TY - BOOK
A1 - Taylor, Charles
A1 - Nanz, Patrizia
A1 - Taylor, Madeleine Beaubien
T1 - Reconstructing democracy
BT - how citizens are building from the ground up
N2 - Across the world, democracies are suffering from a disconnect between the people and political elites. In communities where jobs and industry are scarce, many feel the government is incapable of understanding their needs or addressing their problems. The resulting frustration has fueled the success of destabilizing demagogues. To reverse this pattern and restore responsible government, we need to reinvigorate democracy at the local level. But what does that mean? Drawing on examples of successful community building in cities large and small, from a shrinking village in rural Austria to a neglected section of San Diego, Reconstructing Democracy makes a powerful case for re-engaging citizens. It highlights innovative grassroots projects and shows how local activists can form alliances and discover their own power to solve problems.
Y1 - 2020
SN - 978-0-674-24462-7
PB - Harvard University Press
CY - Cambridge
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Dieter, Heribert
T1 - Globalisierung à la carte
BT - Demokratie, Nationalstaat und die Zukunft europäischer und globaler Zusammenarbeit
T3 - Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung: Schriftenreihe ; Band 10146
Y1 - 2017
SN - 978-3-7425-0146-2
PB - Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung
CY - Bonn
ER -
TY - BOOK
ED - Franzke, Jochen
ED - de la Fuente, José M. Ruano
T1 - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
T3 - Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance
N2 - This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.
KW - Migration Policy
KW - Local Governance
KW - Local Civil Society Networks
KW - Sub-national Autonomy
KW - Integration Policy
KW - European Immigration Policies
KW - Comparative Public Administration
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-030-50979-8
SN - 978-3-030-50978-1
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8
SN - 2523-8256
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
CY - Cham
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Franzke, Jochen
A1 - de la Fuente, José M. Ruano
T1 - New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe
JF - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2 - In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.
KW - Migration
KW - Policy
KW - Integration
KW - Local authorities
KW - Coordination
KW - Civil society
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1
SN - 2523-8248
SN - 2523-8256
SP - 1
EP - 9
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
CY - Cham
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Franzke, Jochen
T1 - Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants
JF - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2 - The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany’s transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.
KW - Germany
KW - Federalism
KW - Integration
KW - Coordination
KW - Municipalities
KW - Local autonomy
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7
SN - 2523-8248
SN - 2523-8256
SP - 107
EP - 121
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
CY - Cham
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Franzke, Jochen
T1 - Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe
JF - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2 - This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.
KW - Migration
KW - Media
KW - Public opinion
KW - Eurobarometer
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17
SN - 2523-8248
SN - 2523-8256
SP - 311
EP - 333
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
CY - Cham
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Franzke, Jochen
A1 - de la Fuente, José M. Ruano
T1 - Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe
JF - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2 - As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.
KW - Integration strategy
KW - Local authorities
KW - National state communication
KW - Integration
KW - Migrants
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18
SN - 2523-8248
SN - 2523-8256
SP - 335
EP - 344
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
CY - Cham
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Daviter, Falk
T1 - Policy analysis in the face of complexity
BT - What kind of knowledge to tackle wicked problems?
JF - Public policy and administration
N2 - An ever-increasing number of policy problems have come to be interpreted as representing a particular type of intractable, ill-structured or wicked policy problem. Much of this debate is concerned with the challenges wicked problems pose for program management rather than policy analysis. This article, in contrast, argues that the key challenge in addressing this type of policy problems is in fact analytical. Wicked policy problems are difficult to identify and interpret. The knowledge base for analysing wicked policy problem is typically fragmented and contested. Available evidence is incomplete, inconclusive and incommensurable. In this situation, the evidentiary and the interpretative elements of policy analysis become increasingly indistinguishable and inseparably intertwined. The article reveals the problems this poses for policy analysis and explores the extent to which the consolidation, consensualization and contestation of evidence in policy analysis offer alternative procedural paths to resolve these problems.
KW - Evidence-based policy making
KW - expertise
KW - knowledge
KW - policy analysis
KW - wicked problems
Y1 - 2017
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0952076717733325
SN - 0952-0767
SN - 1749-4192
VL - 34
IS - 1
PB - Sage Publ.
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Franzke, Jochen
T1 - Rezension zu: The Routledge handbook of international local government / edited by Richard Kerley, Joyce Liddle and Pamela T. Dunning. - London: Routledge, 2018. - 528 pp. - ISBN: 978- 11-3823-472-7, ISBN: 978-1-31530-627-8
JF - Local government studies
N2 - When I took up the task of writing a review of the Routledge handbook of international local government, it occurred to me, as a member of the generation of the 1950s, that I had not even considered whether such compendiums were even necessary in times of easy internet searching. This review will look at whether that is indeed the case.
Social-science handbooks naturally are very broad. This also applies to the particular handbook under review. It comprises six content-thematic parts with 33 chapters by 73 authors from 21 countries, with the UK and USA dominant. The focal points, discussed in more detail below, are local elections and local governance, local governments in different jurisdictions, the challenges of local government services, citizen engagement in local affairs, and local authorities in multi-level finance systems that shape how municipal governments ‘get and spend’ public money. These are exactly the topics actually discussed in the international community of political scientists.
As a preliminary, the editors work out the theoretical-methodological foundations of the topic. They define ‘the local’ as ‘geographically defined sub-national state administrative or political divisions’ (p. 3). As next steps, they analyse the difference between government and governance, and investigate whether local government is globally important and relevant. Fortunately, they conclude that this is indeed the case.
Part I of the handbook illustrates ‘substantive variations’ in the local electoral systems and ‘notable divergences in the values and assumptions of local governance among democratic countries’ (p. 23). That topic is indeed central to local authorities’ legitimacy in democratic political systems. The focus of this part of the handbook is on current research and debates around local electoral systems, the challenges of local political leadership and the councillor’s role in modern local policy. Current trends at the local level are analysed from the actors’ perspectives or from an economic point of view by comparing institutionalised differences in city managers, mayors and council members across different jurisdictions. Sections that investigate traditional leadership and local government in Pacific Island countries are of particular interest to most Western readers, because in Europe and North America we know too little about such issues in that part of the world.
Part II of the handbook presents current development processes and challenges in various local government systems. The chapters are territorially oriented around nation states or sub-national regions. This part of the handbook deal with local government in the Pacific Islands, Latin America, and New Zealand and in the Caribbean. However, the rationale behind country selection is not always clear; important countries like China, India and Nigeria, just to name a few, are absent. Unfortunately, there is no summary article highlighting similarities and differences, as well as the challenges in local government, relating to the countries studied in the book.
The development of local services is the focus of Part III of the handbook, however, the definition of local services remains highly controversial and their scope varies widely between the countries. From the 1980s onwards, there was a long-term trend towards the marketisation and economisation of local politics, but since the turn of the millennium, there has been a counter-trend of the return of municipalities and third sector in the fields of local public services (Wollmann 2018). The book analyses the US and Georgia as case studies for development trends, finding that local government entrepreneurship remains an important factor in promoting economic development and strengthening capacities.
I was pleased to see that Part IV, the next and most extensive part of the handbook, deals with citizen engagement, because the future of local self-government across the world depends not only on top down activities by local governing elites, but above all on the commitment of the inhabitants of cities and municipalities. Practices and challenges of citizen participation in local government are analysed in inspiring case studies of mid-sized cities in Russia and the United States. The contribution on urban governance of austerity in Europe is also of particular interest. The 2008 global financial crash and the subsequent severe budgetary pressure on municipalities in many countries was a key event in the history and development of local self-government, confronting municipalities with ‘the harsh realities of political economy’ (p. 293). Several articles analyse the causes of the declining confidence of the citizens in local authorities in some countries. In contrast, the open budget tool in Brazil is as a positive example of collaborative stakeholder engagement.
Part V deals with multi-level governance. With the exception of Australia, it is all about Europe, especially the role of municipalities in the EU’s multilevel system. The authors conclude that ‘local authorities are essential for executing EU legislation, and this turn allows them to shape EU policies’ (p. 401). This part of the handbook includes the issue of local territorial reforms, which are central to local autonomy, combined with analyses of redesigning regional government and local-level Europeanisation. Subsequently, by comparing the local government systems of Southern Europe (France, Italy, Portugal and Spain), the authors underline convincingly the role of traditions, identity, legal frameworks and institutions in local government.
Part VI of the book deals with the financial dimension of local self-government under the heading ‘Getting and spending’. This is indeed the ‘key source of dispute between local and central government’ (p. 467) and the crucial factor shaping true local autonomy. Meritoriously, this part also contains a chapter on the fight against corruption and unethical behaviour by public servants. Based on research linking corruption to transparency and accountability, two case studies describe how Tbilisi (Georgia) and Lviv (Ukraine) try to reduce corruption in government budgeting and procurement. Enhancing Value-For-Money audit in local government highlights another important side of local finance. An interesting comparison reveals significant differences in local government revenues in European Union member states between 2000 and 2014.
Of course, even in a 530-page book, some important aspects remain underexposed. Above all, I would have liked more attention on some of the enormous future challenges facing democratic systems and with them local governments all over the world, such as digitisation (e.g. in smart cities), the integration of migrants or climate change. The international networking of municipalities should also be given greater prominence.
To sum it up, The Routledge Handbook on International Local Government is indeed ‘ambitiously titled’ as the editors underline. Yet, despite my critical objections about its focus on current issues rather than future challenges, they largely fulfil this promise and their general approach has worked well. Across continents and political-administrative cultures, illustrated with many new research findings, they have created an outstanding publication focusing on the challenges and policy of local self-governmental authorities and other local stakeholders. There is a good chance that this handbook will belong in future to the social science standard works on local issues, and be included in academic political science teaching. May the publisher’s wish come true; that this book stimulates its readers to develop further research ideas.
Finally, I come back to my initial question. ‘Old fashioned’ printed handbooks like these continue to make sense, even in modern digital times.
Y1 - 2019
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2020.1702771
SN - 0300-3930
SN - 1743-9388
VL - 46
IS - 1
SP - 163
EP - 165
PB - Routledge
CY - Abingdon
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Dieter, Heribert
T1 - Chinas neuer langer Marsch
BT - zwischen Selbstisolation und offensiver Außenpolitik
T3 - Schriftenreihe / Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung ; Band 10685
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-7425-0685-6
PB - Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung
CY - Bonn
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Weiß, Norman
T1 - Origin and Further Development
JF - The Council of Europe
Y1 - 2017
SN - 978-0-19-967252-3
SP - 3
EP - 22
PB - Oxford University Press
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - El-Safadi, Majd
T1 - Afghanistan-Krieg
BT - die Ohnmacht des Westens
JF - WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-947802-66-1
SN - 0944-8101
VL - 29
IS - 179
SP - 68
EP - 71
PB - WeltTrends
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Brüning, Christina
T1 - Heterogenität
JF - Wörterbuch Politikunterricht
Y1 - 2020
SN - 978-3-7344-0953-0
SP - 107
EP - 110
PB - Wochenschau
CY - Frankfurt
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Temmen, Jens
T1 - The Territorialities of U.S. Imperialism(s)
BT - Conflicting Discourses of Sovereignty, Jurisdiction and Territory in Nineteenth-Century U.S. Legal Texts and Indigenous Life Writing
T2 - American Studies ; 308
N2 - ‘The Territorialities of U.S. Imperialisms’ sets into relation U.S. imperial and Indigenous conceptions of territoriality as articulated in U.S. legal texts and Indigenous life writing in the 19th century. It analyzes the ways in which U.S. legal texts as “legal fictions” narratively press to affirm the United States’ territorial sovereignty and coherence in spite of its reliance on a variety of imperial practices that flexibly disconnect and (re)connect U.S. sovereignty, jurisdiction and territory.
At the same time, the book acknowledges Indigenous life writing as legal texts in their own right and with full juridical force, which aim to highlight the heterogeneity of U.S. national territory both from their individual perspectives and in conversation with these legal fictions. Through this, the book’s analysis contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the coloniality of U.S. legal fictions, while highlighting territoriality as a key concept in the fashioning of the narrative of U.S. imperialism.
Y1 - 2020
SN - 978-3-8253-4713-0
PB - Winter
CY - Heidelberg
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Heucher, Angela
T1 - Evolving Order? Inter-Organizational Relations in the Organizational
JF - Forum for Development Studies
N2 - Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in Côte d’Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of Côte d’Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an – albeit limited – division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.
KW - inter-organizational relations
KW - international organizations
KW - organizational fields
KW - inter-organizational order
KW - food security governance
Y1 - 2019
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2018.1562962
SN - 0803-9410
SN - 1891-1765
VL - 46
IS - 3
SP - 501
EP - 526
PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Abingdon
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Ganghof, Steffen
A1 - Eppner, Sebastian
T1 - Faire Repräsentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide?
Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems
Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government
T1 - Fair representation versus clear decisions
On the reform of the electoral system and form of government
JF - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft
N2 - The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015.
N2 - Die Fragmentierung europäischer Parteiensysteme und damit verbundene Schwierigkeiten bei der Koalitionsbildung haben zu einer Neuauflage altbekannter Debatten über unterschiedliche Wahlsysteme geführt. Einige Autoren sehen dabei bestimmte Wahlsysteme als optimalen Kompromiss zwischen den Prinzipien der Mehrheits- und der Verhältniswahl an. Wir argumentieren, dass diese Optimalitätsargumente eine konzeptionelle Schlagseite zugunsten „majoritärer“ Demokratiekonzeptionen haben. Eine anspruchsvolle „proportionale“ Demokratiekonzeption umfasst die Ziele mechanischer Proportionalität, multidimensionaler Repräsentation und wechselnder Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten. Diese Ziele lassen sich allerdings im parlamentarischen Regierungssystem nicht mit den Zielen der Mehrheitswahl vereinbaren. Der Grund ist, dass die relevanten Hürden des Wahlsystems gleichzeitig für die parlamentarische Repräsentation und die Teilnahme am Misstrauensvotum gelten. Erstere ist entscheidend für die proportionale, letztere für die majoritäre Konzeption der Demokratie. Sind wir bereit diese beiden Hürden zu entkoppeln – und somit das Regierungssystem zu verändern – ergibt sich eine Vielfalt neuer Reformoptionen. Wir illustrieren diese Punkte mit Daten für 29 demokratische Systeme im Zeitraum von 1995 bis 2015.
KW - Forms of government
KW - Types of democracy
KW - Electoral systems
Y1 - 2019
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7
SN - 1865-2646
SN - 1865-2654
VL - 13
IS - 3
SP - 375
EP - 397
PB - Springer
CY - Wiesbaden
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Hickmann, Thomas
A1 - Fuhr, Harald
A1 - Höhne, Chris
A1 - Lederer, Markus
A1 - Stehle, Fee
T1 - Carbon Governance Arrangements and the Nation-State: The Reconfiguration of Public Authority in Developing Countries
JF - Public administration and development
N2 - Several scholars concerned with global policy-making have recently pointed to a reconfiguration of authority in the area of climate politics. They have shown that various new carbon governance arrangements have emerged, which operate simultaneously at different governmental levels. However, despite the numerous descriptions and mapping exercises of these governance arrangements, we have little systematic knowledge on their workings within national jurisdictions, let alone about their impact on public-administrative systems in developing countries. Therefore, this article opens the black box of the nation-state and explores how and to what extent two different arrangements, that is, Transnational City Networks and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, generate changes in the distribution of public authority in nation-states and their administrations. Building upon conceptual assumptions that the former is likely to lead to more decentralized, and the latter to more centralized policy-making, we provide insights from case studies in Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, and India. In a nutshell, our analysis underscores that Transnational City Networks strengthen climate-related actions taken by cities without ultimately decentralizing climate policy-making. On the other hand, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation tends to reinforce the competencies of central governments, but apparently does not generate a recentralization of the forestry sector at large.
KW - authority
KW - climate politics
KW - decentralization
KW - developing countries
KW - global south
KW - public administration
KW - REDD
KW - transnational city networks
Y1 - 2017
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.1814
SN - 0271-2075
SN - 1099-162X
VL - 37
SP - 331
EP - 343
PB - Wiley
CY - Hoboken
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Juchler, Ingo
T1 - Einführung
JF - Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
Y1 - 2020
SN - 978-3-658-30304-4
SN - 978-3-658-30305-1
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1
SP - 1
EP - 5
PB - Springer
CY - Wiesbaden
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Juchler, Ingo
T1 - Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind – Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten
JF - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
N2 - Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das Stück zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen können umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie anknüpfen. In dem Beitrag wird zunächst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind“ nachgegangen, vom Römischen Reich über die Französische Revolution, die totalitären Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im Stück thematisierten Verhältnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gefüge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer Überlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der Möglichkeit von Bildung und politischer Mündigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten“, Bullshit und Lügen diskutiert.
Y1 - 2020
SN - 978-3-658-30305-1
SN - 978-3-658-30304-4
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1
SP - 122
EP - 137
PB - Springer
CY - Wiesbaden
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Droll, Max
T1 - Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht
JF - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
N2 - Eine relevante und höchst aktuelle Überschneidung fachübergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Phänomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing“ einer breiten Öffentlichkeit, die weit über fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erläutert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und für ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — häufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts ermöglicht die Entwicklung und Förderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erläutert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben für den Politikunterricht.
Y1 - 2020
SN - 978-3-658-30305-1
SN - 978-3-658-30304-4
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13
SP - 171
EP - 180
PB - Springer
CY - Wiesbaden
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fitzi, Gregor
T1 - Max Weber’s concept of ‘modern politics
JF - Journal of Classical Sociology
N2 - In a critical approach to Mommsen’s classical thesis, which states the dependence of Weber’s sociology on his political position, the article reconstructs the foundation of Weber’s ‘The Profession and Vocation of Politics’ on his sociological analyses of the political domain in the manuscripts for the posthumous publication of Economy and Society. The first two pages of his 1919 lecture particularly show that Weber can fall back on the definitions of State and politics that he had already developed for his political sociology. Yet, to appreciate the full extent of this theoretical contribution, it is necessary to present Weber’s entire ideal-typical analysis of the political. The article then shows that Weber provides an unlabelled definition of ‘modern politics’ that negates ante litteram Carl Schmitt’s foundation of politics on the idea of enmity. In this context, Weber’s sound plea for parliamentarism and against the fascination of civil war comes to the fore that he wanted to deliver to his audience of young revolutionaries in January 1919.
KW - Carl Schmitt
KW - civil war
KW - concept of the political
KW - Max Weber
KW - monopoly of legitimate use of force
KW - parliamentarism
KW - political sociology
KW - revolution
KW - violence
Y1 - 2019
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1468795X19851368
SN - 1468-795X
SN - 1741-2897
VL - 19
IS - 4
SP - 361
EP - 376
PB - Sage Publ.
CY - London
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Kamprath, Martin
T1 - A microfoundations perspectives on fresight and business models
BT - Competence development and business model design in times of digital industry transformation
Y1 - 2014
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Ruhe, Constantin
A1 - Leib, Julia
A1 - Weidmann, Nils B.
A1 - Bussmann, Margit
T1 - Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland
BT - ein Kommentar zur Evaluation durch den Wissenschaftsrat
BT - a comment on the evaluation by the german science council
JF - Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung
N2 - Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und ergänzt die aktuelle Diskussion über die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erläutern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarität, Internationalität und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung für interdisziplinäre und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch für die Politikberatung ist. Zukünftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen berücksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu stärken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung“ der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.
N2 - This article reflects on and adds to the ongoing discussion of the German Science Council’s recommendations for the further development of peace and conflict research. We focus on the gaps in empirical-analytical research methodology identified by the German Science Council and elaborate how they affect interdisciplinary cooperation, international visibility and policy-oriented research within the German peace and conflict research community. We follow the analysis of the Science Council’s report and argue that a diversified training in as well as knowledge of empirical research methodology is of central importance for interdisciplinary and international cooperation as well as comprehensive policy-oriented research. Future initiatives within the peace and conflict research community should strive to reflect the methodological diversity of our research community and put a special emphasis on training in empirical-analytical research methodology, in order to strengthen the methodological expertise in this realm. Our article originates from a discussion within the working group on “Empirical Research Methods in Peace and Conflict Research” of the German Association for Peace and Conflict Studies’ (Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung e.V.—AFK).
T2 - Empirical-analytical peace and conflict research in Germany
KW - Forschungsmethoden
KW - Wissenschaftsrat
KW - Interdisziplinarität
KW - Internationalisierung
KW - Politikberatung
KW - Nachwuchsförderung
KW - Methodenpluralismus
KW - Research methods
KW - German science council
KW - Interdisciplinary research
KW - International cooperation
KW - Policy recommendations
KW - Promoting young researchers
KW - Methodological pluralism
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8
SN - 2524-6976
SN - 2192-1741
VL - 9
IS - 2
SP - 443
EP - 454
PB - Springer
CY - Wiesbaden
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Leib, Julia
A1 - Ruppel, Samantha
T1 - The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms
JF - European Political Science
N2 - How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students’ learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.
KW - Active learning
KW - Education
KW - Negotiation
KW - Simulations
KW - UN
KW - International relations
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3
SN - 1682-0983
SN - 1680-4333
VL - 19
IS - 3
SP - 336
EP - 351
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Leib, Julia
T1 - Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding
JF - Peace, conflict & development : an interdisciplinary journal
N2 - What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is
characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects
of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a
set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover
the dynamics of post-conflict peace.
KW - civil war
KW - peacebuilding
KW - post-conflict peace
KW - set theory
KW - QCA
Y1 - 2016
SN - 1742-0601
IS - 22
SP - 25
EP - 76
PB - Univ.
CY - Bradford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Leib, Julia
T1 - The security and justice approach in liberia’s peace process
BT - mechanistic evidence and local perception
JF - Peace economics, peace science, and public policy
N2 - From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.
KW - Liberia
KW - peace process
KW - peacekeeping
KW - process tracing
KW - survey
KW - transitional justice
Y1 - 2019
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2019-0033
SN - 1554-8597
VL - 25
IS - 4
PB - de Gruyter
CY - Berlin
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit
T1 - The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?
Y1 - 2013
SN - 978-1-10-760936-5
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Beisheim, Marianne
A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit
T1 - Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research
Y1 - 2014
SN - 978-1-137-35925-0
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Teichler, Hans Joachhim
T1 - Rezension zu: Nordalm, Jens: Der schöne Deutsche: das Leben des Gottfried von Cramm. - Hamburg: Rowohlt, 2021. - 286 S. - ISBN 978-3-498-00207-7
JF - Berliner Debatte Initial : sozial- und geisteswissenschaftliches Journal
Y1 - 2021
SN - 978-3-947802-73-9
SN - 0863-4564
VL - 32
SP - 162
EP - 165
PB - WeltTrends
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Dörfler, Thomas
T1 - Die Sanktionsausschüsse zwischen Macht und Regeln
T1 - Sanctions Committees Caught between Power and Rules
JF - Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift für die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen
N2 - Sanktionen sind ein wichtiges Instrument des UN-Sicherheitsrats zur Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Viele zentrale Entscheidungen, wie etwa die Listung und Entlistung terrorverdächtiger Personen, werden fernab der Öffentlichkeit in Sanktionsausschüssen getroffen. Die Einsetzung dieser Ausschüsse hat die Entscheidungsdynamiken im Rat erheblich verändert.
N2 - Sanctions are an important instrument of the United Nations Security Council to maintain international peace and security. The Council, however, transfers many decisions, such as the listing and delisting of individuals suspected of supporting terrorism, to its subsidiary sanctions
committees, mostly beyond public scrutiny. The article explores, how the creation of sanctions committees has changed decision-making dynamics, how committee members can be committed to rules and what this might imply for Germany’s future role on the Council.
KW - Al-Qaida
KW - Iran
KW - Sanktionen
KW - Sicherheitsrat
KW - Sudan
KW - UN Security Council
KW - Terrorismus
KW - sanctions committee
Y1 - 2018
SN - 0042-384X
SN - 2366-6773
VL - 66
IS - 2
SP - 62
EP - 66
PB - BWV
CY - Berlin
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Gehring, Thomas
A1 - Dörfler, Thomas
T1 - Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices
BT - precedent pressure, ratchet effect, and council action regarding intrastate conflicts
JF - Review of International Studies
N2 - Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P).
KW - Security Council
KW - International Practices
KW - Constitutive Mechanism
KW - Responsibility to Protect
KW - Precedent
KW - Ratchet Effect
Y1 - 2018
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210518000268
SN - 0260-2105
SN - 1469-9044
VL - 45
IS - 1
SP - 120
EP - 140
PB - Univ.
CY - Cambridge
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Dörfler, Thomas
A1 - Gehring, Thomas
T1 - Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations
JF - European journal of international relations
N2 - We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066120987889
SN - 1354-0661
SN - 1460-3713
VL - 27
IS - 3
SP - 753
EP - 778
PB - Sage
CY - London
ER -
TY - CHAP
A1 - Dörfler, Thomas
A1 - Hosli, Madeleine O.
T1 - Reforming the United Nations Security Council
BT - proposals, strategies and preferences
T2 - Routledge Handbook of International Organization
Y1 - 2013
SN - 978-0-415-50143-9
U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203405345.ch28
SP - 377
EP - 390
PB - Routledge
CY - London
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Dörfler, Thomas
T1 - Security council sanctions governance
BT - the power and limits of rules
T3 - Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6
N2 - Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states.
Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests.
This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.
Y1 - 2019
SN - 978-0-42944-232-2
SN - 978-1-138-33749-7
SN - 978-0-4298-0874-6
SN - 978-0-4298-0873-9
U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429442322
PB - Routledge
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1 - Die Manosphere
BT - die Rolle von digitalen Gemeinschaften und regressiven Bewegungsdynamiken für on- und offline Antifeminismus
JF - Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen
N2 - Die sogenannte Manosphere – eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich hauptsächlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beiträge und Ideologien auszeichnet – ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschlägen in der letzten Zeit verstärkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang häufig vernachlässigte Rolle digitaler Räume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewalttätige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage für die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewalttätigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.
N2 - The Manosphere – a digital community ranging across different platforms, whose members are united by a shared misogynist, antifeminist ideology – has gained public attention in the wake of several male supremacist terrorist attacks. This article discusses the growing, yet under-researched, relevance of digital antifeminist networks for mobilization, socialization and activism in the context of regressive misogynist ideologies from a social movement perspective. At the example of manosphere-related parts of the social media platform Reddit, I illustrate the interplay between the technological infrastructure of the platform with the growing formation of a regressive and potentially violent online culture and community. These dynamics of a toxic technoculture, in turn, crucially enable particular radical and violent antifeminist and misogynist repertoires on- and offline.
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041
SN - 2192-4848
SN - 2365-9890
VL - 33
IS - 2
SP - 491
EP - 505
PB - de Gruyter
CY - Berlin
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1 - Gender in the United Nations’ agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism
JF - International feminist journal of politics
N2 - The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a “holistic” approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a “holistic” P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN’s security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security–development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.
KW - Counterterrorism
KW - gender mainstreaming
KW - security–development nexus
KW - discourse
KW - United Nations
KW - feminism
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967
SN - 1461-6742
SN - 1468-4470
VL - 22
IS - 5
SP - 720
EP - 741
PB - Taylor & Francis
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Reiners, Nina
T1 - Despite or Because of Contestation?
BT - how water became a human right
JF - Human Rights Quarterly
N2 - Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2021.0021
SN - 1085-794X
SN - 0275-0392
VL - 43
IS - 2
SP - 329
EP - 343
PB - Johns Hopkins Univ.
CY - New York
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit
A1 - Reiners, Nina
T1 - The Eye of the Beholder?
BT - The Contestation of Values and International Law ; Comment on Tiyanjana Maluwa
JF - The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?
Y1 - 2019
SN - 0191879398
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021
SP - 335
EP - 343
PB - Oxford University Press
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Reiners, Nina
T1 - Transnational lawmaking coalitions for human rights
Y1 - 2017
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Seyfried, Markus
A1 - Ansmann, Moritz
T1 - Unfreezing higher education institutions?
BT - understanding the introduction of quality management in teaching and learning in Germany
JF - Higher Education
N2 - Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly “infected” the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin’s seminal concept of “unfreezing” organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.
KW - Quality management
KW - Organizational change
KW - Higher education
KW - Mixed methods
Y1 - 2018
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-017-0185-2
SN - 0018-1560
SN - 1573-174X
VL - 75
IS - 6
SP - 1061
EP - 1076
PB - Springer
CY - Dordrecht
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Storl, Kati
T1 - Bürgerbeteiligung in kommunalen Zusammenhängen : ausgewählte Instrumente und deren Wirkung im Land Brandenburg
T3 - KWI-Arbeitshefte - 15
Y1 - 2009
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-35947
SN - 978-3-86956-016-8
PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Klinnert, Anne
T1 - Die Politik Deutschlands gegenüber Zentralasien
T1 - The German foreign policy towards Central Asia
N2 - Seit 1990 ist die vereinte, wieder souveräne Bundesrepublik Deutschland auf der Suche nach ihrer Rolle in der Welt. Auch die akademische Debatte um die Orientierung deutscher Außenpolitik und die ihr zugrundeliegenden Interessen hält seitdem an. In welchem Verhältnis stehen Normen und Werte einerseits und pragmatische, meist wirtschaftliche Interessen andererseits zueinander? Wie verhält sich die deutsche Außenpolitik zur europäischen? Beeinflusst oder dominiert die deutsche Position gar die europäische? Am Beispiel der deutschen Außenpolitik gegenüber den zentralasiatischen Staaten Kasachstan, Kirgisistan, Tadschikistan, Turkmenistan und Usbekistan werden diese Fragen diskutiert.
N2 - Since 1990 the reunited and sovereign Federal Republic of Germany tries to define its role in the world. It is linked to an academic debate on the coherence of German foreign policy and underlying interests. How do norms and values on the one hand relate to pragmatic, primarily economic interests, on the other hand? How is the German foreign policy linked to the European one? Does the German position influences or even dominates the European orientation? These questions will be discussed using the example of the German foreign policy towards the Central Asian states Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
T3 - WeltTrends Thesis - 19
KW - Deutsche Außenpolitik
KW - Europa
KW - Zentralasien
KW - German foreign policy
KW - Europe
KW - Central Asia
Y1 - 2015
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-70548
SN - 978-3-86956-286-5
PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fuhr, Harald
T1 - The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions
JF - Third world quarterly
N2 - Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60% and the top 10 countries for some 78% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.
KW - Climate change
KW - international development
KW - energy
KW - environmental policy
KW - Global South
KW - transition policy
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901
SN - 0143-6597
SN - 1360-2241
VL - 42
IS - 11
SP - 2724
EP - 2746
PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Abingdon
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Kalczewiak, Mariusz
T1 - Yiddish Buenos Aires and the struggle to leave the margins
JF - East European Jewish affairs
N2 - Yiddish culture developed in Argentina within the context of a self-perception that figured Buenos Aires as a marginal and peripheral locale on the global Yiddish map. Against this backdrop, Argentine Yiddish culturalists argued for the strengthening of local Yiddish culture with a goal of elevating Buenos Aires's status within the international hierarchies of Yiddish culture. Buenos Aires indeed emerged in the 1920s as a producer of Yiddish cultural contents, maintained networks of international cultural contacts with other Yiddish centers, financially supported Eastern European Yiddish establishments, and hoped that these contacts would allow for solving Buenos Aires reputation problems. The pre-World War II preoccupation with the status of Buenos Aires as a center of Yiddish culture provided a basis upon which post-Holocaust discourse of Argentine Jewish responsibility for the maintenance of Yiddish culture was constructed.
KW - Argentina
KW - Buenos Aires
KW - marginality
KW - peripherality
KW - Yiddish culturalism
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2020.1774275
SN - 1350-1674
SN - 1743-971X
VL - 50
IS - 1-2
SP - 115
EP - 133
PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Abingdon
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Busch, Per-Olof
A1 - Feil, Hauke
A1 - Heinzel, Mirko Noa
A1 - Herold, Jana
A1 - Kempken, Mathies
A1 - Liese, Andrea
T1 - Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies
BT - the importance of country-specificity
JF - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration
N2 - Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work.
Points for practitioners
National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.
KW - financial policy
KW - international administration
KW - international
KW - organizations
KW - multi-level government
KW - regime complexity
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00208523211013385
SN - 0020-8523
SN - 1461-7226
VL - 87
IS - 4
SP - 775
EP - 793
PB - Sage Publ.
CY - Los Angeles, Calif.
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Reiners, Nina
T1 - Rezension zu: Milewicz, Karolina M.: Constitutionalizing world politics : the logic of democratic power and the unintended consequences of international treaty making. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. - 354 S. - ISBN: 978-1-108-83509-1
JF - Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11615-021-00333-y
SN - 0032-3470
SN - 1862-2860
VL - 62
IS - 3
SP - 575
EP - 577
PB - Springer
CY - Berlin
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1 - Angriffe auf die Changengleichheit
BT - das Wechselspiel zwischen Feminismus und Antifeminismus
JF - Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal
Y1 - 2022
SN - 978-3-947802-84-5
SN - 0944-8101
VL - 30
IS - 185
SP - 28
EP - 33
PB - WeltTrends
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
A1 - Reiners, Nina
T1 - Connecting international relations and public administration
BT - toward a joint research agenda for the study of international bureaucracy
JF - International studies review
N2 - The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.
N2 - El reciente debate sobre los organismos administrativos en las organizaciones internacionales ha generado diversas perspectivas teóricas, marcos analíticos y enfoques metodológicos. A pesar de estos esfuerzos por mejorar el conocimiento sobre estos actores, el programa de investigación sobre las administraciones públicas internacionales (International Public Administration, IPA) ha perdido dos oportunidades importantes: la reflexión sobre la erudición en las relaciones internacionales y la administración pública y las sinergias entre estas perspectivas disciplinarias. Con este trasfondo, en el ensayo se analiza la literatura sobre las administraciones públicas internacionales en las relaciones internacionales y la administración pública. Descubrimos que la influencia, la autoridad y la autonomía de las burocracias internacionales se han abordado ampliamente y ayudaron a comprender mejor la función de dichos agentes no estatales en la formulación de políticas a nivel mundial. Se ha prestado menos atención al contexto clave a nivel macro de la política de los organismos administrativos, a pesar de su importancia en las relaciones internacionales y la erudición en la administración pública. Proponemos enfocarnos en la agencia y la política como futuras vías para implementar un programa de investigación conjunta y exhaustiva para las burocracias internacionales.
N2 - Le récent débat sur les organes administratifs des organisations internationales a mis en avant plusieurs perspectives théoriques, cadres analytiques et approches méthodologiques. Malgré ces efforts pour faire progresser la connaissance de ces acteurs, le Programme de recherche sur les administrations publiques internationales a manqué deux opportunités majeures : une réflexion sur les recherches en relations internationales et administration publique ainsi que sur les synergies entre ces perspectives des disciplines. Cet essai s'appuie sur cette toile de fond pour établir une discussion au sujet de la littérature abordant les administrations publiques internationales dans les domaines des relations internationales et de l'administration publique. Nous avons constaté que l'influence, l'autorité et l'autonomie des bureaucraties internationales avaient été largement abordées, ce qui permettait de mieux comprendre le pouvoir de tels acteurs non-étatiques dans l’établissement des politiques internationales. Toutefois, malgré son importance dans les recherches en relations internationales et administration publique, une moins grande attention a été accordée au contexte macro des politiques des organes administratifs alors qu'il est crucial. Nous proposons de mettre l'accent sur le pouvoir et les politiques comme pistes futures pour un programme de recherche conjoint complet sur les bureaucraties internationales.
KW - international bureaucracies
KW - international organizations
KW - public
KW - administration
KW - nonstate actors
KW - palabras clave
KW - burocracias internacionales
KW - organizaciones internacionales
KW - administración pública
KW - agentes no estatales
KW - mots clés
KW - bureaucraties internationales
KW - organisations internationales
KW - administration publique
KW - acteurs non-étatiques
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa097
SN - 1521-9488
SN - 1468-2486
VL - 23
IS - 4
SP - 1230
EP - 1247
PB - Oxford Univ. Press
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - CHAP
A1 - Hosli, Madeleine O.
A1 - Dörfler, Thomas
ED - Lesage, Dries
ED - Van de Graaf, Thijs
T1 - The United Nations Security Council
BT - the Challenge of Reform
T2 - Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)
N2 - The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC’s constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC’s work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been “insiders” for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.
KW - Security Council
KW - Winning Coalition
KW - Veto Player
KW - Social Choice Theory
KW - Decision Probability
Y1 - 2015
SN - 978-1-349-48504-8
SN - 978-1-137-39760-7
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137397607_8
SP - 135
EP - 152
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Dörfler, Thomas
A1 - Holzinger, Katharina
A1 - Biesenbender, Jan
T1 - Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union
BT - Success, Failure, and Stability of Institutional Treaty Revisions
JF - International Journal of Public Administration
N2 - Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.
Y1 - 2017
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267
SN - 0190-0692
SN - 1532-4265
VL - 40
IS - 14
SP - 1237
EP - 1249
PB - Taylor & Francis
CY - Philadelphia
ER -