TY - THES A1 - Heinzel, Mirko Noa T1 - World Bank staff and project implementation BT - the importance of country-specific knowledge Y1 - 2021 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dörfler, Thomas T1 - Why rules matter: shaping security council sanctions policy in counterterrorism and beyond JF - Journal of global security studies N2 - Sanctions are critical to the Security Council's efforts to fight terrorism. What is striking is that the Council's sanctions regimes are subject to detailed sets of rules and decision criteria. The scholarship on human rights in counterterrorism assumes that rights advocacy and court litigation have prompted this development. The article complements this literature by highlighting an unexplored internal driver of legal-regulatory decision-making and explores how mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members have affected the extent of committee regulations and the content of decisions taken by sanctions committees. Based on internal documents and diplomatic cables, a comparative analysis of the Iraq sanctions regime and the counterterrorism sanctions regime demonstrates that mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members provide incentives to elaborate rules to guide decision-making resulting in legal-regulatory sanctions governance, even if the human rights of targeted individuals are not at stake. For comparative leverage and to assess the limits of the proposed mechanism, the analysis is briefly extended to other sanctions regimes targeting individuals (Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan). The findings have implications for this essential tool of the Security Council to react to threats to peace as diverse as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, and internal armed conflict. N2 - Les sanctions jouent un rôle essentiel dans la lutte du Conseil de sécurité contre le terrorisme. Ce qui est frappant, c'est que les régimes de sanctions du Conseil sont soumis à un ensemble détaillé de règles et de critères de décision. La recherche sur les droits de l'homme dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme suppose que la défense des droits et les litiges devant les tribunaux sont à l'origine de cet état de fait. L'article vient compléter cette littérature en soulignant un facteur interne inexploré dans la prise de décisions légales/réglementaires. Il analyse les répercussions des constellations de divers intérêts chez les membres du Conseil de sécurité sur l’étendue des réglementations de comité et le contenu des décisions prises par les comités de sanctions. En s'appuyant sur des documents internes et des câbles diplomatiques, une analyse comparative du régime de sanctions de l'Irak et du régime de sanctions de lutte contre le terrorisme démontre que ces constellations de divers intérêts chez les membres du Conseil de sécurité motivent l’élaboration de règles pour guider la prise de décisions débouchant sur une gouvernance de sanctions légales/réglementaires, même quand les droits de l'homme des personnes ciblées ne sont pas en jeu. À des fins de comparaison, et pour évaluer les limites du mécanisme proposé, l'analyse fait l'objet d'un bref élargissement à d'autres régimes de sanctions ciblant des personnes (RDC et Soudan). Les conclusions s'accompagnent d'implications pour cet outil essentiel du Conseil de sécurité dans la réaction aux menaces pour la paix : lutte contre le terrorisme, non-prolifération et conflit armé interne. N2 - Las sanciones son fundamentales para los esfuerzos del Consejo de Seguridad en la lucha contra el terrorismo. Lo sorprendente es que los regímenes de sanciones del Consejo están sujetos a detallados conjuntos de normas y criterios de decisión. Los académicos especializados en cuestión de derechos humanos en la lucha antiterrorista parten de la base de que la defensa de los derechos y los litigios ante los tribunales han impulsado esta tendencia. Este artículo complementa esta bibliografía poniendo de relieve un impulsor interno inexplorado de la toma de decisiones jurídico-normativas y analiza cómo las constelaciones de intereses de motivación mixta entre los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad han afectado al alcance de las normativas de los comités y al contenido de las decisiones adoptadas por los comités de sanciones. Basándose en documentos internos y telegramas diplomáticos, un análisis comparativo del régimen de sanciones contra Irak con el régimen de sanciones antiterroristas demuestra que las constelaciones de intereses de motivación mixta entre los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad proporcionan incentivos para la elaboración de normas que guíen la toma de decisiones dando lugar a una gobernanza jurídica-normativa de las sanciones, aun cuando no estén en juego los derechos humanos de las personas sancionadas. A efectos comparativos y con el fin de evaluar los límites del mecanismo propuesto, el análisis se amplía someramente a otros regímenes de sanciones dirigidos a individuos (RDC y Sudán). Las conclusiones tienen implicaciones para esta herramienta esencial del Consejo de Seguridad a fin de reaccionar ante amenazas a la paz tan diversas como la lucha antiterrorista, la no proliferación y los conflictos armados internos. KW - Security Council KW - committee governance KW - UN sanctions KW - due process KW - counterterrorism KW - Iraq KW - Conseil de sécurité KW - gouvernance de comité KW - sanctions de l’ONU KW - procédure officielle KW - lutte contre le terrorisme KW - Irak KW - Consejo de Seguridad KW - Gobernanza de los Comités KW - Sanciones de la ONU KW - Proceso debido KW - Lucha antiterrorista KW - Irak Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogac041 SN - 2057-3170 SN - 2057-3189 VL - 8 IS - 1 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Holthaus, Leonie A1 - Stockmann, Nils T1 - Who makes the world? BT - Academics and (un)cancelling the future JF - New perspectives N2 - In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism. KW - multiplicity KW - policy KW - scholar-practitioners KW - transdisciplinarity KW - un-cancelling the future KW - world-makers Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X20935246 SN - 2336-825X SN - 2336-8268 VL - 28 IS - 3 SP - 413 EP - 427 PB - Sage Publications CY - Thousand Oaks, CA ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Lundgren, Magnus A1 - Tallberg, Jonas A1 - Sommerer, Thomas A1 - Squatrito, Theresa T1 - When are international organizations responsive to policy problems? JF - International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association N2 - When are international organizations (IOs) responsive to the policy problems that motivated their establishment? While it is a conventional assumption that IOs exist to address transnational challenges, the question of whether and when IO policy-making is responsive to shifts in underlying problems has not been systematically explored. This study investigates the responsiveness of IOs from a large-n, comparative approach. Theoretically, we develop three alternative models of IO responsiveness, emphasizing severeness, dependence, and power differentials. Empirically, we focus on the domain of security, examining the responsiveness of eight multi-issue IOs to armed conflict between 1980 and 2015, using a novel and expansive dataset on IO policy decisions. Our findings suggest, first, that IOs are responsive to security problems and, second, that responsiveness is not primarily driven by dependence or power differentials but by problem severity. An in-depth study of the responsiveness of the UN Security Council using more granular data confirms these findings. As the first comparative study of whether and when IO policy adapts to problem severity, the article has implications for debates about IO responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy. Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqad045 SN - 0020-8833 SN - 1468-2478 VL - 67 IS - 3 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - GEN A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - What anti-gender and anti-vaccines politics have in common BT - the construction of gender and the Covid-19 pandemic in right-wing discourses KW - anti-gender KW - featured KW - gender research KW - politics KW - science & technology Y1 - 2022 UR - https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/gender/2022/04/11/what-anti-gender-and-anti-vaccines-politics-have-in-common-the-construction-of-gender-and-the-covid-19-pandemic-in-right-wing-discourses/ PB - London School of Economics and Political Science CY - London ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Debre, Maria Josepha A1 - Sommerer, Thomas T1 - Weathering the storm? BT - the third wave of autocratization and international organization membership T2 - IGCC series on authoritarian regimes and international organizations N2 - Democratization scholars are currently debating if we are indeed witnessing a third wave of autocratization. While this has led to an extensive debate about the future of the liberal international order, we still know relatively little about the consequences of autocratization for international organizations (IOs). In this article, we explore to what extent autocratization has led to changes in the composition of IO membership. We propose three different ways of conceptualizing autocratization of IO membership. We argue that we should move away from a dichotomous understanding of regime type and regime change, but rather focus on composition of subregime types to understand current developments. We build on updated membership data for 73 IOs through 2020 to map membership configurations based on the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index. Contrary to current debates on the crisis of the liberal order, we find that many IOs are not (yet) affected by broad autocratization of their membership that would endanger democratic majorities or overall democratic densities. However, we also observe the disappearance of formerly homogenous democratic clubs due to democratic backsliding in a number of European and Latin American IO member states, as well as a return of autocratic clubs in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa. These findings have important implications for the broader research agenda on international democracy promotion and human right protection as well as the study of legitimacy and the effectiveness of international organizations. Y1 - 2023 UR - https://ucigcc.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Debre-Sommerer-Working-Paper-11.21.23.pdf PB - UC Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation CY - La Jolla, CA ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hänel, Hilkje Charlotte A1 - Bratu, Christine T1 - Varieties of hermeneutical injustice BT - a blueprint JF - Moral philosophy and politics N2 - In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately. KW - hermeneutical injustice KW - epistemic injustice KW - social epistemology KW - discrimination KW - hermeneutical capability Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2020-0007 SN - 2194-5616 SN - 2194-5624 VL - 8 IS - 2 SP - 331 EP - 350 PB - de Gruyter CY - Berlin ER - TY - THES A1 - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp T1 - United Nations beyond the state? Interactions of intergovernmental treaty secretariats in global environmental governance N2 - Within the context of United Nations (UN) environmental institutions, it has become apparent that intergovernmental responses alone have been insufficient for dealing with pressing transboundary environmental problems. Diverging economic and political interests, as well as broader changes in power dynamics and norms within global (environmental) governance, have resulted in negotiation and implementation efforts by UN member states becoming stuck in institutional gridlock and inertia. These developments have sparked a renewed debate among scholars and practitioners about an imminent crisis of multilateralism, accompanied by calls for reforming UN environmental institutions. However, with the rise of transnational actors and institutions, states are not the only relevant actors in global environmental governance. In fact, the fragmented architectures of different policy domains are populated by a hybrid mix of state and non-state actors, as well as intergovernmental and transnational institutions. Therefore, coping with the complex challenges posed by severe and ecologically interdependent transboundary environmental problems requires global cooperation and careful management from actors beyond national governments. This thesis investigates the interactions of three intergovernmental UN treaty secretariats in global environmental governance. These are the secretariats of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. While previous research has acknowledged the increasing autonomy and influence of treaty secretariats in global policy-making, little attention has been paid to their strategic interactions with non-state actors, such as non-governmental organizations, civil society actors, businesses, and transnational institutions and networks, or their coordination with other UN agencies. Through qualitative case-study research, this thesis explores the means and mechanisms of these interactions and investigates their consequences for enhancing the effectiveness and coherence of institutional responses to underlying and interdependent environmental issues. Following a new institutionalist ontology, the conceptual and theoretical framework of this study draws on global governance research, regime theory, and scholarship on international bureaucracies. From an actor-centered perspective on institutional interplay, the thesis employs concepts such as orchestration and interplay management to assess the interactions of and among treaty secretariats. The research methodology involves structured, focused comparison, and process-tracing techniques to analyze empirical data from diverse sources, including official documents, various secondary materials, semi-structured interviews with secretariat staff and policymakers, and observations at intergovernmental conferences. The main findings of this research demonstrate that secretariats employ tailored orchestration styles to manage or bypass national governments, thereby raising global ambition levels for addressing transboundary environmental problems. Additionally, they engage in joint interplay management to facilitate information sharing, strategize activities, and mobilize relevant actors, thereby improving coherence across UN environmental institutions. Treaty secretariats play a substantial role in influencing discourses and knowledge exchange with a wide range of actors. However, they face barriers, such as limited resources, mandates, varying leadership priorities, and degrees of politicization within institutional processes, which may hinder their impact. Nevertheless, the secretariats, together with non-state actors, have made progress in advancing norm-building processes, integrated policy-making, capacity building, and implementation efforts within and across framework conventions. Moreover, they utilize innovative means of coordination with actors beyond national governments, such as data-driven governance, to provide policy-relevant information for achieving overarching governance targets. Importantly, this research highlights the growing interactions between treaty secretariats and non-state actors, which not only shape policy outcomes but also have broader implications for the polity and politics of international institutions. The findings offer opportunities for rethinking collective agency and actor dynamics within UN entities, addressing gaps in institutionalist theory concerning the interaction of actors in inter-institutional spaces. Furthermore, the study addresses emerging challenges and trends in global environmental governance that are pertinent to future policy-making. These include reflections for the debate on reforming international institutions, the role of emerging powers in a changing international world order, and the convergence of public and private authority through new alliance-building and a division of labor between international bureaucracies and non-state actors in global environmental governance. N2 - Im Kontext internationaler Umweltinstitutionen unter den Vereinten Nationen (VN) ist deutlich geworden, dass allein zwischenstaatliche Verhandlungen für den Umgang mit dringenden grenzüberschreitenden Umweltproblemen unzureichend sind. Unterschiedliche wirtschaftliche und politische Interessen sowie umfassende Veränderungen in den Macht- und Normendynamiken der globalen (Umwelt-)Governance haben dazu geführt, dass die Verhandlungs- und Umsetzungsbemühungen der VN-Mitgliedstaaten häufig von institutionellen Blockaden und Trägheit geprägt sind. Diese Situation hat erneute Debatten unter Wissenschaftlern und Praktikern über die Krise des Multilateralismus ausgelöst, begleitet von Forderungen nach Reformen von VN-Umweltinstitutionen. Mit einem signifikanten Anstieg transnationaler Akteure und Institutionen sind jedoch nicht nur Staaten relevante Akteure in der globalen Umweltgovernance. Tatsächlich sind die Architekturen verschiedener Politikbereiche durch eine hochfragmentierte und hybride Mischung aus staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren sowie zwischenstaatlichen und transnationalen Institutionen gekennzeichnet. Daher erfordert der Umgang mit den komplexen Herausforderungen grenzüberschreitender Umweltprobleme eine globale Zusammenarbeit und sorgfältiges Management auch durch Akteure jenseits nationaler Regierungen. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Interaktionen von drei intergouvernementaler VN-Vertragssekretariaten in der globalen Umweltgovernance. Dabei handelt es sich um die Vertragssekretariate der Klimarahmenkonvention, der Biodiversitätskonvention und der Wüstenkonvention im Rahmen der VN. Obwohl frühere Forschungen die zunehmende Autonomie, Handlungsfähigkeit und den Einfluss von Vertragssekretariaten in bestimmten Teilbereichen der internationalen Umweltpolitik anerkannt haben, wurde ihren strategischen Interaktionen mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren wie Nichtregierungsorganisationen, zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren, Unternehmen und transnationalen Institutionen und Netzwerken sowie ihrer Koordination mit anderen VN-Sekretariaten bisher wenig Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Durch qualitative Fallstudien untersucht diese Arbeit die Mittel und Mechanismen dieser Interaktionen und ihre potenziellen Auswirkungen auf die Verbesserung der Effektivität und Kohärenz internationaler Institutionen hinsichtlich zugrunde liegender, interdependenter Umweltprobleme. Basierend auf einer (neo)institutionalistischen Ontologie stützt sich der konzeptionelle und theoretische Rahmen dieser Dissertation auf Forschung zur globalen Governance, der Regimetheorie und Studien zu internationalen Bürokratien. Aus einer akteurszentrierten Perspektive auf das Zusammenspiel internationaler Institutionen verwendet die Arbeit dabei Konzepte wie Orchestrierung und Interplay-Management, um die Interaktionen von und zwischen Vertragssekretariaten genauer zu erforschen. Die Untersuchungsmethodik umfasst sowohl Techniken der vergleichenden Analyse als auch Prozessanalyse, mittels derer empirische Daten aus verschiedenen Quellen, einschließlich offizieller Dokumente, verschiedener Sekundärmaterialien, semistrukturierter Interviews mit Sekretariatsmitarbeitern und politischen Entscheidungsträgern sowie Beobachtungen auf zwischenstaatlichen Konferenzen, ausgewertet wurden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Forschung zeigen, dass Vertragssekretariate spezifische Orchestrierungsstile verwenden, um Regierungshandeln in internationalen Institutionen zu lenken (oder zu umgehen) und folglich globale Ambitionen bezüglich des Umgangs mit grenzüberschreitenden Umweltproblemen zu erhöhen. Darüber hinaus betreiben Vertragssekretariate untereinander ein gemeinsames Interplay-Management, das den Austausch von Informationen, die strategische Planung von Aktivitäten und die gezielte Mobilisierung relevanter Akteure umfasst, um die Kohärenz zwischen VN-Umweltabkommen zu verbessern. Vertragssekretariate spielen eine bedeutende Rolle bei der Beeinflussung von Diskursen und dem Austausch von Wissen mit einer Vielzahl von Akteuren. Gerade durch das Zusammenspiel mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren prägen sie Normbildungsprozesse, wirken bei der Gestaltung hin zu integrierten Politiken mit oder nehmen eine unterstützende Funktion beim Kapazitätsaufbau und den Umsetzungsbemühungen innerhalb und zwischen Rahmenübereinkommen ein. Darüber hinaus nutzen sie innovative Koordinationsmechanismen mit Akteuren jenseits nationaler Regierungen, wie beispielsweise die Generierung, Nutzung und Verbreitung von Daten, um politikrelevante Informationen für die Implementierung übergeordneter Governance-Ziele bereitzustellen. Allerdings stehen sie in ihren Interaktionen auch vor Hindernissen, wie beispielsweise dem Umgang mit begrenzten Ressourcen und Mandaten, unterschiedlichen Prioritäten der Exekutivkräfte und unterschiedlichen Politisierungsgraden von Umweltproblemen innerhalb internationaler Institutionen, die den Einfluss von Sekretariaten beeinträchtigen können. Bedeutsam ist, dass die zunehmende Verflechtung zwischen Sekretariaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren nicht nur auf politische Inhalte (Policy) wirkt, sondern auch weitreichende Auswirkungen auf die Strukturen (Polity) und Prozesse (Politics) internationaler Institutionen hat. Die Ergebnisse regen dazu an, über kollektive Handlungsfähigkeit und Akteursdynamiken innerhalb von VN-Entitäten nachzudenken und Lücken in der neo-institutionalistischen Theorie hinsichtlich der Interaktion von Akteuren in interinstitutionellen Räumen zu schließen. Darüber hinaus thematisiert die Studie Trends und Herausforderungen in der globalen Umweltgovernance, die für zukünftige Politikgestaltung relevant sein können. Dazu gehören Reflexionen über die Reform-Debatte internationaler Institutionen, die Rolle aufstrebender Mächte in einer sich verändernden internationalen Weltordnung sowie die Konvergenz öffentlicher und privater Autorität durch neue Allianzen zwischen internationalen Bürokratien und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren in der globalen Umweltgovernance. KW - international relations KW - global environmental politics KW - internationale Beziehungen KW - globale Umweltpolitik Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-621651 ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Dannemann, Udo ED - Fridrich, Christian ED - Hagedorn, Udo ED - Hedtke, Reinhold ED - Mittnik, Philipp ED - Tafner, Georg T1 - Understanding neoliberal subjectification BT - the contemporary homo economicus in the context of socio-economic education T2 - Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities N2 - The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault’s lectures on biopolitics and Brown’s current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines – through immanent critique – an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier & Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232–239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry. Y1 - 2024 SN - 978-3-658-42524-1 SN - 978-3-658-42525-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42525-8_10 SP - 217 EP - 236 PB - Springer Fachmedien CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Buzogány, Aron T1 - Unboxing international public administrations BT - the politics of structural change in the UN system (1998–2019) JF - The American review of public administration N2 - Recent debates in international relations increasingly focus on bureaucratic apparatuses of international organizations and highlight their role, influence, and autonomy in global public policy. In this contribution we follow the recent call made by Moloney and Rosenbloom in this journal to make use of “public administrative theory and empirically based knowledge in analyzing the behavior of international and regional organizations” and offer a systematic analysis of the inner structures of these administrative bodies. Changes in these structures can reflect both the (re-)assignment of responsibilities, competencies, and expertise, but also the (re)allocation of resources, staff, and corresponding signalling of priorities. Based on organizational charts, we study structural changes within 46 international bureaucracies in the UN system. Tracing formal changes to all internal units over two decades, this contribution provides the first longitudinal assessment of structural change at the international level. We demonstrate that the inner structures of international bureaucracies in the UN system became more fragmented over time but also experienced considerable volatility with periods of structural growth and retrenchment. The analysis also suggests that IO's political features yield stronger explanatory power for explaining these structural changes than bureaucratic determinants. We conclude that the politics of structural change in international bureaucracies is a missing piece in the current debate on international public administrations that complements existing research perspectives by reiterating the importance of the political context of international bureaucracies as actors in global governance. KW - global public policy KW - international public administration KW - structural change Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740221136488 SN - 0275-0740 SN - 1552-3357 VL - 53 IS - 1 SP - 23 EP - 35 PB - Sage CY - Thousand Oaks, Calif. ER - TY - BOOK ED - Krieger, Heike ED - Liese, Andrea T1 - Tracing value change in the international legal order N2 - International law is constantly navigating the tension between preserving the status quo and adapting to new exigencies. But when and how do such adaptation processes give way to a more profound transformation, if not a crisis of international law? To address the question of how attacks on the international legal order are changing the value orientation of international law, this book brings together scholars of international law and international relations. By combining theoretical and methodological analyses with individual case studies, this book offers readers conceptualizations and tools to systematically examine value change and explore the drivers and mechanisms of these processes. These case studies scrutinize value change in the foundational norms of the post-1945 order and in norms representing the rise of the international legal order post-1990. They cover diverse issues: the prohibition of torture, the protection of women’s rights, the prohibition of the use of force, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, sustainability norms, and accountability for core international crimes. The challenges to each norm, the reactions by norm defenders, and the fate of each norm are also studied. Combined, the analyses show that while a few norms have remained surprisingly robust, several are changing, either in substance or in legal or social validity. The book concludes by integrating the conceptual and empirical insights from this interdisciplinary exchange to assess and explain the ambiguous nature of value change in international law beyond the extremes of mere progress or decline. KW - international legal order KW - international relations KW - value change KW - norm change KW - legal change KW - metamorphosis of international law KW - contestation KW - international law Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-0-19-285583-1 SN - 978-0-19-266836-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855831.001.0001 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Hellstrom, Mikael A1 - Ramberg, Ulf A1 - Reiter, Renate T1 - Tracing divergence in crisis governance BT - responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden compared JF - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration N2 - This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts. KW - administrative culture KW - containment KW - crisis KW - governance KW - multi-level system KW - policy advice KW - public health KW - window of opportunity Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852320979359 SN - 0020-8523 SN - 1461-7226 VL - 87 IS - 3 SP - 556 EP - 575 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie T1 - Towards a new definition of health security BT - a three-part rationale for the twenty-first century JF - Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice N2 - In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges. KW - health security KW - citizenship KW - borders KW - state security KW - responsibility Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119 SN - 1744-1692 SN - 1744-1706 VL - 15 IS - 1 SP - 1 EP - 12 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon, Oxfordshire ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Toward a theory of political repression T2 - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne? N2 - To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2 SN - 2198-7289 SP - 9 EP - 41 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hosli, Madeleine O. A1 - Dörfler, Thomas ED - Lesage, Dries ED - Van de Graaf, Thijs T1 - The United Nations Security Council BT - the Challenge of Reform T2 - Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series) N2 - The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC’s constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC’s work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been “insiders” for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda. KW - Security Council KW - Winning Coalition KW - Veto Player KW - Social Choice Theory KW - Decision Probability Y1 - 2015 SN - 978-1-349-48504-8 SN - 978-1-137-39760-7 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137397607_8 SP - 135 EP - 152 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - London ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hosli, Madeleine A1 - Dörfler, Thomas ED - Hosli, Madeleine O. ED - Selleslaghs, Joren T1 - The United Nations Security Council BT - History, Current Composition, and Reform Proposals T2 - The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects N2 - The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council’s setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council’s membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for. KW - Institutional change KW - Security council KW - Security council reform KW - Informal reform KW - Global order KW - Changing nature of armed conflict Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-3-030-21603-0 SN - 978-3-030-21602-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15 SP - 299 EP - 320 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Duit, Andreas A1 - Lim, Sijeong A1 - Sommerer, Thomas T1 - The state and the environment BT - environmental policy and performance in 37 countries 1970–2010 JF - Politics & policy N2 - The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970–2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making. KW - comparative environmental politics KW - ecological modernization KW - environmental degradation KW - environmental policy effects KW - environmental policy performance KW - national ecological footprint KW - policy output KW - regulation KW - state KW - treadmill of production KW - política ambiental comparada KW - modernización ecológica KW - huella ecológica KW - regulación estatal Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12561 SN - 1555-5623 SN - 1747-1346 VL - 51 IS - 6 SP - 1046 EP - 1068 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken, NJ ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Baccini, Leonardo A1 - Heinzel, Mirko A1 - Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias T1 - The social construction of global health priorities BT - an empirical analysis of contagion in bilateral health aid JF - International studies quarterly N2 - Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid. Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab092 SN - 0020-8833 SN - 1468-2478 VL - 66 IS - 1 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Seyfried, Markus A1 - Reith, Florian T1 - The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research JF - Quality in higher education N2 - Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each ‘sin’ illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem. KW - Quality management KW - higher education KW - governance KW - trade-offs KW - teaching KW - research Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943 SN - 1353-8322 SN - 1470-1081 VL - 25 IS - 3 SP - 289 EP - 303 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Leib, Julia T1 - The security and justice approach in liberia’s peace process BT - mechanistic evidence and local perception JF - Peace economics, peace science, and public policy N2 - From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia. KW - Liberia KW - peace process KW - peacekeeping KW - process tracing KW - survey KW - transitional justice Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2019-0033 SN - 1554-8597 VL - 25 IS - 4 PB - de Gruyter CY - Berlin ER -