interviews mit Sekretariatsmitarbeitern und politischen Entscheidungsträgern sowie Beobachtungen auf zwischenstaatlichen Konferenzen, ausgewertet wurden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Forschung zeigen, dass Vertragssekretariate spezifische Orchestrierungsstile verwenden, um Regierungshandeln in internationalen Institutionen zu lenken (oder zu umgehen) und folglich globale Ambitionen bezüglich des Umgangs mit grenzüberschreitenden Umweltproblemen zu erhöhen. Darüber hinaus betreiben Vertragssekretariate untereinander ein gemeinsames Interplay-Management, das den Austausch von Informationen, die strategische Planung von Aktivitäten und die gezielte Mobilisierung relevanter Akteure umfasst, um die Kohärenz zwischen VN-Umweltabkommen zu verbessern. Vertragssekretariate spielen eine bedeutende Rolle bei der Beeinflussung von Diskursen und dem Austausch von Wissen mit einer Vielzahl von Akteuren. Gerade durch das Zusammenspiel mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren prägen sie Normbildungsprozesse, wirken bei der Gestaltung hin zu integrierten Politiken mit oder nehmen eine unterstützende Funktion beim Kapazitätsaufbau und den Umsetzungsbemühungen innerhalb und zwischen Rahmenübereinkommen ein. Darüber hinaus nutzen sie innovative Koordinationsmechanismen mit Akteuren jenseits nationaler Regierungen, wie beispielsweise die Generierung, Nutzung und Verbreitung von Daten, um politikrelevante Informationen für die Implementierung übergeordneter Governance-Ziele bereitzustellen. Allerdings stehen sie in ihren Interaktionen auch vor Hindernissen, wie beispielsweise dem Umgang mit begrenzten Ressourcen und Mandaten, unterschiedlichen Prioritäten der Exekutivkräfte und unterschiedlichen Politisierungsgraden von Umweltproblemen innerhalb internationaler Institutionen, die den Einfluss von Sekretariaten beeinträchtigen können. Bedeutsam ist, dass die zunehmende Verflechtung zwischen Sekretariaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren nicht nur auf politische Inhalte (Policy) wirkt, sondern auch weitreichende Auswirkungen auf die Strukturen (Polity) und Prozesse (Politics) internationaler Institutionen hat. Die Ergebnisse regen dazu an, über kollektive Handlungsfähigkeit und Akteursdynamiken innerhalb von VN-Entitäten nachzudenken und Lücken in der neo-institutionalistischen Theorie hinsichtlich der Interaktion von Akteuren in interinstitutionellen Räumen zu schließen. Darüber hinaus thematisiert die Studie Trends und Herausforderungen in der globalen Umweltgovernance, die für zukünftige Politikgestaltung relevant sein können. Dazu gehören Reflexionen über die Reform-Debatte internationaler Institutionen, die Rolle aufstrebender Mächte in einer sich verändernden internationalen Weltordnung sowie die Konvergenz öffentlicher und privater Autorität durch neue Allianzen zwischen internationalen Bürokratien und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren in der globalen Umweltgovernance. KW - international relations KW - global environmental politics KW - internationale Beziehungen KW - globale Umweltpolitik Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-621651 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tsebelis, George A1 - Thies, Michael A1 - Cheibub, José Antonio A1 - Dixon, Rosalind A1 - Bogéa, Daniel A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Review symposium BT - beyond presidentialism and parliamentarism JF - European political science N2 - Steffen Ganghof’s Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that “in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not” (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, José Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bogéa review Steffen Ganghof’s book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A&M University in 2022. We thank Prof José Cheibub (Texas A&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium. KW - semi-parliamentary government KW - presidentialism KW - parliamentary government KW - separation of powers KW - legislatures KW - executives KW - parliamentary democracy Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9 SN - 1680-4333 SN - 1682-0983 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fruhstorfer, Anna A1 - Hudson, Alexander T1 - Majorities for minorities BT - Participatory constitution making and the protection of minority rights JF - Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association N2 - Does the process of making a constitution affect the expansiveness of rights protections in the constitution? In particular, is more participation in constitution-making processes better for minority rights protections? While the process of constitution making and its impact on various outcomes have received significant attention, little is known about the impact public participation or deliberation in this process has on the scope and content of minority rights. Using a wide variety of data to empirically assess the relationship between constitution-making processes and the protection of rights for minorities, we find a positive relationship between participatory drafting processes and the inclusion of minority protections in constitutions under some conditions. The article's findings have important implications for understanding political representation and lend support to core arguments about the role of the public in constitutional design. KW - constitution-making KW - human rights KW - minority rights KW - direct democracy KW - public participation Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912920984246 SN - 1065-9129 SN - 1938-274X VL - 75 IS - 1 SP - 103 EP - 117 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Biegert, Thomas A1 - Brady, David A1 - Hipp, Lena T1 - Cross-national variation in the relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment JF - The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science N2 - Reform of the U.S. welfare system in 1996 spurred claims that cuts to welfare programs effectively incentivized single mothers to find employment. It is difficult to assess the veracity of those claims, however, absent evidence of how the relationship between welfare benefits and single mother employment generalizes across countries. This study combines data from the European Union Labour Force Survey and the U.S. Current Population Survey (1992-2015) into one of the largest samples of single mothers ever, testing the relationships between welfare generosity and single mothers’ employment and work hours. We find no consistent evidence of a negative relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment outcomes. Rather, we find tremendous cross-national heterogeneity, which does not clearly correspond to well-known institutional variations. Our findings demonstrate the limitations of single country studies and the pervasive, salient interactions between institutional contexts and social policies. KW - single mothers KW - employment KW - welfare state benefits KW - cross-national KW - heterogeneity Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162221120760 SN - 0002-7162 SN - 1552-3349 VL - 702 IS - 1 SP - 37 EP - 54 PB - SAGE Publishing CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Quitzow, Rainer A1 - Bersalli, Germán A1 - Lilliestam, Johan A1 - Prontera, Andrea ED - Rayner, Tim ED - Szulecki, Kacper ED - Jordan, Andrew J. ED - Oberthür, Sebastian T1 - Green recovery BT - catalyst for an enhanced EU role in climate and energy policy? T2 - Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics N2 - This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission’s role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level. KW - European Union KW - green recovery KW - climate finance KW - European Green Deal KW - just transition Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-1-78990-698-1 SN - 978-1-78990-697-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781789906981.00039 SP - 351 EP - 366 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing ER - TY - BOOK ED - Mackert, Jürgen ED - Wolf, Hannah ED - Turner, Bryan S. T1 - Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives T3 - The condition of democracy N2 - Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology KW - Demokratie KW - Neoliberalismus KW - Soziologie KW - Aufsatzsammlung Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-00-040191-2 SN - 978-1-00-315836-3 SN - 978-0-367-74535-6 VL - 1 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Turner, Bryan S. T1 - Introduction BT - waves of democracy JF - The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-00-040191-2 SN - 978-1-00-315836-3 SP - 1 EP - 15 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Holthaus, Leonie A1 - Stockmann, Nils T1 - Who makes the world? BT - Academics and (un)cancelling the future JF - New perspectives N2 - In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism. KW - multiplicity KW - policy KW - scholar-practitioners KW - transdisciplinarity KW - un-cancelling the future KW - world-makers Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X20935246 SN - 2336-825X SN - 2336-8268 VL - 28 IS - 3 SP - 413 EP - 427 PB - Sage Publications CY - Thousand Oaks, CA ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schneider, Philipp A1 - Walz, Ariane A1 - Albert, Christian A1 - Lipp, Torsten T1 - Ecosystem-based adaptation in cities BT - use of formal and informal planning instruments JF - Land use policy N2 - Extreme weather events like heavy rainfall and heat waves will likely increase in intensity and frequency due to climate change. As the impacts of these extremes are particularly prominent in urban agglomerations, cities face an urgent need to develop adaptation strategies. Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA) provides helpful strategies that harness ecological processes in addition to technical interventions. EbA has been addressed in informal adaptation planning. Formal municipality planning, namely landscape planning, is supposed to include traditionally some EbA measures, although adaptation has not been their explicit focus. Our research aims to investigate how landscape plans incorporate climate-related extremes and EbA as well as to discuss the potential to enhance EbA uptake in formal planning. We conducted a document analysis of informal planning documents from 85 German cities and the analysis of formal landscape plans of 61 of these cities. The results suggest that city size does affect the extent of informal planning instruments and the comprehensiveness of formal landscape plans. Climate-related extremes and EbA measures have traditionally been part of landscape planning. Almost all landscape plans address heat stress, while climate change and heavy rain have been addressed less often, though more frequently since 2008. Greening of walls and roofs, on-site infiltration and water retention reveal significant potential for better integration in landscape plans. Landscape planning offers an entry point for effective climate adaptation through EbA in cities. Informal and formal planning instruments should be closely combined for robust, spatially explicit, legally binding implementation of EbA measures in the future. KW - Landscape planning KW - Climate change adaptation KW - Informal and formal KW - planning KW - Extreme weather KW - Cities Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2021.105722 SN - 0264-8377 VL - 109 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Buzogány, Aron T1 - Unboxing international public administrations BT - the politics of structural change in the UN system (1998–2019) JF - The American review of public administration N2 - Recent debates in international relations increasingly focus on bureaucratic apparatuses of international organizations and highlight their role, influence, and autonomy in global public policy. In this contribution we follow the recent call made by Moloney and Rosenbloom in this journal to make use of “public administrative theory and empirically based knowledge in analyzing the behavior of international and regional organizations” and offer a systematic analysis of the inner structures of these administrative bodies. Changes in these structures can reflect both the (re-)assignment of responsibilities, competencies, and expertise, but also the (re)allocation of resources, staff, and corresponding signalling of priorities. Based on organizational charts, we study structural changes within 46 international bureaucracies in the UN system. Tracing formal changes to all internal units over two decades, this contribution provides the first longitudinal assessment of structural change at the international level. We demonstrate that the inner structures of international bureaucracies in the UN system became more fragmented over time but also experienced considerable volatility with periods of structural growth and retrenchment. The analysis also suggests that IO's political features yield stronger explanatory power for explaining these structural changes than bureaucratic determinants. We conclude that the politics of structural change in international bureaucracies is a missing piece in the current debate on international public administrations that complements existing research perspectives by reiterating the importance of the political context of international bureaucracies as actors in global governance. KW - global public policy KW - international public administration KW - structural change Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740221136488 SN - 0275-0740 SN - 1552-3357 VL - 53 IS - 1 SP - 23 EP - 35 PB - Sage CY - Thousand Oaks, Calif. ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Pruin, Andree T1 - Organizational reputation in executive politics BT - citizen-oriented units in the German federal bureaucracy JF - International review of administrative sciences N2 - In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a “laboratorization” of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-à-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-à-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation. KW - citizen participation KW - government policymaking KW - organizational reputation Y1 - 0023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00208523221132228 SN - 0020-8523 SN - 1461-7226 PB - Sage CY - Los Angeles, Calif. ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Wanckel, Camilla T1 - Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector BT - the mediating role of job autonomy JF - Review of Public Personnel Administration N2 - Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers “digital overload” that decreases government employees’ job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees’ freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector. KW - digital transformation KW - digital overload KW - job autonomy KW - job satisfaction KW - civil service survey Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0734371X221148403 SN - 0734-371X SN - 1552-759X PB - Sage CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Bezes, Philippe A1 - James, Oliver A1 - Yesilkagit, Kutsal T1 - The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe JF - Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions N2 - The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments. Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/gove.12670 SN - 0952-1895 SN - 1468-0491 VL - 36 IS - 1 SP - 255 EP - 274 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Krieger, Heike A1 - Liese, Andrea ED - Krieger, Heike ED - Liese, Andrea T1 - Conclusion BT - turbulence, robustness, and value change T2 - Tracing value change in the international legal order N2 - Based on the previous findings in this book, Chapter 18 by Heike Krieger and Andrea Liese discusses the general dynamics of change or metamorphosis in the international legal order. They discern a mixed picture of an international order between metamorphosis—that is, a more fundamental transformation—of international law, norm change, turbulences, and robustness. They explain drivers of change and highlight factors such as national interests during the war on terror, changing long-term foreign policy beliefs, and the rise in populism and autocracy, before discussing the most common strategies the actors involved use. Other relevant factors include changes in the political environment, such as shocks and power shifts or the ambiguous role of fragmentation. Moreover, they identify factors that make legal norms robust, including the vital role of norm defenders and legal and institutional structures as stabilizing elements. Krieger and Liese conclude by cautioning that if the attacks on the international order continue at the current frequency and magnitude, a metamorphosis of international law will likely be unstoppable. KW - value change KW - legal change KW - norm robustness KW - norm dynamics KW - drivers for change KW - metamorphosis of international law Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-0-19-285583-1 SN - 978-0-19-266836-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855831.003.0018 SP - 319 EP - C18N113 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - THES A1 - Heinzel, Mirko Noa T1 - World Bank staff and project implementation BT - the importance of country-specific knowledge Y1 - 2021 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Lundgren, Magnus A1 - Squatrito, Theresa A1 - Sommerer, Thomas A1 - Tallberg, Jonas T1 - Introducing the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD) JF - The review of international organizations N2 - There is a growing recognition that international organizations (IOs) formulate and adopt policy in a wide range of areas. IOs have emerged as key venues for states seeking joint solutions to contemporary challenges such as climate change or COVID-19, and to establish frameworks to bolster trade, development, security, and more. In this capacity, IOs produce both extraordinary and routine policy output with a multitude of purposes, ranging from policies of historic significance like admitting new members to the more mundane tasks of administering IO staff. This article introduces the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD), which covers close to 37,000 individual policy acts of 13 multi-issue IOs in the 1980–2015 period. The dataset fills a gap in the growing body of literature on the comparative study of IOs, providing researchers with a fine-grained perspective on the structure of IO policy output and data for comparisons across time, policy areas, and organizations. This article describes the construction and coverage of the dataset and identifies key temporal and cross-sectional patterns revealed by the data. In a concise illustration of the dataset’s utility, we apply models of punctuated equilibria in a comparative study of the relationship between institutional features and broad policy agenda dynamics. Overall, the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset offers a unique resource for researchers to analyze IO policy output in a granular manner and to explore questions of responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy of IOs. KW - international organizations KW - policy KW - policy agendas KW - decision-making Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-023-09492-6 SN - 1559-7431 SN - 1559-744X VL - 19 SP - 117 EP - 146 PB - Springer CY - Boston ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Lundgren, Magnus A1 - Tallberg, Jonas A1 - Sommerer, Thomas A1 - Squatrito, Theresa T1 - When are international organizations responsive to policy problems? JF - International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association N2 - When are international organizations (IOs) responsive to the policy problems that motivated their establishment? While it is a conventional assumption that IOs exist to address transnational challenges, the question of whether and when IO policy-making is responsive to shifts in underlying problems has not been systematically explored. This study investigates the responsiveness of IOs from a large-n, comparative approach. Theoretically, we develop three alternative models of IO responsiveness, emphasizing severeness, dependence, and power differentials. Empirically, we focus on the domain of security, examining the responsiveness of eight multi-issue IOs to armed conflict between 1980 and 2015, using a novel and expansive dataset on IO policy decisions. Our findings suggest, first, that IOs are responsive to security problems and, second, that responsiveness is not primarily driven by dependence or power differentials but by problem severity. An in-depth study of the responsiveness of the UN Security Council using more granular data confirms these findings. As the first comparative study of whether and when IO policy adapts to problem severity, the article has implications for debates about IO responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy. Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqad045 SN - 0020-8833 SN - 1468-2478 VL - 67 IS - 3 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Duit, Andreas A1 - Lim, Sijeong A1 - Sommerer, Thomas T1 - The state and the environment BT - environmental policy and performance in 37 countries 1970–2010 JF - Politics & policy N2 - The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970–2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making. KW - comparative environmental politics KW - ecological modernization KW - environmental degradation KW - environmental policy effects KW - environmental policy performance KW - national ecological footprint KW - policy output KW - regulation KW - state KW - treadmill of production KW - política ambiental comparada KW - modernización ecológica KW - huella ecológica KW - regulación estatal Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12561 SN - 1555-5623 SN - 1747-1346 VL - 51 IS - 6 SP - 1046 EP - 1068 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken, NJ ER -