TY - GEN A1 - Esguerra, Alejandro T1 - "A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along" BT - Brokers in Negotiation Systems T2 - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance N2 - This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for ‘arguing’ having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge. Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-3-319-39871-6 SN - 978-3-319-39870-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2 SP - 25 EP - 46 PB - Cham CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Jakupec, Viktor T1 - A Critique of the development aid discourse JF - Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda N2 - Despite the fact that development aid has broadened from economic growth theory to include human and social capital, there is a lack of a general agreement as to its benefits. This critical review and analyses of the development aid academic and institutional discourse identifies some major shortcomings. The dominance of economics at the expense of politics, and the imposition of development aid neoliberal conditionalities act as barriers to socio-economic development in aid recipient countries. An inference is offered to recast development aid through reconciliation within critical frameworks of different sides of the political spectrum. KW - Development aid KW - Aid conditionalities KW - Political economy Socio-economic development KW - Neoliberalism KW - Development aid criticism Y1 - 2017 SN - 978-3-319-72748-6 SN - 978-3-319-72747-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_3 SN - 2211-4548 SN - 2211-4556 SP - 37 EP - 52 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - THES A1 - Kamprath, Martin T1 - A microfoundations perspectives on fresight and business models BT - Competence development and business model design in times of digital industry transformation Y1 - 2014 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Scianna, Bastian Matteo T1 - A predisposition to brutality? BT - german practices against civilians and francs-tireurs during the Franco-Prussian war 1870–1871 and their relevance for the German ‘military Sonderweg’ debate T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Philosophische Reihe N2 - The German Sonderweg thesis has been discarded in most research fields. Yet in regards to the military, things differ: all conflicts before the Second World War are interpreted as prelude to the war of extermination between 1939–1945. This article specifically looks at the Franco-Prussian War 1870–71 and German behaviour vis-à-vis regular combatants, civilians and irregular guerrilla fighters, the so-called francs-tireurs. The author argues that the counter-measures were not exceptional for nineteenth century warfare and also shows how selective reading of the existing secondary literature has distorted our view on the war. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe - 165 KW - francs-tireurs KW - levee en masse KW - myth of Franktireurkrieg KW - Franco-Prussian War KW - Geneva convention of 1864 KW - Landwehr KW - siege of Paris 1870 Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434218 SN - 1866-8380 IS - 165 SP - 968 EP - 993 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ullmann, Andreas J. A1 - von Staden, Andreas T1 - A room full of ‘views’ BT - introducing a new dataset to explore compliance with the decisions of the UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies’ individual complaints procedures JF - Journal of conflict resolution N2 - Quantitative research into the effectiveness of the UN human rights treaty bodies (UNTBs) in eliciting remedial responses from states is impeded by a lack of usable data on how states respond to their decisions. The new Treaty Body Views Dataset (TBVD) aims to fill this gap. It comprises details on all published decisions in individual complaints cases issued by the UNTBs between 1979 and 2019 and matches these with information on their state of compliance. The TBVD can be used for research on the activities of the treaty bodies, the nature of the decisions themselves, or state behavior following a decision. An empirical application illustrates how the TBVD can advance knowledge about the factors that correlate with compliance with adverse UNTB decisions. Results show that the likelihood of implementation hinges critically on decision-level characteristics, and reveal differences and similarities between compliance with UNTB decisions and regional human rights court judgments. KW - human rights KW - international institutions KW - second-order compliance KW - individual complaints procedures KW - UN human rights treaty bodies Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00220027231160460 SN - 0022-0027 SN - 1552-8766 VL - 68 IS - 2-3 SP - 534 EP - 561 PB - Sage Publications CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Klun, Maja A1 - Reichard, Christoph T1 - Accreditation in European Public Administration BT - The Contribution of EGPA JF - Public Administration in Europe: Governance and Public Management N2 - With the aim to improve the quality of public administration (PA) programmes in Europe, EGPA established in 1999—together with the Network of Institutes and Schools of Public Administration in Central and Eastern Europe (NISPAcee)—the European Association for Public Administration Accreditation (EAPAA). This chapter presents the development of EAPAA in the last two decades and the experiences made with voluntary accreditation of academic PA programmes in Europe. The authors illustrate the basic accreditation concept of EAPAA, its integration into the European quality assurance institutions and the scope of accreditation missions over time. Finally, the effects of accreditation measures in the educational field of PA are discussed. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_31 SP - 345 EP - 354 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Gholiagha, Sassan A1 - Holzscheiter, Anna A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - Activating norm collisions BT - interface conflicts in international drug control JF - Global constitutionalism N2 - This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue’s interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open – which we term activation – depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts. KW - norm collisions KW - contestation KW - discourse KW - agency KW - international KW - drug control Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S2045381719000388 SN - 2045-3817 SN - 2045-3825 VL - 9 IS - 2 SP - 290 EP - 317 PB - Cambridge University Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bogumil, Jörg T1 - Administrative Reforms in the Multilevel System BT - Reshuffling Tasks and Territories JF - Public Administration in Germany N2 - The chapter analyses recent reforms in the multilevel system of the Länder, specifically territorial, functional and structural reforms, which represent three of the most crucial and closely interconnected reform trajectories at the subnational level. It sheds light on the variety of reform approaches pursued in the different Länder and also highlights some factors that account for these differences. The transfer of state functions to local governments is addressed as well as the restructuring of Länder administrations (e.g. abolishment of the meso level of the Länder administration and of single-purpose state agencies) and the rescaling of territorial boundaries at county and municipal levels, including a brief review of the recently failed (territorial) reforms in Eastern Germany. Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-53696-1 SN - 978-3-030-53697-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_16 SP - 271 EP - 289 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Holzscheiter, Anna A1 - Gholiagha, Sassan A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - Advocacy coalition constellations and norm collisions BT - Insights from international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour JF - Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations N2 - To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas. KW - Norm collisions KW - advocacy coalitions KW - drug control KW - human trafficking KW - child labour KW - norms Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.1885352 SN - 1360-0826 SN - 1469-798X VL - 36 IS - 1 SP - 25 EP - 48 PB - Taylor & Francis CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena T1 - An organizational approach to public governance BT - understanding and design JF - Public administration N2 - In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an ‘organizational approach to public governance’ (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes (‘Understanding’) and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration (‘Design’). Following the authors’ introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3–8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible ‘design implications’ of said findings (chapter 9). Their ‘organizational approach’ focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision‐making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy‐making generally (‘public governance’) and administrative politics more specifically (‘meta‐governance’). The authors concentrate on three sets of ‘classical’ organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes ‘formal organization matters’—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well‐established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks’ principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non‐territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non‐territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision‐making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi‐level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non‐territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of ‘direct’ national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials’ behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter‐institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta‐governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions (‘action rationality’, p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision‐making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta‐governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary‐spanning challenges such as climate change through inter‐organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined ‘organization matters’ argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision‐making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta‐governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the ‘solutions in search of a problem’ idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors’ idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats’ demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about ‘steering through collective action’ (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non‐governmental actors in the policy‐making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non‐bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature‐based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self‐reported behaviour through large‐N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the ‘causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes’ (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real‐world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a ‘craft’ (p. 29). Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12590 SN - 0033-3298 SN - 1467-9299 VL - 97 IS - 2 SP - 483 EP - 485 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dörfler, Thomas A1 - Gehring, Thomas T1 - Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations JF - European journal of international relations N2 - We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans. Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066120987889 SN - 1354-0661 SN - 1460-3713 VL - 27 IS - 3 SP - 753 EP - 778 PB - Sage CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Debre, Maria Josepha A1 - Dijkstra, Hylke T1 - Are international organisations in decline? BT - an absolute and relative perspective on institutional change JF - Global policy N2 - Many international organisations (IOs) are currently challenged, yet are they also in decline? Despite much debate on the crisis of liberal international order, con-testation, loss of legitimacy, gridlock, pathologies and exiting member states, there is little research on IO decline. This article seeks to clarify this concept and argues that decline can be considered in absolute and relative terms. Absolute decline involves a decrease in the number of IOs and their authority, member-ship and output, whereas relative decline concerns a decrease in the centrality of IOs in international relations. Reviewing a wide range of indicators, this article argues that, whereas there is limited decline in absolute terms since 1945, there may well be important decline in relative terms. Relative decline is more difficult to measure, but to probe its significance this article presents data from speeches during the United Nations General Assembly General Debate. It shows that IOs were most often mentioned in 1996 and that there has been a decline since. These findings indicate that, whereas IOs might survive as institutions, they are decreasingly central to international relations. Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.13170 SN - 1758-5880 SN - 1758-5899 VL - 14 IS - 1 SP - 16 EP - 30 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Zhu, Jinshan T1 - Assessing China’s price review policy on Clean Development Mechanism projects JF - European Journal of Law and Economics N2 - The Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows developed countries to meet part of their obligational emission reductions by carrying out emission reduction projects in developing countries. China imposed a price floor to the CDM carbon credits produced in China through its price review policy. Scholars have not agreed on the purpose of China’s price review policy. With a theoretical model and a coherent empirical study, the present study shows that the price floor imposed by China’s price review is more likely to protect those domestic project owners against price discrimination, rather than to distort the CDM market. Nevertheless, China’s price review has its own flaws. Although a regression study shows month of approval, types of projects and location of project can explain 55% of price floor designation, the operation of price review remains quite random and unpredictable in individual cases. This would bring extra bureaucratically uncertainty on its way to curb market uncertainty. Its function can be fulfilled by alternative policy tools with better economic efficiency and legal legitimacy, such as mandatory price disclosure and trading forum, which doesn’t have such drawback, but still be able to alleviate possible price discrimination in individual cases. KW - CDM KW - China KW - Price review KW - Price floor KW - Law and economics Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-016-9550-3 SN - 0929-1261 SN - 1572-9990 VL - 43 SP - 285 EP - 316 PB - Springer CY - New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism BT - patterns of majority formation in 29 democracies JF - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system – a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government – which we call ‘semi-parliamentary government’. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015. KW - Executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government KW - visions of democracy Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1451487 SN - 1036-1146 SN - 1363-030X VL - 53 IS - 2 SP - 211 EP - 233 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - GEN A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian A1 - Pörschke, Alexander T1 - Australian bicameralism as semi-parliamentarism BT - patterns of majority formation in 29 democracies T2 - Australian Journal of Political Science N2 - The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system – a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government – which we call ‘semi- parliamentary government’. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two- dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 95 KW - executive-legislative relations KW - bicameralism KW - parliamentary government KW - presidential government KW - visions of democracy Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412984 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Reith, Florian A1 - Seyfried, Markus T1 - Balancing the Moods BT - Quality Managers’ Perceptions and Actions Against Resistance JF - Higher education policy N2 - Quality management (QM) has spread around the world and reached higher education in Europe in the early 1990s (Mendel, 2006, 137; Kernegger and Vettori, 2013, 1). However, researchers were rather more interested in national quality assurance policies (macro-level) and accreditation systems (meso-level) than in intra-organizational perspectives about the day-to-day implementation of quality assurance policies by various actors (micro-level). Undoubtedly, organizational change is a challenging endeavor for all kinds of groups. On the one hand, it provides the opportunity of further development and innovation, but on the other hand, it exposes organizations and actors to the risk of losing established structures and accepted routines. Like in many other organizations, actors may not necessarily perceive change as a promoter of innovation and development. Instead, they may consider change as a threat to the existing status quo or, as March points out, as an “interplay between rationality and foolishness” (March, 1981, 563). Consequently, change provokes either affective or behavioral actions (Armenakis and Bedeian, 1999, 308–310), such as, for example, resistance. Anderson (2006, 2008) and Lucas (2014) have shown, for example, that academic resistance is an important issue. However, Piderit characterizes resistance as a multidimensional construct (Piderit, 2000, 786–787) subject to a wide variety of issues related to quality and QM. Although QM has been described as a “fashion” (Stensaker, 2007, 101) in the higher education sector that provokes many different reactions, its implementation in higher education institutions (HEIs) is still a rather unexplored field. Thus, the evidence provided by Anderson (2006, 2008) and others (Newton, 2000, 2002; McInnis et al., 1995; Fredman and Doughney, 2012; Lucas, 2014; etc.) needs to be expanded, because they only consider the perspective of academia. In particular, the view of other actors during the implementation of quality assurance policies is a missing piece in this empirical puzzle. Nearly nothing is known about how quality managers deal with reactions to organizational change like resistance and obstruction. Until now, only a few studies have focused on intra-organizational dynamics (see, for example: Csizmadia et al., 2008; Lipnicka, 2016). Besides the lack of research on the implementation of quality assurance policies in HEIs, quality managers seem to be an interesting subject for further investigations because they are “endogenous” to institutional processes. On the one hand, quality managers are the result of quality assurance policies, and on the other hand, they influence the implementation of quality assurance policies, which affect other actors (like academics, administrative staff, etc.). Here, quality managers, as members of an emerging higher education profession, are involved in various conflict lines between QM, HEI management and departments, which need further research (Seyfried and Pohlenz, 2018, 9). Therefore, the aim of our paper is twofold: firstly, to answer the question of how quality managers perceive resistance, and secondly, which measures they take in situations of perceived resistance. We offer a new research perspective and argue that resistance is not merely provoked by organizational change; it also provokes counter-reactions by actors who are confronted with resistance. Thus, resistance seems to be rather endogenous. To theorize our argument, we apply parts of the work of Christine Oliver (1991), which provides theoretical insights into strategic responses to institutional processes, ranging from acquiescence to manipulation (Oliver, 1991, 152). We, therefore, investigate the introduction of QM in teaching and learning, and the emergence of quality managers as higher education professionals as one of the results of quality assurance policies. Consequently, the introduction of QM may be considered as an institutional process provoking reactions and counter-reactions of various organizational units within HEIs. These circumstances are constitutive for how quality managers deal with resistance and other reactions toward organizational change. We use this theoretical framework to analyze the German higher education sector, because this particular case can be considered as a latecomer in New Public Management reforms (Schimank, 2005, 369) and Germany is a country where academic self-governance plays a very important role, and strongly influences academics’ behavior when it comes to organizational change (Wolter, 2004). Our empirical results are based on a mixed-methods research design and integrate half-structured interviews and a nationwide survey at the central level in German HEIs, which excludes faculty members of QM (decentral level). They reveal that quality managers take different types of action when resistance occurs during the implementation of quality assurance policies. Furthermore, quality managers mainly react with different tactics. These tactics seem to be relevant for convincing academics and for the enhancement of their commitment to improve the quality of teaching and learning, instead of provoking further resistance or avoidance practices. This article proceeds as follows: the next sections describe the context and explain our main theoretical concepts referring to the work of Oliver (1991) and others. After that, we present our case selection and the methodological framework, including the data sources and the operationalization of selected variables. Finally, we provide our empirical results about quality managers’ perceptions on resistance and we draw conclusions. KW - higher education KW - quality management KW - institutional processes KW - resistance KW - balancing Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41307-018-0124-6 SN - 0952-8733 SN - 1740-3863 VL - 32 IS - 1 SP - 71 EP - 91 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - GEN A1 - Campbell, Edwina S. T1 - Berlin : look to the world! N2 - In the spring 2004 issue of WeltTrends, Professor Gunther Hellmann made a „plea for offensive idealism“ and „against the power political resocialization of German foreign policy“. To a long-time outside observer of that foreign policy, this plea is unsurprising, but depressing. In keeping with Professor Hellmann’s own willingness, „notwendige Differenzierungen [zu] vernachlässigen zugunsten einer bewussten Zuspitzung“ I will comment on the aspects of his argument that strike an American colleague as particularly disturbing. KW - Deutschland KW - Außenpolitik KW - Resozialisierung KW - Germany KW - foreign policy KW - resocialisation Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46591 ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Lange, Felix T1 - Between Systematization and Expertise for Foreign Policy BT - The Practice-Oriented Approach in Germany’s International Legal Scholarship (1920–1980) T2 - KFG Working Paper Series N2 - German international legal scholarship has been known for its practice-oriented, doctrinal approach to international law. On the basis of archival material, this article tracks how this methodological take on international law developed in Germany between the 1920s and the 1980s. In 1924, as a reaction to the establishment of judicial institutions in the Treaty of Versailles, the German Reich founded the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law. Director Viktor Bruns institutionalized the practice-oriented method to advance the idea of international law as a legal order as well as to safeguard the interests of the Weimar government before the various courts. Under National Socialism, members of the Institute provided legal justifications for Hitler’s increasingly radical foreign policy. At the same time, some of them did not engage with völkisch-racist theories, but systematized the existing ius in bello. After 1945, Hermann Mosler, as director of the renamed Max Planck Institute, took the view that the practice-oriented approach was not as discredited as the more theoretical approach of völkisch international law. Furthermore, he regarded the method as a promising vehicle to support the policy of Westintegration of Konrad Adenauer. Also, he tried to promote the idea of ‘international society as a legal community’ by analysing international practice. T3 - KFG Working Paper Series - 8 Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-421895 SN - 2509-3770 SN - 2509-3762 IS - 8 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Mar, Kathleen A. A1 - Unger, Charlotte A1 - Walderdorff, Ludmila A1 - Butler, Tim T1 - Beyond CO2 equivalence BT - The impacts of methane on climate, ecosystems, and health JF - Environmental science & policy N2 - In this article we review the physical and chemical properties of methane (CH4) relevant to impacts on climate, ecosystems, and air pollution, and examine the extent to which this is reflected in climate and air pollution governance. Although CH4 is governed under the UNFCCC climate regime, its treatment there is limited to the ways in which it acts as a "CO2 equivalent" climate forcer on a 100-year time frame. The UNFCCC framework neglects the impacts that CH4 has on near-term climate, as well its impacts on human health and ecosystems, which are primarily mediated by methane's role as a precursor to tropospheric ozone. Frameworks for air quality governance generally address tropospheric ozone as a pollutant, but do not regulate CH4 itself. Methane's climate and air quality impacts, together with its alarming rise in atmospheric concentrations in recent years, make it clear that mitigation of CH4 emissions needs to be accelerated globally. We examine challenges and opportunities for further progress on CH4 mitigation within the international governance landscapes for climate change and air pollution. KW - Methane KW - Climate governance KW - Air pollution KW - International policy KW - Short-lived climate pollutants KW - Global warming potential Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2022.03.027 SN - 1462-9011 SN - 1873-6416 VL - 134 SP - 127 EP - 136 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism BT - Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers N2 - In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores ‘semi-parliamentary government’ as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers. KW - presidential government KW - parliamentary government KW - semi-parliamentary government KW - separation of powers KW - executive personalism KW - bicameralism KW - constitutional design KW - democratic theory KW - patterns of democracy KW - Australia Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-0-19-289714-5 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001 SP - 1 EP - 199 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - GEN A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism BT - Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores ‘semi-parliamentary government’ as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 194 KW - presidential government KW - parliamentary government KW - semi-parliamentary government KW - separation of powers KW - executive personalism KW - bicameralism KW - constitutional design KW - democratic theory KW - patterns of democracy KW - Australia Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839 SN - 978-0-19-289714-5 SN - 1867-5808 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Heinzel, Mirko Noa A1 - Richter, Jonas A1 - Busch, Per-Olof A1 - Feil, Hauke A1 - Herold, Jana A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit T1 - Birds of a feather? BT - the determinants of impartiality perceptions of the IMF and the World Bank T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 186 KW - impartiality KW - bias KW - International Financial Institutions KW - International Monetary Fund KW - World Bank Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 5 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Heinzel, Mirko Noa A1 - Richter, Jonas A1 - Busch, Per-Olof A1 - Feil, Hauke A1 - Herold, Jana A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - Birds of a feather? BT - the determinants of impartiality perceptions of the IMF and the World Bank JF - Review of international political economy N2 - The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial. KW - Impartiality KW - bias KW - International Financial Institutions KW - International KW - Monetary Fund KW - World Bank Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711 SN - 0969-2290 SN - 1466-4526 VL - 28 IS - 5 SP - 1249 EP - 1273 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - GEN A1 - Koasidis, Jannis T1 - Bridges to the east : Poland and the European foreign policy by 2020 N2 - Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020 KW - Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik KW - Europäische Union KW - Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik KW - Ostpolitik KW - Common Foreign and Security Policy KW - European Union KW - European Neighborhood Policy KW - Eastern policy Y1 - 2006 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48404 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Hocking, Brian T1 - Bridging boundaries: creating linkages : non-central governments and multilayered policy environments N2 - Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed. Y1 - 1996 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11126 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Weaver, Catherine A1 - Heinzel, Mirko A1 - Jorgensen, Samantha A1 - Flores, Joseph T1 - Bureaucratic representation in the IMF and the World Bank JF - Global perspectives N2 - The legitimacy and effectiveness of international organizations are often linked directly to issues of representation—not only on their high-level governing boards and in top leadership but also within their staff. This article explores two key questions of bureaucratic representation in the critical cases of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. First, we seek to unpack three essential dimensions of staff representation—nationality, education, and gender—to explain how representation may matter for international organizations. Second, we aim to describe the multiple dimensions of representation in the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank over the past twenty years by deploying a novel dataset on staff demographics, focusing on ranks with decision-making authority within the institutions. Our descriptive analysis reveals that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have made considerable efforts to diversify their bureaucracies. Nonetheless, representation remains uneven; for example, nationals from middle- and low-income countries, women, and staff without economics degrees from prominent US- or UK-based universities are less present in key leadership positions. These results may be well explained by the particular needs of the institutions’ technical mandates and limits in the supply of qualified staff and, as such, need not be seen as suboptimal. Nonetheless, perceived imbalances in representation may continue to pose external legitimation and operational challenges to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank in a complex political environment where such multidimensional representation is important to sustaining the buy-in of donor and borrower countries alike. To this end, we recommend that the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank enhance their diversity and inclusion efforts by increasing transparency via reporting disaggregated data on workforce composition and introducing annual requirements to publish progress reports with management feedback to strengthen internal and external accountability. KW - representation KW - international bureaucracy KW - multilateralism KW - World Bank KW - IMF Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2022.39684 SN - 2575-7350 VL - 3 IS - 1 PB - University of California Press CY - Oakland, CA ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Thomeczek, Jan Philipp T1 - Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist? BT - an empirical analysis JF - Politische Vierteljahresschrift N2 - Germany’s relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht’s Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10% are within reach. While Wagenknecht’s positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht’s and BSW’s populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005–2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW’s manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of “the majority”. Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate. N2 - Die langjährige Stabilität des deutschen Parteiensystems wird aktuell durch eine neue links-konservative Partei herausgefordert: Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW). Erste Umfragen deuten an, dass das BSW bundesweit bis zu 10 % der Stimmen gewinnen könnte. Die Einordnung als links-konservativ oder in Anlehnung an die englische Literatur links-autoritär wurde bereits medial intensiv diskutiert. Weniger Beachtung hat bislang die populistische Kommunikation von Wagenknecht gefunden. Die populistische Ansprache durch das BSW kann bei der Beantwortung der Frage behilflich sein, warum das BSW scheinbar gegensätzliche Gruppen wie Wähler:innen der Linken und der AfD gleichzeitig ansprechen kann, da populistische Einstellungen unter den Wähler:innen beider Parteien weit verbreitet sind. Der vorliegende Beitrag analysiert die Rolle der populistischen Kommunikation von Wagenknecht und dem BSW mithilfe qualitativer und quantitativer Methoden. Dazu wurden zunächst alle Reden (ca. 10.000) und alle Pressemitteilungen (ca. 19.000) aller Linken-Bundestagsabgeordneten der gesamten parlamentarischen Lebensdauer der Fraktion (2005–2023) untersucht. Die Ergebnisse dieser quantitativen Analyse zeigen, dass Wagenknecht unter den Linken-Abgeordneten mit Abstand am häufigsten populistische Kommunikationselemente einsetzte und sie ebenso in der Lage war, einige der populistischsten Abgeordneten zum BSW-Beitritt zu überreden. Der Artikel schließt mit einer qualitativen Auswertung der populistischen Rhetorik im BSW-Parteiprogramm. Es wird deutlich, dass hier insbesondere die Kritik an der Politik- und Wirtschaftselite eine wichtige Rolle spielt. Diese Elitenkritik wird mit einem starken Bevölkerungsbezug kombiniert, der beispielsweise in der Ansprache der „Mehrheit“ deutlich wird. Insgesamt erscheint damit die Klassifizierung als populistische Partei gerechtfertigt. KW - populism KW - Germany KW - BSW KW - mixed methods KW - new parties KW - Populismus KW - Deutschland KW - neue Parteien Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z SN - 0032-3470 SN - 1862-2860 PB - Springer VS CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Höhne, Chris A1 - Lederer, Markus A1 - Stehle, Fee T1 - Carbon Governance Arrangements and the Nation-State: The Reconfiguration of Public Authority in Developing Countries JF - Public administration and development N2 - Several scholars concerned with global policy-making have recently pointed to a reconfiguration of authority in the area of climate politics. They have shown that various new carbon governance arrangements have emerged, which operate simultaneously at different governmental levels. However, despite the numerous descriptions and mapping exercises of these governance arrangements, we have little systematic knowledge on their workings within national jurisdictions, let alone about their impact on public-administrative systems in developing countries. Therefore, this article opens the black box of the nation-state and explores how and to what extent two different arrangements, that is, Transnational City Networks and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, generate changes in the distribution of public authority in nation-states and their administrations. Building upon conceptual assumptions that the former is likely to lead to more decentralized, and the latter to more centralized policy-making, we provide insights from case studies in Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, and India. In a nutshell, our analysis underscores that Transnational City Networks strengthen climate-related actions taken by cities without ultimately decentralizing climate policy-making. On the other hand, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation tends to reinforce the competencies of central governments, but apparently does not generate a recentralization of the forestry sector at large. KW - authority KW - climate politics KW - decentralization KW - developing countries KW - global south KW - public administration KW - REDD KW - transnational city networks Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.1814 SN - 0271-2075 SN - 1099-162X VL - 37 SP - 331 EP - 343 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Franzke, Jochen ED - Stelmach, Andrzej ED - Barabasz, Adam ED - Trosiak, Cezary T1 - Challenges of admission and integration of Ukraine war refugees in Germany since the Russian raid in February 2022 BT - a preliminary outline T2 - Ziemie Zachodnie i Północne Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-83-66740-70-9 SP - 403 EP - 412 PB - Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu CY - Poznań ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Heuberger, Moritz A1 - Schwab, Christian ED - Bergström, Tomas ED - Franzke, Jochen ED - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Wayenberg, Ellen T1 - Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens’ view BT - comparing citizens’ expectations and their experiences of digital service provision T2 - The future of local self-government Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-56058-4 SN - 978-3-030-56059-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9 SP - 115 EP - 130 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel T1 - Challenges to the external identity making in the European Union JF - WeltTrends-Papiere N2 - Inhalt: Introduction: The problem at hand Approaches to EU’s external identity making Mechanisms of external identity making Theoretical approaches to the EU’s external identity making The EU’s external identity promotion The ENP policy instruments Conclusions References KW - Polen KW - Europäische Union KW - Deutschland KW - Integration KW - Vertiefung KW - Poland KW - European Union KW - Germany KW - Integration KW - Consolidation Y1 - 2010 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62953 SN - 1864-0656 IS - 15 SP - 43 EP - 61 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hustedt, Thurid A1 - Seyfried, Markus ED - Hickmann, Thomas ED - Lederer, Markus T1 - Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation T2 - Leidenschaft und Augenmaß Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-8487-5249-2 SN - 978-3-8452-9429-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845294292-169 SP - 169 EP - 180 PB - Nomos CY - Baden-Baden ER - TY - THES A1 - Ehrentraut, Stefan T1 - Challenging Khmer citizenship : minorities, the state, and the international community in Cambodia T1 - Khmer Staatsbürgerschaft? : Minderheiten, der Staat und die internationale Gemeinschaft in Kambodscha N2 - The idea of a distinctly ‘liberal’ form of multiculturalism has emerged in the theory and practice of Western democracies and the international community has become actively engaged in its global dissemination via international norms and organizations. This thesis investigates the internationalization of minority rights, by exploring state-minority relations in Cambodia, in light of Will Kymlicka’s theory of multicultural citizenship. Based on extensive empirical research, the analysis explores the situation and aspirations of Cambodia’s ethnic Vietnamese, highland peoples, Muslim Cham, ethnic Chinese and Lao and the relationships between these groups and the state. All Cambodian regimes since independence have defined citizenship with reference to the ethnicity of the Khmer majority and have - often violently - enforced this conception through the assimilation of highland peoples and the Cham and the exclusion of ethnic Vietnamese and Chinese. Cambodia’s current constitution, too, defines citizenship ethnically. State-sponsored Khmerization systematically privileges members of the majority culture and marginalizes minority members politically, economically and socially. The thesis investigates various international initiatives aimed at promoting application of minority rights norms in Cambodia. It demonstrates that these initiatives have largely failed to accomplish a greater degree of compliance with international norms in practice. This failure can be explained by a number of factors, among them Cambodia’s neo-patrimonial political system, the geo-political fears of a ‘minoritized’ Khmer majority, the absence of effective regional security institutions, the lack of minority access to political decision-making, the significant differences between international and Cambodian conceptions of modern statehood and citizenship and the emergence of China as Cambodia’s most important bilateral donor and investor. Based on this analysis, the dissertation develops recommendations for a sequenced approach to minority rights promotion, with pragmatic, less ambitious shorter-term measures that work progressively towards achievement of international norms in the longer-term. N2 - In der politischen Theorie und Praxis liberaler Demokratien hat sich die Idee eines explizit liberalen Multikulturalismus etabliert. Die internationale Gemeinschaft verbreitet diese Idee weltweit durch Völkerrechtsnormen und internationale Organisationen. Auf der Grundlage umfangreicher Feldforschung untersucht die vorliegende Dissertation die Internationalisierung von Minderheitenrechten am Beispiel Kambodschas. Dazu werden die Situation und Aspirationen von Kambodschas ethnischen Vietnamesen, Bergvölkern, islamischen Cham, ethnischen Chinesen und Laoten und das Verhältnis zwischen diesen Gruppen und dem Staat analysiert. Alle kambodschanischen Regimes seit der Unabhängigkeit haben Staatsbürgerschaft über die Ethnizität der Khmer Mehrheit definiert und diese Konzeption durch den Versuch der Assimilation der Bergvölker und Cham und den Ausschluss ethnischer Vietnamesen und Chinesen aktiv und oft gewaltsam zu verwirklichen versucht. Auch die aktuelle Verfassung definiert Mitgliedschaft im Gemeinwesen ethnisch. Das Streben des Staates nach der kulturellen ‚Khmerisation‘ der Bevölkerung privilegiert Mehrheitsmitglieder und marginalisiert Mitglieder kultureller Minderheiten politisch, wirtschaftlich und sozial. Trotz vielfältiger Initiativen ist die internationale Gemeinschaft daran gescheitert, in Kambodscha die Anwendung internationaler Minderheitenrechte zu erreichen. Die Analyse erklärt dieses Scheitern mit einer Reihe von Faktoren, darunter Kambodschas neo-patrimonialem Regierungssystem, den geo-politischen Ängsten einer ‚minoritisierten’ Khmer Mehrheit, dem Fehlen effektiver regionaler Sicherheitsinstitutionen, dem fehlenden Zugang von Minderheiten zu politischen Entscheidungsprozessen, den erheblichen Unterschieden zwischen internationalen und kambodschanischen Konzeptionen von moderner Staatlichkeit und Staatsbürgerschaft sowie der zunehmenden Bedeutung Chinas als Kambodschas wichtigstem bilateraler Geber und Investor. Auf der Grundlage dieser Analyse entwickelt die Arbeit Empfehlungen, wie die internationale Gemeinschaft mit einem sequenzierten Ansatz die schrittweise Annäherung an internationale Normen und deren langfristige Einhaltung erreichen kann. KW - Kambodscha KW - Minderheiten KW - indigene Völker KW - Dezentralisierung KW - Vietnamesen KW - Cambodia KW - minorities KW - indigenous peoples KW - decentralization KW - Vietnamese Y1 - 2013 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70355 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schmidt, Max Oliver T1 - Church asylum as ultima ratio BT - fighting for access to German society JF - The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-0-367-74536-3 SN - 978-1-00-315837-0 SP - 36 EP - 53 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Huber, Stefan T1 - Citizens participation in Latvia : still a long road to go? N2 - On the 20.01.1991 the Latvian people defended the Latvian political elite from the Soviet OMON troops in order to achieve independence. After this impressive sign of civil society the people fell asleep, the level of mobility and the satisfaction with the functioning of democracy therefore is rather weak. The referendum (2008), to gain the right to dissolve the Parliament by the people, initiated by the Trade Unions can be assessed as a sign that there is something on the move. This paper is trying to give an impression of the situation of the civil society in terms of participation in the decision- making process. Hereby the focus lays on NGOs: What is the legal base and which problems do they face. To learn more about the situation interviews were organized with representatives of NGOs from different sectors like community development; Social inclusion; advocating gender issues as well as environment and sustainable development. As a result of the research it can be said that the civil society made some steps forward but it is still struggling with a high level of corruption, lack of interested from the elite and the ordinary people and the insecure financial state. T3 - Forschungspapiere "Probleme der Öffentlichen Verwaltung in Mittel- und Osteuropa" - 12 Y1 - 2011 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-49715 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Reichard, Christoph A1 - Schröter, Eckhard T1 - Civil Service and Public Employment JF - Public Administration in Germany N2 - The German system of public sector employment (including civil servants and public employees) qualifies as a classical European continental civil service model moulded in traditional forms of a Weberian bureaucracy. Its features include a career-based employment system with entry based on levels of formal qualification. Coordinated by legal frames and centralised collective bargaining, the civil service is, at the same time, decentralised and flexible enough to accommodate regional differences and societal changes. In comparison, the civil service system stands out for its high degrees of professionalism and legal fairness with low levels of corruption or cronyism. Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-53696-1 SN - 978-3-030-53697-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_13 SP - 205 EP - 223 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Debre, Maria Josepha T1 - Clubs of autocrats BT - regional organizations and authoritarian survival JF - The review of international organizations N2 - While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes. KW - regional organizations KW - authoritarian resilience KW - democratization KW - survival analysis KW - domestic politics Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y SN - 1559-7431 SN - 1559-744X VL - 17 IS - 3 SP - 485 EP - 511 PB - Springer CY - Boston ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Soergel, Bjoern A1 - Kriegler, Elmar A1 - Bodirsky, Benjamin Leon A1 - Bauer, Nico A1 - Leimbach, Marian A1 - Popp, Alexander T1 - Combining ambitious climate policies with efforts to eradicate poverty JF - Nature Communications N2 - Climate change threatens to undermine efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. However, climate policies could impose a financial burden on the global poor through increased energy and food prices. Here, we project poverty rates until 2050 and assess how they are influenced by mitigation policies consistent with the 1.5 degrees C target. A continuation of historical trends will leave 350 million people globally in extreme poverty by 2030. Without progressive redistribution, climate policies would push an additional 50 million people into poverty. However, redistributing the national carbon pricing revenues domestically as an equal-per-capita climate dividend compensates this policy side effect, even leading to a small net reduction of the global poverty headcount (-6 million). An additional international climate finance scheme enables a substantial poverty reduction globally and also in Sub-Saharan Africa. Combining national redistribution with international climate finance thus provides an important entry point to climate policy in developing countries. Ambitious climate policies can negatively impact the global poor by affecting income, food and energy prices. Here, the authors quantify this effect, and show that it can be compensated by national redistribution of the carbon pricing revenues in combination with international climate finance. Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-021-22315-9 SN - 2041-1723 VL - 12 PB - Nature Publishing Group CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bergström, Tomas A1 - Copus, Colin A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Ruano, Jose M. A1 - Schaap, Linze A1 - Vakkala, Hanna T1 - Combining European Research on Local Governance and Local Democracy JF - Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA N2 - The contribution summarises the scientific discussion and research activities of the EGPA Permanent Study Group 4 (PSG 4) “Local Governance and Local Democracy”, founded in 2005. The impetus for proposing this specific PSG was the growing importance of the local level within the multi-level governance system in the European Union and most of its member states. The PSG 4 acts as a European network of research activities inside and outside EGPA, producing joint publications and organising scientific debates on many problems of the development of municipalities and local authorities. Our focus was on discussing both how to improve democracy by increased participation and deliberation, and how to secure provision of services in an efficient way in developed welfare societies. This includes analysing several forms of administrative changes and reforms at the local level and research of representative, direct and cooperative democracy at local level in a cross-European comparison. Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 SP - 135 EP - 145 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Seyfried, Markus T1 - Comparatice methods B BT - comparative mezhods in public administration - the value of looking around JF - Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-1-78990-347-8 SP - 181 EP - 196 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Cohen, Denis A1 - Krause, Werner A1 - Abou-Chadi, Tarik T1 - Comparative vote switching BT - a new framework for studying dynamic multiparty competition JF - The journal of politics N2 - Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties’ policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change. KW - vote switching KW - party competition KW - multi-party systems KW - data and methods Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1086/726952 SN - 0022-3816 SN - 1468-2508 VL - 86 IS - 2 SP - 597 EP - 607 PB - University of Chicago Press CY - Chicago, IL ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Marienfeldt, Justine ED - Teles, Filipe T1 - Comparing local government systems and reforms in Europe BT - from new public management to digital era governance? T2 - Handbook on local and regional governance N2 - The study of subnational and local government systems and reforms has become an increasingly salient topic in comparative public administration. In many European countries, policy implementation, the execution of public tasks and the delivery of services to citizens are largely carried out by local governments, which, at the same time, have been subjected to multiple reforms and sometimes comprehensive institutional re-organizations. This chapter discusses analytical key concepts and outcomes of the comparative study of local governments and local government reforms. It outlines frameworks and analytical tools to capture the variety of institutional settings and developments at the local level of government. It provides an introduction into crucial comparative dimensions, such as functional, territorial and political profiles of local governments, and analyses current reform approaches and outcomes based on recent empirical findings. Finally, the chapter addresses salient issues to be taken up in future comparative studies about local government. KW - comparative public administration KW - local government systems KW - digitalization KW - territorial reforms KW - decentralization KW - (post) new public management Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-1-80037-119-4 SN - 978-1-80037-120-0 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781800371200.00033 SP - 313 EP - 329 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK ER - TY - GEN A1 - Franzmann, Simon T. T1 - Competition, contest, and cooperation BT - the analytic framework of the issue market N2 - Although party competition is widely regarded as an important part of a working democracy, it is rarely analysed in political science literature. This article discusses the basic properties of party competition, especially the patterns of interaction in contemporary party systems. Competition as a phenomenon at the macro level has to be carefully distinguished from contest and cooperation as the forms of interaction at the micro level. The article gives special attention to the creation of issue innovations. Contrary to existing approaches, I argue that not only responsiveness but also innovation are necessary to guarantee a workable democratic competition. Competition takes place on an issue market, where parties can discover voters’ demands. Combined with the concept of institutional veto points, the article presents hypotheses on how institutions shape the possibility for programmatic innovations. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 80 KW - cooperation KW - innovation KW - issue market KW - party competition KW - veto point Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-402961 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Esguerra, Alejandro ED - Esguerra, Alejandro ED - Helmerich, Nicole ED - Risse, Thomas T1 - Conclusion T2 - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance N2 - This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research. Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-3-319-39871-6 SN - 978-3-319-39870-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9 SP - 211 EP - 224 PB - Cham CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Conclusion BT - How steadfast is the iron throne? T2 - Politics of repression under authoritarian rule N2 - Does political repression work for authoritarian rule? On the one hand, repression is a hallmark of authoritarian governance. It denotes any action governments take to increase the costs of collective action. Autocrats consciously apply repression to curb popular opposition within their territorial jurisdiction. They repress in order to protect their policies, personnel, or other interests against challenges from below. Repression is, thus, a means to the end of political survival in non-democratic contexts. A useful means lives up to its promises. Does repression do that? This project started on the suspicion that we do not yet know the answer. This concluding chapter recalls the key theoretical ideas developed along the way, highlights the main findings of the book, and concludes with opportunities for future research. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_6 SP - 163 EP - 176 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Partzsch, Lena A1 - Pattberg, Philipp H. A1 - Weiland, Sabine T1 - Conclusion BT - Towards a 'deep debate' on the Anthropocene T2 - The anthropocene debate and political science Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-0-8153-8614-8 SP - 237 EP - 251 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Krieger, Heike A1 - Liese, Andrea ED - Krieger, Heike ED - Liese, Andrea T1 - Conclusion BT - turbulence, robustness, and value change T2 - Tracing value change in the international legal order N2 - Based on the previous findings in this book, Chapter 18 by Heike Krieger and Andrea Liese discusses the general dynamics of change or metamorphosis in the international legal order. They discern a mixed picture of an international order between metamorphosis—that is, a more fundamental transformation—of international law, norm change, turbulences, and robustness. They explain drivers of change and highlight factors such as national interests during the war on terror, changing long-term foreign policy beliefs, and the rise in populism and autocracy, before discussing the most common strategies the actors involved use. Other relevant factors include changes in the political environment, such as shocks and power shifts or the ambiguous role of fragmentation. Moreover, they identify factors that make legal norms robust, including the vital role of norm defenders and legal and institutional structures as stabilizing elements. Krieger and Liese conclude by cautioning that if the attacks on the international order continue at the current frequency and magnitude, a metamorphosis of international law will likely be unstoppable. KW - value change KW - legal change KW - norm robustness KW - norm dynamics KW - drivers for change KW - metamorphosis of international law Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-0-19-285583-1 SN - 978-0-19-266836-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855831.003.0018 SP - 319 EP - C18N113 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bouckaert, Geert T1 - Conclusion : Tensions, Challenges, and Future "Flags" of Local Public Sector Reforms and Comparative T2 - Local Public Sector Reforms in Times of Crisis : national trajectories and international comparisons Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-1-137-52547-5 SP - 347 EP - 354 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bouckaert, Geert A1 - Jann, Werner A1 - Maron, Fabienne A1 - Ongaro, Edoardo A1 - Sofiane, Sahraoui T1 - Conclusion: EGPA, EPPA an the Future of Public Administration in Europa JF - Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA N2 - This chapter outlines the strategy of the European Group for Public Administration (EGPA) and reflects on some of its key strengths, and how these may equip the European community of scholars and practitioners of public administration (PA) to contribute to the development of the field. The chapter reviews the key trait of the EGPA organisational model: the Permanent Study Groups, which are communities of scholars centred on the key areas of the administrative sciences in Europe. It also discusses the partnerships that EGPA has developed with key institutions in Europe and beyond, and highlights the significance of the EGPA policy papers on European governance. Finally, it discusses the strategic, forward-looking project European Perspectives on Public Administration, which aims to reflect on the future of the research and teaching of public administration. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 U6 - https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_32 SP - 355 EP - 361 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - de la Fuente, José M. Ruano T1 - Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe JF - Local Integration of Migrants Policy N2 - As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance. KW - Integration strategy KW - Local authorities KW - National state communication KW - Integration KW - Migrants Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-50978-1 SN - 978-3-030-50979-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18 SN - 2523-8248 SN - 2523-8256 SP - 335 EP - 344 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER -