TY - CHAP A1 - Jann, Werner ED - Hickmann, Thomas ED - Lederer, Markus T1 - The modern state and administrative reform BT - the times they are a-changin’ T2 - Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift für Harald Fuhr Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-8487-5249-2 SN - 978-3-8452-9429-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845294292-59 SP - 59 EP - 72 PB - Nomos CY - Baden-Baden ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Schöniger, Franziska A1 - Resch, Gustav A1 - Kleinschmitt, Christoph A1 - Franke, Katja A1 - Thonig, Richard A1 - Lilliestam, Johan ED - Uyar, Tanay Sıdkı ED - Javani, Nader T1 - The need for dispatchable RES BT - a closer look at the future role of CSP in Europe T2 - Renewable energy based solutions N2 - Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) offers flexible and decarbonised power generation and is one of the few switchable renewable technologies that can generate renewable power on demand. Today (2018), CSP only contributes 5 TWh to European electricity generation but has the potential to become an important generation asset for decarbonising the electricity sector within Europe as well as globally. This chapter examines how factors and key political decisions lead to different futures and the associated CSP use in Europe in the years up to 2050. In a second step, we characterise the scenarios with the associated system costs and the costs of the support policy. We show that the role of CSP in Europe depends crucially on political decisions and the success or failure of policies outside of renewable energies. In particular, the introduction of CSP depends on the general ambitions for decarbonisation, the level of cross-border trade in electricity from renewable sources and is made possible by the existence of a strong grid connection between the southern and northern European Member States and by future growth in electricity demand. The presence of other baseload technologies, particularly nuclear energy in France, diminishes the role and need for CSP. Assuming a favourable technological development, we find a strong role for CSP in Europe in all modelled scenarios: Contribution of 100 TWh to 300 TWh of electricity to a future European electricity system. The current European CSP fleet would have to be increased by a factor of 20 to 60 over the next 30 years. To achieve this, stable financial support for CSP would be required. Depending on framework conditions and assumptions, the amount of support ranges at the EU level from € 0.4 to 2 billion per year, which represents only a small proportion of the total support requirement for the energy system transformation. Cooperation between the Member States could further help reduce these costs. Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-3-031-05124-1 SN - 978-3-031-05125-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05125-8_8 VL - 87 SP - 219 EP - 239 PB - Springer International Publishing CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Cörüt, Gözde Yazıcı A1 - Cörüt, İlker T1 - The neo-liberal conception of empowerment and its limits BT - micro-credit experiences of self-employed women in the bazaars of Bishkek JF - Central Asian survey N2 - Through qualitative research conducted in the bazaars of Bishkek, this paper examines the posited tripartite relationship between the free market, micro-finance and women's empowerment by focusing on how loans from micro-finance institutions in Bishkek influence the lives of female loanees. The neo-liberal conception of 'individual autonomy' and 'empowerment', it is argued, may not adequately serve as indicators of actual female empowerment/disempowerment in Bishkek and lead us to fail to recognize moments of self-exploitation and forms of claim-making. The research also underlines the disempowering effects of the affectional burden, that is, the constant sense of anxiety, that the loanees have to manage in order to survive in the neo-liberal business environment, which offers high interest rate loans and exposes the loanees to over-indebtedness. These effects can be followed through the analysis of the role the desire for stability and 'ontological security' plays in the formation of the identities/world views of the loanees. KW - Kyrgyzstan KW - micro-credit KW - self-employed women KW - women's empowerment KW - neo-liberalism KW - debt Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2021.1969897 SN - 0263-4937 SN - 1465-3354 VL - 41 IS - 1 SP - 118 EP - 137 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - THES A1 - Hagen, Anne Julia T1 - The North Atlantic Treaty Organization and cross-cultural competence T1 - Die Nordatlantische Vertragsorganisation und Cross-Cultural Kompetenz BT - A wolf in sheep's clothing? Cross-cultural competence in NATO and its missions BT - Ein Wolf im Schafspelz? Cross-Cultural Kompetenz in der NATO und ihren Missionen N2 - This paper examines the function that cross-cultural competence (3C) has for NATO in a military context while focusing on two member states and their armed forces: the United States and Germany. Three dimensions were established to analyze 3C internally and externally: dimension A, dealing with 3C within the military organization; dimension B, focusing on 3C in a coalition environment/multicultural NATO contingent, for example while on a mission/training exercise abroad; and dimension C, covering 3C and NATO missions abroad with regard to interaction with the local population. When developing the research design, the cultural studies-based theory of hegemony constructed by Antonio Gramsci was applied to a comprehensive document analysis of 3C coursework and regulations as well as official documents in order to establish a typification for cross-cultural competence. As the result, 3C could be categorized as Type I – Ethical 3C, Type II – Hegemonic 3C, and Type III – Dominant 3C. Attributes were assigned according to each type. To validate the established typification, qualitative surveys were conducted with NATO (ACT), the U.S. Armed Forces (USCENTCOM), and the German Armed Forces (BMVg). These interviews validated the typification and revealed a varied approach to 3C in the established dimensions. It became evident that dimensions A and B indicated a prevalence of Type III, which greatly impacts the work atmosphere and effectiveness for NATO (ACT). In contrast, dimension C revealed the use of postcolonial mechanisms by NATO forces, such as applying one’s value systems to other cultures and having the appearance of an occupying force when 3C is not applied (Type I-II). In general, the function of each 3C type in the various dimensions could be determined. In addition, a comparative study of the document analysis and the qualitative surveys resulted in a canon for culture-general skills. Regarding the determined lack of coherence in 3C correlating with a demonstrably negative impact on effectiveness and efficiency as well as interoperability, a NATO standard in the form of a standardization agreement (STANAG) was suggested based on the aforementioned findings, with a focus on: empathy, cross-cultural awareness, communication skills (including active listening), flexibility and adaptability, and interest. Moreover, tolerance of ambiguity and teachability, patience, observation skills, and perspective-taking could be considered significant. Suspending judgment and respect are also relevant skills here. At the same time, the document analysis also revealed a lack of coherency and consistency in 3C education and interorganizational alignment. In particular, the documents examined for the U.S. Forces indicated divergent approaches. Furthermore, the interview analysis disclosed a large discrepancy in part between doctrine and actual implementation with regard to the NATO Forces. N2 - Diese Arbeit untersucht die Funktion von Cross-Cultural Competence (3C) in der NATO in einem militärischen Kontext, wobei der Fokus auf zwei Mitgliedsstaaten und den jeweiligen Streitkräften liegt: Den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Drei Dimensionen wurden definiert, um 3C intern und extern zu analysieren: Dimension A – 3C innerhalb der militärischen Organisation, Dimension B – 3C in multikulturellen NATO-Kontingenten während einer Übung oder Mission und auf Koalitionsebene sowie Dimension C – 3C in Umgang und Interaktion mit der lokalen Bevölkerung eines Einsatzlandes. Bei der Konzipierung des Forschungsdesigns wurde die kulturwissenschaftliche Theorie der Hegemonie von Antonio Gramsci herangezogen und auf eine umfangreiche Dokumentenanalyse von 3C Unterrichtsmaterialien, Dienstvorschriften sowie anderen offiziellen Dokumenten angewendet, mit dem Ziel eine Typisierung für 3C abzuleiten. Daraus ließ sich Cross-Cultural Competence in ein dreiteiliges Konstrukt mit seinen jeweiligen Typen gliedern: Typ I – Ethisch, Typ II – Hegemonial und Typ III – Dominant. Ersterer wird hierbei als Teil der sozialen Kompetenz verstanden, während Typ II und III als militärisches Instrument definiert werden. Diesen Typen wurden entsprechende Attribute zugeordnet. Um die Typisierung zu validieren, wurden qualitative Studien mit militärischem Personal der NATO (ACT), den U.S. Streitkräften (USCENTCOM) und der Bundeswehr (BMVg) durchgeführt. Die Interviews bestätigten die deduzierte Typisierung und enthüllten ein variierendes Verständnis sowie eine variierende Anwendung von 3C in den festgelegten Dimensionen. Hierbei wurde eine Prävalenz von Typ III in Dimension A und B deutlich, die sich auf die Arbeitsatmosphäre und Effektivität in der NATO (ACT) auswirkt. Im Gegensatz hierzu konnte in Dimension C die Anwendung von postkolonialen Mechanismen von NATO Streitkräften konstatiert werden, wie die Anwendung des eigenen Wertesystems auf „andere“ Kulturen und das Auftreten einer Okkupationsmacht, wenn 3C Typ I-II nicht angewendet wird. Letztlich konnte die Funktion jedes 3C Typen in den jeweiligen Dimensionen bestimmt werden. Darüber hinaus wurde mittels des komparativen Vergleichs der Dokumentenanalyse und der qualitativen Studie ein Kanon für Kultur-allgemeine Fähigkeiten generiert. Bezüglich der festzustellenden mangelnden Kohärenz in 3C Verständnis und Anwendung, die mit der demonstrativ negativen Auswirkung auf Effektivität, Effizienz und Interoperabilität korreliert, wurde ein NATO Standard in Form eines Standardization Agreements (STANAG) vorgeschlagen, der auf den zuvor genannten Ergebnissen basiert und sich aus folgenden Kultur-allgemeinen Fähigkeiten zusammensetzt: Empathie, Cross-Cultural Bewusstsein, Kommunikationsfähigkeiten, ebenso wie aktives Zuhören, Flexibilität, Anpassungsfähigkeit und Interesse. Des Weiteren wurden Toleranz, Lernfähigkeit/Bereitschaft, Geduld, Observierungsfähigkeiten und Perspektivenwechsel als signifikant herausgestellt, ebenso wie das Zurückhalten und die Reflexion von Vorurteilen, und Respekt. Im gleichen Zuge konnte die Dokumentenanalyse die Inkongruenz in 3C Ausbildung und interorganisationeller Übereinstimmung hervorheben. Insbesondere die Dokumente der U.S. Streitkräfte wiesen divergierende Ansätze auf. Schließlich zeigte die Interviewanalyse eine Diskrepanz zwischen Doktrin und tatsächlicher Implementierung von 3C für die NATO Streitkräfte auf. KW - cross-cultural competence KW - interkulturelle Kompetenz KW - culture-general skills KW - leadership KW - hegemony KW - 3C KW - function of cross-cultural competence KW - standardization (STANAG) KW - interoperability KW - Bundeswehr KW - U.S. Armed Forces KW - NATO KW - qualitative research KW - multinational oganizations KW - intercultural communication Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-534463 SN - 978-3-86956-527-9 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rockström, Johan A1 - Kotzé, Louis A1 - Milutinović, Svetlana A1 - Biermann, Frank A1 - Brovkin, Victor A1 - Donges, Jonathan A1 - Ebbesson, Jonas A1 - French, Duncan A1 - Gupta, Joyeeta A1 - Kim, Rakhyun A1 - Lenton, Timothy A1 - Lenzi, Dominic A1 - Nakicenovic, Nebojsa A1 - Neumann, Barbara A1 - Schuppert, Fabian A1 - Winkelmann, Ricarda A1 - Bosselmann, Klaus A1 - Folke, Carl A1 - Lucht, Wolfgang A1 - Schlosberg, David A1 - Richardson, Katherine A1 - Steffen, Will T1 - The planetary commons BT - a new paradigm for safeguarding earth-regulating systems in the Anthropocene JF - Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America N2 - The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice. KW - anthropocene KW - earth system governance KW - global commons KW - international law KW - planetary boundaries Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2301531121 SN - 1091-6490 SN - 1877-2014 VL - 121 IS - 5 PB - National Academy of Sciences CY - Washington, DC ER - TY - GEN A1 - Borgnäs, Kajsa T1 - The Policy Influence of Sustainability Indicators BT - Examining Use and Influence of Indicators in German Sustainability Policy Making N2 - In 2002 Germany adopted an ambitious national sustainability strategy, covering all three sustainability spheres and circling around 21 key indicators. The strategy stands out because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its high status and increasingly coercive nature. This article analyses the strategy's role in the policy process, focusing on the use and influence of indicators as a central steering tool. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of consensus about policy goals and the institutional setting of the indicators, are found to explain differences in use and influence both across indicators and over time. Moreover, the study argues that the indicators have been part of a continuous process of ‘structuring’ in which conceptual and instrumental use together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 76 Y1 - 2016 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-96342 SP - 1 EP - 20 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Daviter, Falk T1 - The political use of knowledge in the policy process T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - The role of knowledge in the policy process remains a central theoretical puzzle in policy analysis and political science. This article argues that an important yet missing piece of this puzzle is the systematic exploration of the political use of policy knowledge. While much of the recent debate has focused on the question of how the substantive use of knowledge can improve the quality of policy choices, our understanding of the political use of knowledge and its effects in the policy process has remained deficient in key respects. A revised conceptualization of the political use of knowledge is introduced that emphasizes how conflicting knowledge can be used to contest given structures of policy authority. This allows the analysis to differentiate between knowledge creep and knowledge shifts as two distinct types of knowledge effects in the policy process. While knowledge creep is associated with incremental policy change within existing policy structures, knowledge shifts are linked to more fundamental policy change in situations when the structures of policy authority undergo some level of transformation. The article concludes by identifying characteristics of the administrative structure of policy systems or sectors that make knowledge shifts more or less likely. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 123 KW - evidence-based policy making KW - knowledge creep KW - knowledge utilization KW - organizational epistemology KW - punctuated equilibrium theory Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435481 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 123 SP - 491 EP - 505 ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Bogumil, Jörg A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Ladner, Andreas ED - Sager, Fritz T1 - The politics of administrative reforms T2 - Handbook on the politics of public administration N2 - Administrative reforms refer to conscious decisions about institution building and institutional change that are taken at the end of political processes and can be conceived as the attempt by politico-administrative actors to change the institutional order (polity) within which they make and implement decisions. In this paper we proceed from the assumption that the role of politics, the constellation of political actors and arenas vary according to the scope and objectives of administrative reforms. Depending on whether they refer to changes between organizational units/levels/sectors ('external institutional policy') or to an internal reorganization ('internal institutional policy'), different actor strategies, patterns of conflict and power constellations can be expected. As external administrative reforms are aimed at changing functional and/or territorial jurisdictions and thus always involve external actors, larger resistance, heavier political conflicts and generally more politicization are likely to occur than in the case of internal administrative reforms. Yet, for internal reforms, too, actor coalitions which support or block institutional changes, promotors, leaders, and moderators have revealed to shape processes and outcomes. Against this background, this chapter examines the influence of politics on various types of administrative reforms making a distinction between external and internal institutional policies. We analyse the role of politico-administrative actors, their strategies and influence on the formulation, trajectories and outcomes of administrative reforms. Our major focus will be on reforms in the multi-level system on the one hand and on (Post-) NPM reforms on the other as two major international trends. Drawing on reform experiences in different European countries, the chapter will reveal to what extent actors' interests and influences have triggered and shaped administrative reforms and which difference these have made for the reform outcome. KW - administrative reforms KW - institutional policy KW - actor constellations KW - micro-politics KW - managerial reforms KW - territorial reforms Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-83910-943-0 SN - 978-1-83910-944-7 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781839109447.00018 SP - 125 EP - 137 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK ER - TY - GEN A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - The politics of fear BT - right wing anti-gender and anti-vaccination narratives T2 - WIIS Blog Y1 - 2022 UR - https://wiisglobal.org/the-politics-of-fear-right-wing-anti-gender-and-anti-vaccination-narratives-2/#_edn1 CY - Women in International Security ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Bezes, Philippe A1 - James, Oliver A1 - Yesilkagit, Kutsal T1 - The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe JF - Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions N2 - The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments. Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/gove.12670 SN - 0952-1895 SN - 1468-0491 VL - 36 IS - 1 SP - 255 EP - 274 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Koss, Michael T1 - The politics of party funding BT - state funding to political parties and party competition in Western Europe T3 - Comparative politics N2 - 'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes. Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-0-19-957275-5 SN - 978-0-19-159510-3 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - THES A1 - Schiller, Christof T1 - The Politics of Welfare State Transformation in Germany BT - Still a Semi-Sovereign State? T2 - Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17 Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-1-315-62390-0 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kaya, Muzaffer T1 - The potentials and challenges of left populism in Turkey BT - the case of the peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) JF - British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies N2 - In spring 2015, Turkey witnessed the unexpected rise of the HDP, founded by the Kurdish Liberation Movement together with the Turkish radical left, against President Erdoğan’s authoritarian rule. In this article, I will employ contemporary literature on left populism to explain the HDP’s rise as an alternative left hegemonic project against the neoliberal authoritarianism that Erdoğan represents. After discussing the historical context from which the HDP emerged and grew, I will evaluate its discourse and strategies based on a conceptualization of left-wing populism. Lastly, I will discuss the challenges that the HDP confronted after the June 2015 elections and the differences between the Turkish and Western European contexts for a left-wing populist strategy. Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2019.1634398 SN - 1353-0194 SN - 1469-3542 VL - 46 IS - 5 SP - 797 EP - 812 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - The Power of Global Performance Indicators. Edited by Judith G. Kelley and Beth A. Simmons. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 450p. $120.00 cloth. JF - Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-108-48720-7 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592721003716 SN - 1537-5927 SN - 1541-0986 VL - 20 IS - 1 SP - 380 EP - 382 PB - Cambridge Univ. Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit T1 - The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation? Y1 - 2013 SN - 978-1-10-760936-5 ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Wegmann, Simone T1 - The power of opposition BT - how legislative organization influences democratic consolidation N2 - Proposing a novel way to look at the consolidation of democratic regimes, this book presents important theoretical and empirical contributions to the study of democratic consolidation, legislative organization, and public opinion. Theoretically, Simone Wegmann brings legislatures into focus as the main body representing both winners and losers of democratic elections. Empirically, Wegmann shows that the degree of policy-making power of opposition players varies considerably between countries. Using survey data from the CSES, the ESS, and the LAPOP and systematically analyzing more than 50 legislatures across the world and the specific rights they grant to opposition players during the policy-making process, Wegmann demonstrates that neglecting the curial role of the legislature in a democratic setting can only lead to an incomplete assessment of the importance of institutions for democratic consolidation. The Power of Opposition will be of great interest to scholars of comparative politics, especially those working on questions related to legislative organization, democratic consolidation, and/or public opinion. Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-0-367-43731-2 SN - 978-1-032-28245-9 SN - 978-1-003-00536-0 SN - 978-1-000-59828-5 SN - 978-1-000-59832-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003005360 PB - Routledge CY - New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Davydchyk, Maria A1 - Mehlhausen, Thomas A1 - Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika T1 - The price of success, the benefit of setbacks BT - alternative futures of EU-Ukraine relations JF - Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies N2 - This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU’s neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU’s approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare. KW - European Union KW - Ukraine KW - Russia KW - European Neighbourhood Policy KW - Eastern Europe KW - Eurasian Economic Union Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004 SN - 0016-3287 SN - 1873-6378 VL - 97 SP - 35 EP - 46 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - GEN A1 - Pedersen, Karin Hilmer A1 - Johannsen, Lars T1 - The real challenge for change : public administration in new EU member states N2 - Executive responsibility for EU policies is by tradition delegated to the member states and their internal administrative bodies. It is therefore of outmost importance that the new Central and East European members have the capacity to administer the acquis communitaire once they are full members of the EU. Based on a survey among current and former top-level decision-makers (ministers), this article argues that although there are significant implementation problems, efficiency gains can be made through administrative reform and not the least education aimed at changing the worldview and knowledge of the individual civil servant. However, there seem to be significant differences in how these countries tackle implementation problems and administrative reform. KW - Europäische Union KW - öffentliche Verwaltung KW - European Union KW - public administration Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46718 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Jakupec, Viktor T1 - The Rise of Populism JF - Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda N2 - Drawing on the recent political developments in Europe and the USA, and the public discourse since 2016, an analysis of the rise of populism on the left and the right is articulated with the aim to provide an understanding of the contemporary populist political landscape. The Trump phenomenon and his form of populism is analysed within the context of foreign policy and development aid. This is contrasted with the neoliberal view couched in Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ theorem, and the current popular sentiment towards anti-establishment and anti-globalisation in Western democracies. KW - Populism KW - Trump phenomenon KW - Development aid End of history KW - Foreign policy KW - Political establishment Y1 - 2017 SN - 978-3-319-72748-6 SN - 978-3-319-72747-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_1 SN - 2211-4548 SN - 2211-4556 SP - 1 EP - 18 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald T1 - The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions JF - Third world quarterly N2 - Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60% and the top 10 countries for some 78% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries. KW - Climate change KW - international development KW - energy KW - environmental policy KW - Global South KW - transition policy Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901 SN - 0143-6597 SN - 1360-2241 VL - 42 IS - 11 SP - 2724 EP - 2746 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER -