TY - JOUR A1 - Kersting, Norbert A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine T1 - Sub-municipal Units in Germany BT - Municipal and Metropolitan Districts JF - Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts N2 - Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German Länder. In Berlin, Hamburg and München Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other Länder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-64725-8 SN - 978-3-319-64724-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5 SP - 93 EP - 118 PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rieck, Christian E. T1 - Strange New Worlds BT - the European Union's Search for Like-Minded Partners in the Indo-Pacific JF - European Strategic Approaches to the Indo-Pacific N2 - The Indo-Pacific is fast becoming the main arena for great power competition. After explaining the regional power hierarchy, the paper describes how the EU defines like-mindedness as an explicit partnership category in the Indo-Pacific and which of the countries qualify. Finally, the paper also examines the structural problems the EU faces when projecting power into a faraway region such as this one. The paper argues that for China’s rise to remain peaceful and in the absence of fully regional security arrangements, other Asian actors are increasingly looking for new regional structures that combine elements of cooperation, competition and containment vis-à-vis China - including a more pronounced EU role in the region. Y1 - 2022 UR - https://www.kas.de/en/web/politikdialog-asien/panorama SN - 0119-5204 VL - 2021 IS - 1 SP - 39 EP - 53 PB - Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung CY - Singapore ER - TY - GEN A1 - Bouckaert, Geert A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine T1 - Foreword T2 - Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-64725-8 SN - 978-3-319-64724-1 SP - V EP - VI PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Seyfried, Markus T1 - Comparatice methods B BT - comparative mezhods in public administration - the value of looking around JF - Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-1-78990-347-8 SP - 181 EP - 196 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bogumil, Jörg T1 - Performance measurement and benchmarking as “reflexive institutions” for local governments BT - Germany, Sweden and England compared JF - International journal of public sector management N2 - Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation. KW - Benchmarking KW - Administration KW - Local government reform Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004 SN - 0951-3558 SN - 1758-6666 VL - 31 IS - 4 SP - 543 EP - 562 PB - Emerald Group Publishing Limited CY - Bingley ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bergström, Tomas A1 - Copus, Colin A1 - Franzke, Jochen A1 - Ruano, Jose M. A1 - Schaap, Linze A1 - Vakkala, Hanna T1 - Combining European Research on Local Governance and Local Democracy JF - Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA N2 - The contribution summarises the scientific discussion and research activities of the EGPA Permanent Study Group 4 (PSG 4) “Local Governance and Local Democracy”, founded in 2005. The impetus for proposing this specific PSG was the growing importance of the local level within the multi-level governance system in the European Union and most of its member states. The PSG 4 acts as a European network of research activities inside and outside EGPA, producing joint publications and organising scientific debates on many problems of the development of municipalities and local authorities. Our focus was on discussing both how to improve democracy by increased participation and deliberation, and how to secure provision of services in an efficient way in developed welfare societies. This includes analysing several forms of administrative changes and reforms at the local level and research of representative, direct and cooperative democracy at local level in a cross-European comparison. Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 SP - 135 EP - 145 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Marienfeldt, Justine ED - Teles, Filipe T1 - Comparing local government systems and reforms in Europe BT - from new public management to digital era governance? T2 - Handbook on local and regional governance N2 - The study of subnational and local government systems and reforms has become an increasingly salient topic in comparative public administration. In many European countries, policy implementation, the execution of public tasks and the delivery of services to citizens are largely carried out by local governments, which, at the same time, have been subjected to multiple reforms and sometimes comprehensive institutional re-organizations. This chapter discusses analytical key concepts and outcomes of the comparative study of local governments and local government reforms. It outlines frameworks and analytical tools to capture the variety of institutional settings and developments at the local level of government. It provides an introduction into crucial comparative dimensions, such as functional, territorial and political profiles of local governments, and analyses current reform approaches and outcomes based on recent empirical findings. Finally, the chapter addresses salient issues to be taken up in future comparative studies about local government. KW - comparative public administration KW - local government systems KW - digitalization KW - territorial reforms KW - decentralization KW - (post) new public management Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-1-80037-119-4 SN - 978-1-80037-120-0 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781800371200.00033 SP - 313 EP - 329 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Jann, Werner A1 - Veit, Sylvia T1 - Politics and Administration in Germany JF - Public Administration in Germany N2 - Although German bureaucracy is typically categorised as Weberian, a clear distinction between politics and administration has never been a defining characteristic of the German political-administrative system. Many close interrelations and interactions between elected politicians and appointed civil servants can be observed at all levels of administration. Higher-ranking civil servants in Germany are used to and generally appreciate the functional politicisation of their jobs, that is their close involvement in all stages of the policy process, from policy formation, goal definition, negotiation within and outside government to the implementation and evaluation of policies. For top positions, therefore, a class of ‘political civil servants’ is a special feature of the German system, and obtaining ‘political craft’ has become an important part of the learning and job experience of higher-ranking civil servants. KW - Politicisation KW - Political civil servant KW - Weberian bureaucracy KW - Political craft KW - Civil service career Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-53696-1 SN - 978-3-030-53697-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_10 SP - 145 EP - 161 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Veit, Sylvia T1 - The Federal Ministerial Bureaucracy, the Legislative Process and Better Regulation JF - Public Administration in Germany N2 - Over the last decades, Better Regulation has become a major reform topic at the federal and—in some cases—also at the Länder level. Although the debate about improving regulatory quality and reducing unnecessary burdens created by bureaucracy and red tape date back to the 1960s and 1970s, the introduction by law in 2006 of a new independent institutionalised body for regulatory control at the federal level of government has brought a new quality to the discourse and practice of Better Regulation in Germany. This chapter introduces the basic features of the legislative process at the federal level in Germany, addresses the issue of Better Regulation and outlines the role of the National Regulatory Control Council (Nationaler Normenkontrollrat—NKR) as a ‘watchdog’ for compliance costs, red tape and regulatory impacts. Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-53696-1 SN - 978-3-030-53697-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_20 SP - 357 EP - 373 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Stehle, Fee T1 - Rezension zu: Jordan, Andrew; Huitema, Dave; Asselt Harro van; Foster, Johanna (eds.): Governing climate change: polycentricity in action? - Cambridge ; New York, NY ; Port Melbourne : Cambridge University Press, 2018. - xv, 389 S. - ISBN 978-1-108-41812-6 JF - Global environmental politics Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_r_00596 SN - 1536-0091 SN - 1526-3800 VL - 21 IS - 1 SP - 157 EP - 159 PB - MIT Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tuttnauer, Or A1 - Wegmann, Simone T1 - Voting for Votes BT - opposition parties' legislative activity and electoral outcomes JF - American political science review N2 - Scholars frequently expect parties to act strategically in parliament, hoping to affect their electoral fortunes. Voters assumingly assess parties by their activity and vote accordingly. However, the retrospective voting literature looks mostly at the government's outcomes, leaving the opposition understudied. We argue that, for opposition parties, legislative voting constitutes an effective vote-seeking activity as a signaling tool of their attitude toward the government. We suggest that conflictual voting behavior affects voters through two mechanisms: as a signal of opposition valence and as means of ideological differentiation from the government. We present both aggregate- and individual-level analyses, leveraging a dataset of 169 party observations from 10 democracies and linking it to the CSES survey data of 27,371 respondents. The findings provide support for the existence of both mechanisms. Parliamentary conflict on legislative votes has a general positive effect on opposition parties' electoral performance, conditional on systemic and party-specific factors. Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055422000338 SN - 0003-0554 SN - 1537-5943 VL - 116 IS - 4 SP - 1357 EP - 1374 PB - Cambridge Univ. Press CY - New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Wegmann, Simone A1 - Evequoz, Aurelien T1 - Legislative functions in newly democratised countries: the use of parliamentary questions in Kenya and Zambia JF - The Journal of Legislative Studies N2 - A large literature exists examining the functions of legislatures and the behaviour of MPs in established democracies. But little efforts have been made to observe how MPs behave in new democratic assemblies. This article seeks to address this shortcoming through an exploration of the use of parliamentary questions in two new democracies: Kenya and Zambia. Analysing an innovative dataset we offer one of the few attempts to directly measure legislative behaviour in new democracies. We examine how the factors found in the literature on parliamentary questions in liberal democracies react to this shift of context and to what degree legislatures in these countries fulfil their core functions. Results show that opposition MPs are not necessarily among the most active but that electoral incentives such as the margin by which MPs have won their seats or the number of voters they represent explain the use and content of parliamentary questions. KW - Parliamentary questions KW - new democracies KW - opposition KW - Sub-Sahara Africa Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2019.1697057 SN - 1357-2334 SN - 1743-9337 VL - 25 IS - 4 SP - 443 EP - 465 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - THES A1 - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp T1 - United Nations beyond the state? Interactions of intergovernmental treaty secretariats in global environmental governance N2 - Within the context of United Nations (UN) environmental institutions, it has become apparent that intergovernmental responses alone have been insufficient for dealing with pressing transboundary environmental problems. Diverging economic and political interests, as well as broader changes in power dynamics and norms within global (environmental) governance, have resulted in negotiation and implementation efforts by UN member states becoming stuck in institutional gridlock and inertia. These developments have sparked a renewed debate among scholars and practitioners about an imminent crisis of multilateralism, accompanied by calls for reforming UN environmental institutions. However, with the rise of transnational actors and institutions, states are not the only relevant actors in global environmental governance. In fact, the fragmented architectures of different policy domains are populated by a hybrid mix of state and non-state actors, as well as intergovernmental and transnational institutions. Therefore, coping with the complex challenges posed by severe and ecologically interdependent transboundary environmental problems requires global cooperation and careful management from actors beyond national governments. This thesis investigates the interactions of three intergovernmental UN treaty secretariats in global environmental governance. These are the secretariats of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity, and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. While previous research has acknowledged the increasing autonomy and influence of treaty secretariats in global policy-making, little attention has been paid to their strategic interactions with non-state actors, such as non-governmental organizations, civil society actors, businesses, and transnational institutions and networks, or their coordination with other UN agencies. Through qualitative case-study research, this thesis explores the means and mechanisms of these interactions and investigates their consequences for enhancing the effectiveness and coherence of institutional responses to underlying and interdependent environmental issues. Following a new institutionalist ontology, the conceptual and theoretical framework of this study draws on global governance research, regime theory, and scholarship on international bureaucracies. From an actor-centered perspective on institutional interplay, the thesis employs concepts such as orchestration and interplay management to assess the interactions of and among treaty secretariats. The research methodology involves structured, focused comparison, and process-tracing techniques to analyze empirical data from diverse sources, including official documents, various secondary materials, semi-structured interviews with secretariat staff and policymakers, and observations at intergovernmental conferences. The main findings of this research demonstrate that secretariats employ tailored orchestration styles to manage or bypass national governments, thereby raising global ambition levels for addressing transboundary environmental problems. Additionally, they engage in joint interplay management to facilitate information sharing, strategize activities, and mobilize relevant actors, thereby improving coherence across UN environmental institutions. Treaty secretariats play a substantial role in influencing discourses and knowledge exchange with a wide range of actors. However, they face barriers, such as limited resources, mandates, varying leadership priorities, and degrees of politicization within institutional processes, which may hinder their impact. Nevertheless, the secretariats, together with non-state actors, have made progress in advancing norm-building processes, integrated policy-making, capacity building, and implementation efforts within and across framework conventions. Moreover, they utilize innovative means of coordination with actors beyond national governments, such as data-driven governance, to provide policy-relevant information for achieving overarching governance targets. Importantly, this research highlights the growing interactions between treaty secretariats and non-state actors, which not only shape policy outcomes but also have broader implications for the polity and politics of international institutions. The findings offer opportunities for rethinking collective agency and actor dynamics within UN entities, addressing gaps in institutionalist theory concerning the interaction of actors in inter-institutional spaces. Furthermore, the study addresses emerging challenges and trends in global environmental governance that are pertinent to future policy-making. These include reflections for the debate on reforming international institutions, the role of emerging powers in a changing international world order, and the convergence of public and private authority through new alliance-building and a division of labor between international bureaucracies and non-state actors in global environmental governance. N2 - Im Kontext internationaler Umweltinstitutionen unter den Vereinten Nationen (VN) ist deutlich geworden, dass allein zwischenstaatliche Verhandlungen für den Umgang mit dringenden grenzüberschreitenden Umweltproblemen unzureichend sind. Unterschiedliche wirtschaftliche und politische Interessen sowie umfassende Veränderungen in den Macht- und Normendynamiken der globalen (Umwelt-)Governance haben dazu geführt, dass die Verhandlungs- und Umsetzungsbemühungen der VN-Mitgliedstaaten häufig von institutionellen Blockaden und Trägheit geprägt sind. Diese Situation hat erneute Debatten unter Wissenschaftlern und Praktikern über die Krise des Multilateralismus ausgelöst, begleitet von Forderungen nach Reformen von VN-Umweltinstitutionen. Mit einem signifikanten Anstieg transnationaler Akteure und Institutionen sind jedoch nicht nur Staaten relevante Akteure in der globalen Umweltgovernance. Tatsächlich sind die Architekturen verschiedener Politikbereiche durch eine hochfragmentierte und hybride Mischung aus staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren sowie zwischenstaatlichen und transnationalen Institutionen gekennzeichnet. Daher erfordert der Umgang mit den komplexen Herausforderungen grenzüberschreitender Umweltprobleme eine globale Zusammenarbeit und sorgfältiges Management auch durch Akteure jenseits nationaler Regierungen. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Interaktionen von drei intergouvernementaler VN-Vertragssekretariaten in der globalen Umweltgovernance. Dabei handelt es sich um die Vertragssekretariate der Klimarahmenkonvention, der Biodiversitätskonvention und der Wüstenkonvention im Rahmen der VN. Obwohl frühere Forschungen die zunehmende Autonomie, Handlungsfähigkeit und den Einfluss von Vertragssekretariaten in bestimmten Teilbereichen der internationalen Umweltpolitik anerkannt haben, wurde ihren strategischen Interaktionen mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren wie Nichtregierungsorganisationen, zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren, Unternehmen und transnationalen Institutionen und Netzwerken sowie ihrer Koordination mit anderen VN-Sekretariaten bisher wenig Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Durch qualitative Fallstudien untersucht diese Arbeit die Mittel und Mechanismen dieser Interaktionen und ihre potenziellen Auswirkungen auf die Verbesserung der Effektivität und Kohärenz internationaler Institutionen hinsichtlich zugrunde liegender, interdependenter Umweltprobleme. Basierend auf einer (neo)institutionalistischen Ontologie stützt sich der konzeptionelle und theoretische Rahmen dieser Dissertation auf Forschung zur globalen Governance, der Regimetheorie und Studien zu internationalen Bürokratien. Aus einer akteurszentrierten Perspektive auf das Zusammenspiel internationaler Institutionen verwendet die Arbeit dabei Konzepte wie Orchestrierung und Interplay-Management, um die Interaktionen von und zwischen Vertragssekretariaten genauer zu erforschen. Die Untersuchungsmethodik umfasst sowohl Techniken der vergleichenden Analyse als auch Prozessanalyse, mittels derer empirische Daten aus verschiedenen Quellen, einschließlich offizieller Dokumente, verschiedener Sekundärmaterialien, semistrukturierter Interviews mit Sekretariatsmitarbeitern und politischen Entscheidungsträgern sowie Beobachtungen auf zwischenstaatlichen Konferenzen, ausgewertet wurden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Forschung zeigen, dass Vertragssekretariate spezifische Orchestrierungsstile verwenden, um Regierungshandeln in internationalen Institutionen zu lenken (oder zu umgehen) und folglich globale Ambitionen bezüglich des Umgangs mit grenzüberschreitenden Umweltproblemen zu erhöhen. Darüber hinaus betreiben Vertragssekretariate untereinander ein gemeinsames Interplay-Management, das den Austausch von Informationen, die strategische Planung von Aktivitäten und die gezielte Mobilisierung relevanter Akteure umfasst, um die Kohärenz zwischen VN-Umweltabkommen zu verbessern. Vertragssekretariate spielen eine bedeutende Rolle bei der Beeinflussung von Diskursen und dem Austausch von Wissen mit einer Vielzahl von Akteuren. Gerade durch das Zusammenspiel mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren prägen sie Normbildungsprozesse, wirken bei der Gestaltung hin zu integrierten Politiken mit oder nehmen eine unterstützende Funktion beim Kapazitätsaufbau und den Umsetzungsbemühungen innerhalb und zwischen Rahmenübereinkommen ein. Darüber hinaus nutzen sie innovative Koordinationsmechanismen mit Akteuren jenseits nationaler Regierungen, wie beispielsweise die Generierung, Nutzung und Verbreitung von Daten, um politikrelevante Informationen für die Implementierung übergeordneter Governance-Ziele bereitzustellen. Allerdings stehen sie in ihren Interaktionen auch vor Hindernissen, wie beispielsweise dem Umgang mit begrenzten Ressourcen und Mandaten, unterschiedlichen Prioritäten der Exekutivkräfte und unterschiedlichen Politisierungsgraden von Umweltproblemen innerhalb internationaler Institutionen, die den Einfluss von Sekretariaten beeinträchtigen können. Bedeutsam ist, dass die zunehmende Verflechtung zwischen Sekretariaten und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren nicht nur auf politische Inhalte (Policy) wirkt, sondern auch weitreichende Auswirkungen auf die Strukturen (Polity) und Prozesse (Politics) internationaler Institutionen hat. Die Ergebnisse regen dazu an, über kollektive Handlungsfähigkeit und Akteursdynamiken innerhalb von VN-Entitäten nachzudenken und Lücken in der neo-institutionalistischen Theorie hinsichtlich der Interaktion von Akteuren in interinstitutionellen Räumen zu schließen. Darüber hinaus thematisiert die Studie Trends und Herausforderungen in der globalen Umweltgovernance, die für zukünftige Politikgestaltung relevant sein können. Dazu gehören Reflexionen über die Reform-Debatte internationaler Institutionen, die Rolle aufstrebender Mächte in einer sich verändernden internationalen Weltordnung sowie die Konvergenz öffentlicher und privater Autorität durch neue Allianzen zwischen internationalen Bürokratien und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren in der globalen Umweltgovernance. KW - international relations KW - global environmental politics KW - internationale Beziehungen KW - globale Umweltpolitik Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-621651 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tsebelis, George A1 - Thies, Michael A1 - Cheibub, José Antonio A1 - Dixon, Rosalind A1 - Bogéa, Daniel A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Review symposium BT - beyond presidentialism and parliamentarism JF - European political science N2 - Steffen Ganghof’s Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that “in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not” (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, José Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bogéa review Steffen Ganghof’s book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A&M University in 2022. We thank Prof José Cheibub (Texas A&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium. KW - semi-parliamentary government KW - presidentialism KW - parliamentary government KW - separation of powers KW - legislatures KW - executives KW - parliamentary democracy Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9 SN - 1680-4333 SN - 1682-0983 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fruhstorfer, Anna A1 - Hudson, Alexander T1 - Majorities for minorities BT - Participatory constitution making and the protection of minority rights JF - Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association N2 - Does the process of making a constitution affect the expansiveness of rights protections in the constitution? In particular, is more participation in constitution-making processes better for minority rights protections? While the process of constitution making and its impact on various outcomes have received significant attention, little is known about the impact public participation or deliberation in this process has on the scope and content of minority rights. Using a wide variety of data to empirically assess the relationship between constitution-making processes and the protection of rights for minorities, we find a positive relationship between participatory drafting processes and the inclusion of minority protections in constitutions under some conditions. The article's findings have important implications for understanding political representation and lend support to core arguments about the role of the public in constitutional design. KW - constitution-making KW - human rights KW - minority rights KW - direct democracy KW - public participation Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912920984246 SN - 1065-9129 SN - 1938-274X VL - 75 IS - 1 SP - 103 EP - 117 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Biegert, Thomas A1 - Brady, David A1 - Hipp, Lena T1 - Cross-national variation in the relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment JF - The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science N2 - Reform of the U.S. welfare system in 1996 spurred claims that cuts to welfare programs effectively incentivized single mothers to find employment. It is difficult to assess the veracity of those claims, however, absent evidence of how the relationship between welfare benefits and single mother employment generalizes across countries. This study combines data from the European Union Labour Force Survey and the U.S. Current Population Survey (1992-2015) into one of the largest samples of single mothers ever, testing the relationships between welfare generosity and single mothers’ employment and work hours. We find no consistent evidence of a negative relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment outcomes. Rather, we find tremendous cross-national heterogeneity, which does not clearly correspond to well-known institutional variations. Our findings demonstrate the limitations of single country studies and the pervasive, salient interactions between institutional contexts and social policies. KW - single mothers KW - employment KW - welfare state benefits KW - cross-national KW - heterogeneity Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162221120760 SN - 0002-7162 SN - 1552-3349 VL - 702 IS - 1 SP - 37 EP - 54 PB - SAGE Publishing CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Quitzow, Rainer A1 - Bersalli, Germán A1 - Lilliestam, Johan A1 - Prontera, Andrea ED - Rayner, Tim ED - Szulecki, Kacper ED - Jordan, Andrew J. ED - Oberthür, Sebastian T1 - Green recovery BT - catalyst for an enhanced EU role in climate and energy policy? T2 - Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics N2 - This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission’s role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level. KW - European Union KW - green recovery KW - climate finance KW - European Green Deal KW - just transition Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-1-78990-698-1 SN - 978-1-78990-697-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781789906981.00039 SP - 351 EP - 366 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing ER - TY - BOOK ED - Mackert, Jürgen ED - Wolf, Hannah ED - Turner, Bryan S. T1 - Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives T3 - The condition of democracy N2 - Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology KW - Demokratie KW - Neoliberalismus KW - Soziologie KW - Aufsatzsammlung Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-00-040191-2 SN - 978-1-00-315836-3 SN - 978-0-367-74535-6 VL - 1 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Turner, Bryan S. T1 - Introduction BT - waves of democracy JF - The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-00-040191-2 SN - 978-1-00-315836-3 SP - 1 EP - 15 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Holthaus, Leonie A1 - Stockmann, Nils T1 - Who makes the world? BT - Academics and (un)cancelling the future JF - New perspectives N2 - In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism. KW - multiplicity KW - policy KW - scholar-practitioners KW - transdisciplinarity KW - un-cancelling the future KW - world-makers Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X20935246 SN - 2336-825X SN - 2336-8268 VL - 28 IS - 3 SP - 413 EP - 427 PB - Sage Publications CY - Thousand Oaks, CA ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schneider, Philipp A1 - Walz, Ariane A1 - Albert, Christian A1 - Lipp, Torsten T1 - Ecosystem-based adaptation in cities BT - use of formal and informal planning instruments JF - Land use policy N2 - Extreme weather events like heavy rainfall and heat waves will likely increase in intensity and frequency due to climate change. As the impacts of these extremes are particularly prominent in urban agglomerations, cities face an urgent need to develop adaptation strategies. Ecosystem-based Adaptation (EbA) provides helpful strategies that harness ecological processes in addition to technical interventions. EbA has been addressed in informal adaptation planning. Formal municipality planning, namely landscape planning, is supposed to include traditionally some EbA measures, although adaptation has not been their explicit focus. Our research aims to investigate how landscape plans incorporate climate-related extremes and EbA as well as to discuss the potential to enhance EbA uptake in formal planning. We conducted a document analysis of informal planning documents from 85 German cities and the analysis of formal landscape plans of 61 of these cities. The results suggest that city size does affect the extent of informal planning instruments and the comprehensiveness of formal landscape plans. Climate-related extremes and EbA measures have traditionally been part of landscape planning. Almost all landscape plans address heat stress, while climate change and heavy rain have been addressed less often, though more frequently since 2008. Greening of walls and roofs, on-site infiltration and water retention reveal significant potential for better integration in landscape plans. Landscape planning offers an entry point for effective climate adaptation through EbA in cities. Informal and formal planning instruments should be closely combined for robust, spatially explicit, legally binding implementation of EbA measures in the future. KW - Landscape planning KW - Climate change adaptation KW - Informal and formal KW - planning KW - Extreme weather KW - Cities Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2021.105722 SN - 0264-8377 VL - 109 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Buzogány, Aron T1 - Unboxing international public administrations BT - the politics of structural change in the UN system (1998–2019) JF - The American review of public administration N2 - Recent debates in international relations increasingly focus on bureaucratic apparatuses of international organizations and highlight their role, influence, and autonomy in global public policy. In this contribution we follow the recent call made by Moloney and Rosenbloom in this journal to make use of “public administrative theory and empirically based knowledge in analyzing the behavior of international and regional organizations” and offer a systematic analysis of the inner structures of these administrative bodies. Changes in these structures can reflect both the (re-)assignment of responsibilities, competencies, and expertise, but also the (re)allocation of resources, staff, and corresponding signalling of priorities. Based on organizational charts, we study structural changes within 46 international bureaucracies in the UN system. Tracing formal changes to all internal units over two decades, this contribution provides the first longitudinal assessment of structural change at the international level. We demonstrate that the inner structures of international bureaucracies in the UN system became more fragmented over time but also experienced considerable volatility with periods of structural growth and retrenchment. The analysis also suggests that IO's political features yield stronger explanatory power for explaining these structural changes than bureaucratic determinants. We conclude that the politics of structural change in international bureaucracies is a missing piece in the current debate on international public administrations that complements existing research perspectives by reiterating the importance of the political context of international bureaucracies as actors in global governance. KW - global public policy KW - international public administration KW - structural change Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740221136488 SN - 0275-0740 SN - 1552-3357 VL - 53 IS - 1 SP - 23 EP - 35 PB - Sage CY - Thousand Oaks, Calif. ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Pruin, Andree T1 - Organizational reputation in executive politics BT - citizen-oriented units in the German federal bureaucracy JF - International review of administrative sciences N2 - In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a “laboratorization” of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-à-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-à-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation. KW - citizen participation KW - government policymaking KW - organizational reputation Y1 - 0023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00208523221132228 SN - 0020-8523 SN - 1461-7226 PB - Sage CY - Los Angeles, Calif. ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Wanckel, Camilla T1 - Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector BT - the mediating role of job autonomy JF - Review of Public Personnel Administration N2 - Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers “digital overload” that decreases government employees’ job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees’ freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector. KW - digital transformation KW - digital overload KW - job autonomy KW - job satisfaction KW - civil service survey Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0734371X221148403 SN - 0734-371X SN - 1552-759X PB - Sage CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Bezes, Philippe A1 - James, Oliver A1 - Yesilkagit, Kutsal T1 - The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe JF - Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions N2 - The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments. Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/gove.12670 SN - 0952-1895 SN - 1468-0491 VL - 36 IS - 1 SP - 255 EP - 274 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Krieger, Heike A1 - Liese, Andrea ED - Krieger, Heike ED - Liese, Andrea T1 - Conclusion BT - turbulence, robustness, and value change T2 - Tracing value change in the international legal order N2 - Based on the previous findings in this book, Chapter 18 by Heike Krieger and Andrea Liese discusses the general dynamics of change or metamorphosis in the international legal order. They discern a mixed picture of an international order between metamorphosis—that is, a more fundamental transformation—of international law, norm change, turbulences, and robustness. They explain drivers of change and highlight factors such as national interests during the war on terror, changing long-term foreign policy beliefs, and the rise in populism and autocracy, before discussing the most common strategies the actors involved use. Other relevant factors include changes in the political environment, such as shocks and power shifts or the ambiguous role of fragmentation. Moreover, they identify factors that make legal norms robust, including the vital role of norm defenders and legal and institutional structures as stabilizing elements. Krieger and Liese conclude by cautioning that if the attacks on the international order continue at the current frequency and magnitude, a metamorphosis of international law will likely be unstoppable. KW - value change KW - legal change KW - norm robustness KW - norm dynamics KW - drivers for change KW - metamorphosis of international law Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-0-19-285583-1 SN - 978-0-19-266836-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855831.003.0018 SP - 319 EP - C18N113 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - THES A1 - Heinzel, Mirko Noa T1 - World Bank staff and project implementation BT - the importance of country-specific knowledge Y1 - 2021 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Lundgren, Magnus A1 - Squatrito, Theresa A1 - Sommerer, Thomas A1 - Tallberg, Jonas T1 - Introducing the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD) JF - The review of international organizations N2 - There is a growing recognition that international organizations (IOs) formulate and adopt policy in a wide range of areas. IOs have emerged as key venues for states seeking joint solutions to contemporary challenges such as climate change or COVID-19, and to establish frameworks to bolster trade, development, security, and more. In this capacity, IOs produce both extraordinary and routine policy output with a multitude of purposes, ranging from policies of historic significance like admitting new members to the more mundane tasks of administering IO staff. This article introduces the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD), which covers close to 37,000 individual policy acts of 13 multi-issue IOs in the 1980–2015 period. The dataset fills a gap in the growing body of literature on the comparative study of IOs, providing researchers with a fine-grained perspective on the structure of IO policy output and data for comparisons across time, policy areas, and organizations. This article describes the construction and coverage of the dataset and identifies key temporal and cross-sectional patterns revealed by the data. In a concise illustration of the dataset’s utility, we apply models of punctuated equilibria in a comparative study of the relationship between institutional features and broad policy agenda dynamics. Overall, the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset offers a unique resource for researchers to analyze IO policy output in a granular manner and to explore questions of responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy of IOs. KW - international organizations KW - policy KW - policy agendas KW - decision-making Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-023-09492-6 SN - 1559-7431 SN - 1559-744X VL - 19 SP - 117 EP - 146 PB - Springer CY - Boston ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Lundgren, Magnus A1 - Tallberg, Jonas A1 - Sommerer, Thomas A1 - Squatrito, Theresa T1 - When are international organizations responsive to policy problems? JF - International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association N2 - When are international organizations (IOs) responsive to the policy problems that motivated their establishment? While it is a conventional assumption that IOs exist to address transnational challenges, the question of whether and when IO policy-making is responsive to shifts in underlying problems has not been systematically explored. This study investigates the responsiveness of IOs from a large-n, comparative approach. Theoretically, we develop three alternative models of IO responsiveness, emphasizing severeness, dependence, and power differentials. Empirically, we focus on the domain of security, examining the responsiveness of eight multi-issue IOs to armed conflict between 1980 and 2015, using a novel and expansive dataset on IO policy decisions. Our findings suggest, first, that IOs are responsive to security problems and, second, that responsiveness is not primarily driven by dependence or power differentials but by problem severity. An in-depth study of the responsiveness of the UN Security Council using more granular data confirms these findings. As the first comparative study of whether and when IO policy adapts to problem severity, the article has implications for debates about IO responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy. Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqad045 SN - 0020-8833 SN - 1468-2478 VL - 67 IS - 3 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Duit, Andreas A1 - Lim, Sijeong A1 - Sommerer, Thomas T1 - The state and the environment BT - environmental policy and performance in 37 countries 1970–2010 JF - Politics & policy N2 - The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970–2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making. KW - comparative environmental politics KW - ecological modernization KW - environmental degradation KW - environmental policy effects KW - environmental policy performance KW - national ecological footprint KW - policy output KW - regulation KW - state KW - treadmill of production KW - política ambiental comparada KW - modernización ecológica KW - huella ecológica KW - regulación estatal Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12561 SN - 1555-5623 SN - 1747-1346 VL - 51 IS - 6 SP - 1046 EP - 1068 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken, NJ ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Grohmann, Nils-Hendrik T1 - Tracing the development of the proportionality analysis in relation to forced evictions under the ICESCR JF - Human rights law review N2 - Since 2013, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights can examine individual communications under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). This opens up the possibility to interpret Covenant provisions in a thorough manner. With regard to forced evictions and the right to housing under Article 11 ICESCR, one can discern a fast-developing approach concerning the proportionality analysis of evictions, entailing the establishment of specific criteria that may guide such analysis. This paper seeks to delineate these developments and will also shed light on possible general trends on the topic of limitations within the Committee’s emerging jurisprudence. In doing so, the paper will address if, and how, the developing proportionality analysis under the individual complaints procedure takes into consideration multi-discriminatory dimensions of State measures and how it specifically relates to or incorporates other ICESCR-concepts, such as minimum core obligations or the reasonableness review under Article 8(4) OP ICESCR. KW - discriminatory dimensions of forced evictions KW - reasonableness KW - proportionality analysis KW - forced evictions KW - right to housing KW - CESCR Committee Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/hrlr/ngac025 SN - 1461-7781 SN - 1744-1021 VL - 22 IS - 3 SP - 1 EP - 24 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Botsch, Gideon ED - Dafinger, Johannes ED - Florin, Moritz T1 - Identifying extreme-right terrorism BT - concepts and misconceptions T2 - A transnational history of right-wing terrorism N2 - Extreme-right terrorism is a threat that is often underestimated by the public at large. As this paper argues, this is partly due to a concept of terrorism utilized by policymakers, intelligence agents, and police investigators that is based on experience of international terrorism perpetrated by leftists or jihadists as opposed to domestic extreme-right violence. This was one reason why investigators failed to identify the crimes committed by the National Socialist Underground (NSU) in Germany (2000–2011) as extreme-right terrorism, for example. While scholarly debate focused on the Red Army Faction and Al Qaeda, terrorist tendencies among those perpetrating racist and extreme-right violence tended to be disregarded. Influential researchers in the field of “extremism” denied that terrorist acts were committed by right-wingers. By mapping the specifics regarding the strategic use of violence, target selection, addressing of different audiences etc., this paper proposes a more accurate definition of extreme-right terrorism. In comparing it to other forms of terrorism, extreme-right terrorism is distinguished by its specific framework of ideologies and practices, with the underlying idea of an essential inequality that is compensated for through the affirmation of violence. It can be differentiated from other forms of extreme-right violence based on its use of strategic, premeditated and planned attacks against targets of a symbolic nature. Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-003-10525-1 SN - 978-0-367-61210-8 SN - 978-0-367-61336-5 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003105251-17 SP - 241 EP - 257 PB - Routledge CY - London ; New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ackfeld, Viola A1 - Rohloff, Tobias A1 - Rzepka, Sylvi T1 - Increasing personal data contributions for the greater public good BT - a field experiment on an online education platform JF - Behavioural public policy N2 - Personal data increasingly serve as inputs to public goods. Like other types of contributions to public goods, personal data are likely to be underprovided. We investigate whether classical remedies to underprovision are also applicable to personal data and whether the privacy-sensitive nature of personal data must be additionally accounted for. In a randomized field experiment on a public online education platform, we prompt users to complete their profiles with personal information. Compared to a control message, we find that making public benefits salient increases the number of personal data contributions significantly. This effect is even stronger when additionally emphasizing privacy protection, especially for sensitive information. Our results further suggest that emphasis on both public benefits and privacy protection attracts personal data from a more diverse set of contributors. KW - field experiment KW - personal data KW - public good KW - privacy Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/bpp.2021.39 SN - 2398-063X SN - 2398-0648 SP - 1 EP - 27 PB - Cambridge University Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Soergel, Bjoern A1 - Kriegler, Elmar A1 - Bodirsky, Benjamin Leon A1 - Bauer, Nico A1 - Leimbach, Marian A1 - Popp, Alexander T1 - Combining ambitious climate policies with efforts to eradicate poverty JF - Nature Communications N2 - Climate change threatens to undermine efforts to eradicate extreme poverty. However, climate policies could impose a financial burden on the global poor through increased energy and food prices. Here, we project poverty rates until 2050 and assess how they are influenced by mitigation policies consistent with the 1.5 degrees C target. A continuation of historical trends will leave 350 million people globally in extreme poverty by 2030. Without progressive redistribution, climate policies would push an additional 50 million people into poverty. However, redistributing the national carbon pricing revenues domestically as an equal-per-capita climate dividend compensates this policy side effect, even leading to a small net reduction of the global poverty headcount (-6 million). An additional international climate finance scheme enables a substantial poverty reduction globally and also in Sub-Saharan Africa. Combining national redistribution with international climate finance thus provides an important entry point to climate policy in developing countries. Ambitious climate policies can negatively impact the global poor by affecting income, food and energy prices. Here, the authors quantify this effect, and show that it can be compensated by national redistribution of the carbon pricing revenues in combination with international climate finance. Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-021-22315-9 SN - 2041-1723 VL - 12 PB - Nature Publishing Group CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Botsch, Gideon T1 - Taking nativism to the streets BT - historical perspectives on right-wing extremist protest campaigns against immigration in germany JF - Moving the social N2 - In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups. KW - Antisemitism KW - racism KW - nativism KW - radical KW - right parties and movements KW - protest KW - violence KW - terrorism KW - Germany KW - nineteenth and twentieth century KW - history Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-8375-2491-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62 SN - 2197-0386 SN - 2197-0394 VL - 66 SP - 43 EP - 62 PB - Institute for Social Movements CY - Bochum ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Loewenthal, Amit A1 - Miaari, Sami H. A1 - Abrahams, Alexei T1 - How civilian attitudes respond to the state's violence BT - lessons from the Israel-Gaza conflict JF - Conflict management and peace science N2 - States, in their conflicts with militant groups embedded in civilian populations, often resort to policies of collective punishment to erode civilian support for the militants. We attempt to evaluate the efficacy of such policies in the context of the Gaza Strip, where Israel's blockade and military interventions, purportedly intended to erode support for Hamas, have inflicted hardship on the civilian population. We combine Palestinian public opinion data, Palestinian labor force surveys, and Palestinian fatalities data, to understand the relationship between exposure to Israeli policies and Palestinian support for militant factions. Our baseline strategy is a difference-in-differences specification that compares the gap in public opinion between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank during periods of intense punishment with the gap during periods when punishment is eased. Consistent with previous research, we find that Palestinian fatalities are associated with Palestinian support for more militant political factions. The effect is short-lived, however, dissipating after merely one quarter. Moreover, the blockade of Gaza itself appears to be only weakly associated with support for militant factions. Overall, we find little evidence to suggest that Israeli security policies toward the Gaza Strip have any substantial lasting effect on Gazan support for militant factions, neither deterring nor provoking them relative to their West Bank counterparts. Our findings therefore call into question the logic of Israel's continued security policies toward Gaza, while prompting a wider re-examination of the efficacy of deterrence strategies in other asymmetric conflicts. KW - Israeli-Palestinian conflict KW - political preferences KW - public opinion KW - conflict KW - Palestine Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/07388942221097325 SN - 0738-8942 SN - 1549-9219 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Dannemann, Udo ED - Fridrich, Christian ED - Hagedorn, Udo ED - Hedtke, Reinhold ED - Mittnik, Philipp ED - Tafner, Georg T1 - Understanding neoliberal subjectification BT - the contemporary homo economicus in the context of socio-economic education T2 - Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities N2 - The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault’s lectures on biopolitics and Brown’s current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines – through immanent critique – an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier & Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232–239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry. Y1 - 2024 SN - 978-3-658-42524-1 SN - 978-3-658-42525-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42525-8_10 SP - 217 EP - 236 PB - Springer Fachmedien CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - GEN ED - Schwab, Christian ED - Bouckaert, Geert ED - Kuhlmann, Sabine T1 - The future of local government in Europe BT - lessons from research and practice in 31 countries T2 - Modernisierung des öffentlichen Sektors N2 - kein abstract vorhanden T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 93 Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-407661 ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Bogumil, Jörg A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Ladner, Andreas ED - Sager, Fritz T1 - The politics of administrative reforms T2 - Handbook on the politics of public administration N2 - Administrative reforms refer to conscious decisions about institution building and institutional change that are taken at the end of political processes and can be conceived as the attempt by politico-administrative actors to change the institutional order (polity) within which they make and implement decisions. In this paper we proceed from the assumption that the role of politics, the constellation of political actors and arenas vary according to the scope and objectives of administrative reforms. Depending on whether they refer to changes between organizational units/levels/sectors ('external institutional policy') or to an internal reorganization ('internal institutional policy'), different actor strategies, patterns of conflict and power constellations can be expected. As external administrative reforms are aimed at changing functional and/or territorial jurisdictions and thus always involve external actors, larger resistance, heavier political conflicts and generally more politicization are likely to occur than in the case of internal administrative reforms. Yet, for internal reforms, too, actor coalitions which support or block institutional changes, promotors, leaders, and moderators have revealed to shape processes and outcomes. Against this background, this chapter examines the influence of politics on various types of administrative reforms making a distinction between external and internal institutional policies. We analyse the role of politico-administrative actors, their strategies and influence on the formulation, trajectories and outcomes of administrative reforms. Our major focus will be on reforms in the multi-level system on the one hand and on (Post-) NPM reforms on the other as two major international trends. Drawing on reform experiences in different European countries, the chapter will reveal to what extent actors' interests and influences have triggered and shaped administrative reforms and which difference these have made for the reform outcome. KW - administrative reforms KW - institutional policy KW - actor constellations KW - micro-politics KW - managerial reforms KW - territorial reforms Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-83910-943-0 SN - 978-1-83910-944-7 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781839109447.00018 SP - 125 EP - 137 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Bogumil, Jörg A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Tanguy, Gildas ED - Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel T1 - Territorial administration in Germany BT - institutional variants, reforms, and actors at the meso-level of government T2 - Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe N2 - This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/Länder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspräsidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landräte) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German ‘equivalents’ of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable. KW - Germany KW - territorial administration KW - meso-level of government KW - institutional change Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-59395-7 SN - 978-3-030-59396-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15 SP - 327 EP - 352 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Goldfinch, Shaun F. T1 - From Weberian bureaucracy to digital government? BT - trajectories of administrative reform in Germany T2 - Handbook of public administration reform N2 - Over the past decades, the traditional profile of the German administrative system has significantly been reshaped and remoulded through reforms and transformations. Manifold modernization efforts have been undertaken to adjust administrative structures and procedures to increasing challenges and pressures. In this chapter, the attempt is made to outline major institutional reform paths in Germany from Weberian bureaucracy to most recent reforms towards a digital transformation of public administration. We will show to what extent the German administrative system has moved away from the classical Weberian bureaucracy to a hybrid system where elements of the ‘old’ model and new reform paradigms such as the NPM and digital government are hybridized, labelled the Neo Weberian State. The question will be addressed as to what extent this shift has taken shape and which hurdles and path-dependencies can be identified to explain partial persistence and continuity over time. KW - neo weberian state KW - digitalization KW - new public management KW - territorial reforms KW - intergovernmental reforms KW - Germany Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-1-80037-674-8 SN - 978-1-80037-673-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781800376748.00016 SP - 207 EP - 226 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Grohs, Stephan A1 - Bogumil, Jörg T1 - Reforming public administration in multilevel systems BT - an evaluation of performance changes in european local governments JF - Public administration and the modern state : assesing trends and impact Y1 - 2014 SN - 978-1-137-43748-8 SP - 205 EP - 222 PB - Palgrave CY - New York ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Jann, Werner A1 - Bouckaert, Geert ED - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Schwab, Oliver T1 - Current and Future Trends in European Public Sector Research T2 - Starke Kommunen - wirksame Verwaltung : Fortschritte und Fallstricke der internationalen Verwaltungs- und Kommunalforschung N2 - Emmanuel Kant asked three important questions which will always be with us: What can we know? What should we do? What may we hope for? These three key existentialist questions are, of course, also relevant for a reflection on the future of Public Administration: What can we know, as researchers in the field of Public Administration, about our object of public administration? What should we do as researchers and teachers to make sure we remain part of a solution and to guarantee that we are ahead of reality and its future problems? What kind of improvement (or not) may we hope for a public sector in an increasingly complex society? This chapter tries to explore some possible answers to these three important questions for our field of Public Administration. The background is our common project about ‘European Perspectives for Public Administration’ (EPPA), which we hope to establish as a continuous dialogue and discourse in the context of European Public Administration and the ‘European Group for Public Administration’ (EGPA). Y1 - 2017 SN - 978-3-658-17134-6 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-17135-3_4 SP - 43 EP - 61 PB - Springer VS CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bouckaert, Geert T1 - Conclusion : Tensions, Challenges, and Future "Flags" of Local Public Sector Reforms and Comparative T2 - Local Public Sector Reforms in Times of Crisis : national trajectories and international comparisons Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-1-137-52547-5 SP - 347 EP - 354 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - London ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bouckaert, Geert ED - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Bouckaert, Geert T1 - Introduction : Comparing Local Public Sector Reforms BT - Institutional Polices in Context T3 - Local Public Sector Reforms in Times of Crisis : national trajectories and international comparisons Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-1-137-52547-5 SP - 1 EP - 20 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - London ET - 1 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bouckaert, Geert A1 - Jann, Werner A1 - Maron, Fabienne A1 - Ongaro, Edoardo A1 - Sofiane, Sahraoui T1 - Conclusion: EGPA, EPPA an the Future of Public Administration in Europa JF - Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA N2 - This chapter outlines the strategy of the European Group for Public Administration (EGPA) and reflects on some of its key strengths, and how these may equip the European community of scholars and practitioners of public administration (PA) to contribute to the development of the field. The chapter reviews the key trait of the EGPA organisational model: the Permanent Study Groups, which are communities of scholars centred on the key areas of the administrative sciences in Europe. It also discusses the partnerships that EGPA has developed with key institutions in Europe and beyond, and highlights the significance of the EGPA policy papers on European governance. Finally, it discusses the strategic, forward-looking project European Perspectives on Public Administration, which aims to reflect on the future of the research and teaching of public administration. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 U6 - https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_32 SP - 355 EP - 361 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Laffin, Martin A1 - Wayenberg, Ellen T1 - Subnational Government in the Research Spotlight BT - the Merit of EGPA Permament study Group 5 JF - Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA N2 - Kuhlmann, Laffin and Wayenberg point out three main strands of subnational changes that have significantly dominated the research field and focus of Permanent Study Group 5. Elaborating upon the Study Group’s contributions, the chapter overviews relevant research questions, approaches and findings that have been touched upon concerning local and regional government systems, subnational reforms and their evaluation in a multi-level governance setting. The chapter concludes with zooming in on austerity as a main driver of future developments upon and amongst all levels of government. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_15 SP - 147 EP - 165 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Sommerer, Thomas A1 - Squatrito, Theresa A1 - Tallberg, Jonas A1 - Lundgren, Magnus T1 - Decision-making in international organizations BT - institutional design and performance JF - The review of international organizations N2 - International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research. KW - international organizations KW - institutional design KW - decision-making KW - global governance KW - performance Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x SN - 1559-7431 SN - 1559-744X VL - 17 IS - 4 SP - 815 EP - 845 PB - Springer CY - Boston ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Tallberg, Jonas A1 - Bäckstrand, Karin A1 - Aart Scholte, Jan A1 - Sommerer, Thomas T1 - SNS Democracy Council 2023 BT - global governance: fit for purpose? N2 - Transboundary problems such as climate change, military conflicts, trade barriers, and refugee flows require increased collaboration across borders. This is to a large extent possible using existing international organizations. In such a case, however, they need to be considerably strengthened – while current trends take us in the opposite direction, according to the researchers in the SNS Democracy Council 2023. KW - democracy KW - globalization KW - international trade Y1 - 2023 UR - https://snsse.cdn.triggerfish.cloud/uploads/2023/04/sns-democracy-council-2023-global-governance--fit-for-purpose.pdf SN - 978-91-89754-06-5 PB - SNS Förlag CY - Stockholm ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Holzscheiter, Anna A1 - Gholiagha, Sassan A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - Advocacy coalition constellations and norm collisions BT - Insights from international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour JF - Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations N2 - To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas. KW - Norm collisions KW - advocacy coalitions KW - drug control KW - human trafficking KW - child labour KW - norms Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13600826.2021.1885352 SN - 1360-0826 SN - 1469-798X VL - 36 IS - 1 SP - 25 EP - 48 PB - Taylor & Francis CY - London ER - TY - THES A1 - Becker, Stefanie Lyn T1 - From regimes to grassroots innovations BT - a framework for understanding the causes of the barriers to community-based initiatives and their impacts on transitions Y1 - 2017 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bruttel, Lisa Verena A1 - Güth, Werner A1 - Nithammer, Juri A1 - Orland, Andreas T1 - Inefficient cooperation under stochastic and strategic uncertainty JF - Conflict resolution N2 - Stochastic uncertainty can cause coordination problems that may hinder mutually beneficial cooperation. We propose a mechanism of ex-post voluntary transfers designed to circumvent these coordination problems and ask whether it can increase efficiency. To test this transfer mechanism, we implement a controlled laboratory experiment based on a repeated Ultimatum Game with a stochastic endowment. Contrary to our hypothesis, we find that allowing voluntary transfers does not lead to an efficiency increase. We suggest and analyze two major reasons for this failure: first, stochastic uncertainty forces proposers intending to cooperate to accept high strategic uncertainty, which many proposers avoid; second, many responders behave only incompletely conditionally cooperatively, which hinders cooperation in future periods. KW - stochastic uncertainty KW - strategic uncertainty KW - cooperation KW - Ultimatum KW - Game KW - experiment Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00220027211066614 SN - 0022-0027 SN - 1552-8766 VL - 66 IS - 4-5 SP - 755 EP - 782 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Verlaan, Stephanie T1 - The Misapplication of Western Conflict and Reconciliation Theories on New World Wars JF - Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7) N2 - This chapter deals with the problem that theories of peace building, conflict resolution and reconciliation were predominately created in the West and, therefore, do not necessarily fit the understanding of peace, conflict, and resolution in non-Western societies and cultures. Within these societies, the acceptance of suffering may also be higher, which leads to different priorities of conflict resolution approaches. Furthermore, this chapter deals with the question of whether the current understanding of wars and the nature of conflict change the basis of established conflict theories. These theoretical approaches are then applied in Sierra Leone as a non-Western negotiation scenario. Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570149 SN - 978-3-86956-473-9 SN - 1869-2443 SN - 1867-2663 IS - 7 SP - 11 EP - 38 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Röthlisberger, Livia T1 - Transformative Justice in South Sudan BT - The Transformative Potential of a Contextualized Transitional Justice Process JF - Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7) N2 - This chapter takes the ongoing conflict in South Sudan as a starting point for assessing the concept of transitional justice as such and its implementation in the country in particular. Following a brief description of the conflict and the peace processes, the author sheds light on the shortcomings of the established concept of transitional justice in the situation at hand. Then, the author outlines the alternate concept of transformational justice und takes a closer look at its implications on the situation in South Sudan. The author highlights existing initiatives of transformative justice and is very much in favour of their victim-centered approach. Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570480 SN - 978-3-86956-473-9 SN - 1869-2443 SN - 1867-2663 IS - 7 SP - 167 EP - 191 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - GEN A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism BT - Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores ‘semi-parliamentary government’ as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 194 KW - presidential government KW - parliamentary government KW - semi-parliamentary government KW - separation of powers KW - executive personalism KW - bicameralism KW - constitutional design KW - democratic theory KW - patterns of democracy KW - Australia Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839 SN - 978-0-19-289714-5 SN - 1867-5808 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Griscom, Bronson W. A1 - Busch, Jonah A1 - Cook-Patton, Susan C. A1 - Ellis, Peter W. A1 - Funk, Jason A1 - Leavitt, Sara M. A1 - Lomax, Guy A1 - Turner, Will R. A1 - Chapman, Melissa A1 - Streck, Charlotte T1 - National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 195 KW - natural climate solutions KW - climate mitigation KW - protection KW - land management KW - restoration KW - Paris Agreement Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-513692 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 1794 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Mar, Kathleen A. A1 - Unger, Charlotte A1 - Walderdorff, Ludmila A1 - Butler, Tim T1 - Beyond CO2 equivalence BT - The impacts of methane on climate, ecosystems, and health JF - Environmental science & policy N2 - In this article we review the physical and chemical properties of methane (CH4) relevant to impacts on climate, ecosystems, and air pollution, and examine the extent to which this is reflected in climate and air pollution governance. Although CH4 is governed under the UNFCCC climate regime, its treatment there is limited to the ways in which it acts as a "CO2 equivalent" climate forcer on a 100-year time frame. The UNFCCC framework neglects the impacts that CH4 has on near-term climate, as well its impacts on human health and ecosystems, which are primarily mediated by methane's role as a precursor to tropospheric ozone. Frameworks for air quality governance generally address tropospheric ozone as a pollutant, but do not regulate CH4 itself. Methane's climate and air quality impacts, together with its alarming rise in atmospheric concentrations in recent years, make it clear that mitigation of CH4 emissions needs to be accelerated globally. We examine challenges and opportunities for further progress on CH4 mitigation within the international governance landscapes for climate change and air pollution. KW - Methane KW - Climate governance KW - Air pollution KW - International policy KW - Short-lived climate pollutants KW - Global warming potential Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envsci.2022.03.027 SN - 1462-9011 SN - 1873-6416 VL - 134 SP - 127 EP - 136 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie T1 - Towards a new definition of health security BT - a three-part rationale for the twenty-first century JF - Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice N2 - In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges. KW - health security KW - citizenship KW - borders KW - state security KW - responsibility Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119 SN - 1744-1692 SN - 1744-1706 VL - 15 IS - 1 SP - 1 EP - 12 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon, Oxfordshire ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Cantenar, Ömer Faruk A1 - Kozera, Cyprian Aleksander T1 - Fighting ISIS in Syria BT - Operation Euphrates Shield and the lessons learned from the al-Bab Battle JF - Small wars & insurgencies N2 - This paper analyses the Operation Euphrates Shield (OES) al-Bab battle and presents the lessons learned. OES started with a mixed force of Free Syrian Army, Turkish special forces and armoured units. During the operation, the aims and the force structure gradually changed, yet not the command structure. When OES aimed to capture al-Bab, ISIS employed conventional active defence strategy. The OES commander's insistence on employing special forces increased own casualties and al-Bab was seized only after resorting to a conventional urban attack. OES presents tactical and operational lessons for the militaries on structure and execution of operations against an irregular adversary employing conventional means. KW - Operation Euphrates Shield KW - Turkish military in Syria KW - al-Bab Battle KW - ISIS KW - proxy force KW - urban warfare Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2021.1875308 SN - 0959-2318 SN - 1743-9558 VL - 33 IS - 3 SP - 350 EP - 381 PB - Routledge CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - GEN A1 - Franzmann, Simon T. T1 - Competition, contest, and cooperation BT - the analytic framework of the issue market N2 - Although party competition is widely regarded as an important part of a working democracy, it is rarely analysed in political science literature. This article discusses the basic properties of party competition, especially the patterns of interaction in contemporary party systems. Competition as a phenomenon at the macro level has to be carefully distinguished from contest and cooperation as the forms of interaction at the micro level. The article gives special attention to the creation of issue innovations. Contrary to existing approaches, I argue that not only responsiveness but also innovation are necessary to guarantee a workable democratic competition. Competition takes place on an issue market, where parties can discover voters’ demands. Combined with the concept of institutional veto points, the article presents hypotheses on how institutions shape the possibility for programmatic innovations. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 80 KW - cooperation KW - innovation KW - issue market KW - party competition KW - veto point Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-402961 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Sprinz, Detlef F. T1 - Long-term environmental policy BT - challenges for research N2 - Long-term policy issues are a particularly vexing class of environmental policy issues which merit increasing attention due to the long-time horizons involved, the incongruity with political cycles, and the challenges for collective action. Following the definition of long-term environmental policy challenges, I pose three questions as challenges for future research, namely 1. Are present democracies well suited to cope with long-term policy challenges? 2. Are top-down or bottom-up solutions to long-term environmental policy challenges advisable? 3. Will mitigation and adaptation of environmental challenges suffice? In concluding, the contribution raises the issue of credible commitment for long-term policy issues and potential design options. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 81 KW - anniversary issue KW - long-term policy KW - definition KW - design options KW - environmental policy Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-403193 ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Juchler, Ingo T1 - Political Narrations BT - Antigone, the Melian Dialogue, Michael Kohlhaas, the Grand Inquisitor and Ragtime N2 - This book analyzes narrations embedded in political disputes, allowing readers to gain a deeper understanding of modern political reality. The author explores this theme in readings of the Sophocles tragedy Antigone, the Melian Dialogue of Thucydides, Heinrich von Kleist’s novella Michael Kohlhaas, Fyodor Dostoevsky's The Grand Inquisitor and E.L. Doctorow’s Ragtime novel, taking into account the relevant interdisciplinary aspects of the narratives. His study of these four narrations focuses on key political concepts, such as might and right, self-interest, legality and justice, the nation-state and democracy, and relates them compellingly to current actuality. Since narrations can exert comprehensive and lasting influence on individuals’ political discernment, this systematic analysis allows for a better comprehension of politics in education and civics. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-70753-2 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - GEN A1 - Fleischer, Julia A1 - Seyfried, Markus T1 - Drawing from the bargaining pool BT - determinants of ministerial selection in Germany T2 - Party politics N2 - This article expands our current knowledge about ministerial selection in coalition governments and analyses why ministerial candidates succeed in acquiring a cabinet position after general elections. It argues that political parties bargain over potential office-holders during government-formation processes, selecting future cabinet ministers from an emerging bargaining pool'. The article draws upon a new dataset comprising all ministrable candidates discussed by political parties during eight government-formation processes in Germany between 1983 and 2009. The conditional logit regression analysis reveals that temporal dynamics, such as the day she enters the pool, have a significant effect on her success in achieving a cabinet position. Other determinants of ministerial selection discussed in the existing literature, such as party and parliamentary expertise, are less relevant for achieving ministerial office. The article concludes that scholarship on ministerial selection requires a stronger emphasis for its endogenous nature in government-formation as well as the relevance of temporal dynamics in such processes. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 87 KW - candidates KW - Germany KW - government-formation Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-404479 ER - TY - THES A1 - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp T1 - Institutional interplay in global environmental governance T1 - Institutionelles Zusammenspiel im Bereich Global Environmental Governance BT - an analysis and assessment of the Rio conventions’ interplay activities BT - eine Analyse und Beurteilung des Zusammenspiels zwischen den Rio Konventionen N2 - The Rio Conventions stand at the centerpiece of international cooperation within the governance area of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification. Due to substantial environmental and political linkages, there are interrelations between the three regimes. This study seeks to examine the inter-institutional relationship between the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification by analyzing and assessing their horizontal interplay activities from the starting point of their genesis at Earth Summit in 1992 until today. In this research, I address the connections between the three conventions and identify the conflicting, cooperative, and synergetic aspects of inter-institutional relationship. While the overall empirical analysis suggests weak indications of a conflictive type, this research asserts that the interplay activities have thus far led to a cooperative relationship between the Rio Conventions. Moreover, increasing coordination and collaboration between the conventions’ treaty secretariats signals characteristics of a synergetic relationship, which could open up a potential window of opportunity for these actors to further engage and progress in institutional management in the future. In a conclusion, this study explores the possibility of the formation of an overarching environmental institution as a result of joint institutional management within the complex of climate change, biodiversity, and desertification. N2 - Die Rio-Konventionen stehen im Mittelpunkt internationaler Kooperation im Bezug auf den Governance-Bereich Klimawandel, Biodiversität und Desertifikation. Aufgrund von substantiellen ökologischen und politischen Verknüpfungen herrschen Wechselwirkungen zwischen den drei Regelungswerken. Die vorliegende Arbeit unternimmt den Versuch, die aus den institutionellen Interaktionen resultierende Relation zwischen der Klimarahmenkonvention der Vereinten Nationen, der Biodiversitätskonvention und dem Übereinkommen der Vereinten Nationen zur Bekämpfung der Wüstenbildung über einen Zeitraum von deren Entstehung 1992 bis heute zu analysieren und zu beurteilen. Diese Forschungsarbeit untersucht die interinstitutionellen Beziehungen zwischen den drei Konventionen und identifiziert dabei konfliktträchtige, kooperative und synergetische Aspekte. Während in einer empirische Analyse insgesamt nur schwache Indikatoren für einen konfliktträchtigen Beziehungstyp gefunden wurden, kann in der Gesamtbetrachtung konstatiert werden, dass die bisherigen interinstitutionellen Interaktionen zu einer kooperativen Beziehung zwischen den Rio-Konventionen geführt haben. Darüberhinaus weisen die zunehmende Koordinierung und Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Sekretariaten der Konventionen Charakteristika einer synergetischen Beziehung auf. Das intensive Zusammenwirken dieser Akteure könnte sich in der Zukunft als Gelegenheit herausstellen, institutionelles Management aktiver zu gestalten und voranzubringen. In einem Fazit spielt die Arbeit das Szenario der Entstehung einer allumfassenden Umweltorganisation durch, die sich als Folgewirkung aus der gemeinsamen Steuerung des institutionellen Komplexes Klimawandel, Biodiversität und Desertifikation entwickeln könnte. KW - Global Environmental Governance KW - institutional interplay KW - institutional complexity KW - international institutions KW - Global Environmental Governance KW - institutionelle Komplexität KW - internationale Institutionen Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-406183 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Ganghof, Steffen T1 - Reconciling representation and accountability BT - three visions of democracy compared T2 - Government and Opposition N2 - An egalitarian approach to the fair representation of voters specifies three main institutional requirements: proportional representation, legislative majority rule and a parliamentary system of government. This approach faces two challenges: the under-determination of the resulting democratic process and the idea of a trade-off between equal voter representation and government accountability. Linking conceptual with comparative analysis, the article argues that we can distinguish three ideal-typical varieties of the egalitarian vision of democracy, based on the stages at which majorities are formed. These varieties do not put different relative normative weight onto equality and accountability, but have different conceptions of both values and their reconciliation. The view that accountability is necessarily linked to clarity of responsibility', widespread in the comparative literature, is questioned - as is the idea of a general trade-off between representation and accountability. Depending on the vision of democracy, the two values need not be in conflict. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 96 KW - visions of democracy KW - political equality KW - accountability Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-413456 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Caliendo, Marco A1 - Tübbicke, Stefan T1 - Design and effectiveness of start-up subsidies BT - evidence from a policy reform in Germany JF - Economic analysis and policy N2 - While a growing body of literature finds positive impacts of Start-Up Subsidies (SUS) on labor market outcomes of participants, little is known about how the design of these programs shapes their effectiveness and hence how to improve policy. As experimental variation in program design is unavailable, we exploit the 2011 reform of the current German SUS program for the unemployed which strengthened caseworkers' discretionary power, increased entry requirements and reduced monetary support. We estimate the impact of the reform on the program's effectiveness using samples of participants and non-participants from before and after the reform. To control for time-constant unobserved heterogeneity as well as differential selection patterns based on observable characteristics over time, we combine Difference-in-Differences with inverse probability weighting using covariate balancing propensity scores. Holding participants' observed characteristics as well as macroeconomic conditions constant, the results suggest that the reform was successful in raising employment effects on average. As these findings may be contaminated by changes in selection patterns based on unobserved characteristics, we assess our results using simulation-based sensitivity analyses and find that our estimates are highly robust to changes in unobserved characteristics. Hence, the reform most likely had a positive impact on the effectiveness of the program, suggesting that increasing entry requirements and reducing support increased the program's impacts while reducing the cost per participant. (C) 2021 Economic Society of Australia, Queensland. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. KW - start-up subsidies KW - institutions KW - policy reform KW - difference-in-differences Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eap.2021.02.015 SN - 0313-5926 VL - 70 SP - 333 EP - 340 PB - Elsevier CY - Amsterdam ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Lange, Felix T1 - Between Systematization and Expertise for Foreign Policy BT - The Practice-Oriented Approach in Germany’s International Legal Scholarship (1920–1980) T2 - KFG Working Paper Series N2 - German international legal scholarship has been known for its practice-oriented, doctrinal approach to international law. On the basis of archival material, this article tracks how this methodological take on international law developed in Germany between the 1920s and the 1980s. In 1924, as a reaction to the establishment of judicial institutions in the Treaty of Versailles, the German Reich founded the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law. Director Viktor Bruns institutionalized the practice-oriented method to advance the idea of international law as a legal order as well as to safeguard the interests of the Weimar government before the various courts. Under National Socialism, members of the Institute provided legal justifications for Hitler’s increasingly radical foreign policy. At the same time, some of them did not engage with völkisch-racist theories, but systematized the existing ius in bello. After 1945, Hermann Mosler, as director of the renamed Max Planck Institute, took the view that the practice-oriented approach was not as discredited as the more theoretical approach of völkisch international law. Furthermore, he regarded the method as a promising vehicle to support the policy of Westintegration of Konrad Adenauer. Also, he tried to promote the idea of ‘international society as a legal community’ by analysing international practice. T3 - KFG Working Paper Series - 8 Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-421895 SN - 2509-3770 SN - 2509-3762 IS - 8 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hänel, Hilkje Charlotte A1 - Bratu, Christine T1 - Varieties of hermeneutical injustice BT - a blueprint JF - Moral philosophy and politics N2 - In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately. KW - hermeneutical injustice KW - epistemic injustice KW - social epistemology KW - discrimination KW - hermeneutical capability Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2020-0007 SN - 2194-5616 SN - 2194-5624 VL - 8 IS - 2 SP - 331 EP - 350 PB - de Gruyter CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fischer, Caroline A1 - Siegel, John A1 - Proeller, Isabella A1 - Drathschmidt, Nicolas T1 - Resilience through digitalisation BT - How individual and organisational resources affect public employees working from home during the COVID-19 pandemic JF - Public management review N2 - This article examines public service resilience during the COVID-19 pandemic and studies the switch to telework due to social distancing measures. We argue that the pandemic and related policies led to increasing demands on public organisations and their employees. Following the job demands-resources model, we argue that resilience only can arise in the presence of resources for buffering these demands. Survey data were collected from 1,189 German public employees, 380 participants were included for analysis. The results suggest that the public service was resilient against the crisis and that the shift to telework was not as demanding as expected. KW - resilience KW - digitalisation KW - innovation KW - telework KW - work-place behavior KW - capacity KW - job demands-resources model KW - multi-level study Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/14719037.2022.2037014 SN - 1471-9037 SN - 1471-9045 VL - 25 IS - 4 SP - 808 EP - 835 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis CY - London ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Schöniger, Franziska A1 - Resch, Gustav A1 - Kleinschmitt, Christoph A1 - Franke, Katja A1 - Thonig, Richard A1 - Lilliestam, Johan ED - Uyar, Tanay Sıdkı ED - Javani, Nader T1 - The need for dispatchable RES BT - a closer look at the future role of CSP in Europe T2 - Renewable energy based solutions N2 - Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) offers flexible and decarbonised power generation and is one of the few switchable renewable technologies that can generate renewable power on demand. Today (2018), CSP only contributes 5 TWh to European electricity generation but has the potential to become an important generation asset for decarbonising the electricity sector within Europe as well as globally. This chapter examines how factors and key political decisions lead to different futures and the associated CSP use in Europe in the years up to 2050. In a second step, we characterise the scenarios with the associated system costs and the costs of the support policy. We show that the role of CSP in Europe depends crucially on political decisions and the success or failure of policies outside of renewable energies. In particular, the introduction of CSP depends on the general ambitions for decarbonisation, the level of cross-border trade in electricity from renewable sources and is made possible by the existence of a strong grid connection between the southern and northern European Member States and by future growth in electricity demand. The presence of other baseload technologies, particularly nuclear energy in France, diminishes the role and need for CSP. Assuming a favourable technological development, we find a strong role for CSP in Europe in all modelled scenarios: Contribution of 100 TWh to 300 TWh of electricity to a future European electricity system. The current European CSP fleet would have to be increased by a factor of 20 to 60 over the next 30 years. To achieve this, stable financial support for CSP would be required. Depending on framework conditions and assumptions, the amount of support ranges at the EU level from € 0.4 to 2 billion per year, which represents only a small proportion of the total support requirement for the energy system transformation. Cooperation between the Member States could further help reduce these costs. Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-3-031-05124-1 SN - 978-3-031-05125-8 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05125-8_8 VL - 87 SP - 219 EP - 239 PB - Springer International Publishing CY - Cham ER - TY - GEN A1 - Herrmann, Benedikt A1 - Kritikos, Alexander T1 - Growing out of the crisis BT - hidden assets to Greece's transition to an innovation economy T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Greece’s currently planned institutional reforms will help to get the country going with limited economic growth. With an economy based primarily on tourism, trade, and agriculture, Greece lacks an established competitive industry and an innovation-friendly environment, resulting in a low export ratio given the small size of the country and its long-time EU-membership. Instead, Greece exports only its nation's talent, with low returns. To become prosperous, the country must better capitalize on its Eurozone membership and add innovative sectors to its economic structure. Given Greece's hidden assets, such as the attractiveness of the country, a small number of strong research centers and an impressive diaspora in research, finance and business, we envision a Greek “Silicon Valley” and propose a ten point policy plan to achieve that goal. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe - 896 KW - innovation KW - Greece KW - growth strategy KW - entrepreneurship KW - innovation systems KW - regulatory environment Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434805 SN - 1866-8372 IS - 896 ER - TY - THES A1 - Danken, Thomas T1 - Coordination of wicked problems T1 - Koordination vertrackter Probleme BT - comparing inter-departmental coordination of demographic change policies in five German states BT - Vergleich interministerieller Koordination der Demografiepolitik in fünf ostdeutschen Ländern N2 - The thesis focuses on the inter-departmental coordination of adaptation and mitigation of demographic change in East Germany. All Eastern German States (Länder) have set up inter-departmental committees (IDCs) that are expected to deliver joint strategies to tackle demographic change. IDCs provide an organizational setting for potential positive coordination, i.e. a joint approach to problem solving that pools and utilizes the expertise of many departments in a constructive manner from the very beginning. Whether they actually achieve positive coordination is contested within the academic debate. This motivates the first research question of this thesis: Do IDCs achieve positive coordination? Interdepartmental committees and their role in horizontal coordination within the core executive triggered interest among scholars already more than fifty years ago. However, we don’t know much about their actual importance for the inter-departmental preparation of cross-cutting policies. Until now, few studies can be found that analyzes inter-departmental committees in a comparative way trying to identify whether they achieve positive coordination and what factors shape the coordination process and output of IDCs. Each IDC has a chair organization that is responsible for managing the interactions within the IDCs. The chair organization is important, because it organizes and structures the overall process of coordination in the IDC. Consequently, the chair of an IDC serves as the main boundary-spanner and therefore has remarkable influence by arranging meetings and the work schedule or by distributing internal roles. Interestingly, in the German context we find two organizational approaches: while some states decided to put a line department (e.g. Department of Infrastructure) in charge of managing the IDC, others rely on the State Chancelleries, i.e. the center of government. This situation allows for comparative research design that can address the role of the State Chancellery in inter-departmental coordination of cross-cutting policies. This is relevant, because the role of the center is crucial when studying coordination within central government. The academic debate on the center of government in the German politico-administrative system is essentially divided into two camps. One camp claims that the center can improve horizontal coordination and steer cross-cutting policy-making more effectively, while the other camp points to limits to central coordination due to departmental autonomy. This debate motivates the second research question of this thesis: Does the State Chancellery as chair organization achieve positive coordination in IDCs? The center of government and its role in the German politic-administrative system has attracted academic attention already in the 1960s and 1970s. There is a research desiderate regarding the center’s role during the inter-departmental coordination process. There are only few studies that explicitly analyze centers of government and their role in coordination of cross-cutting policies, although some single case studies have been published. This gap in the academic debate will be addressed by the answer to the second research question. The dependent variable of this study is the chair organization of IDCs. The value of this variable is dichotomous: either an IDC is chaired by a Line department or by a State Chancellery. We are interested whether this variable has an effect on two dependent variables. First, we will analyze the coordination process, i.e. interaction among bureaucrats within the IDC. Second, the focus of this thesis will be on the coordination result, i.e. the demography strategies that are produced by the respective IDCs. In terms of the methodological approach, this thesis applies a comparative case study design based on a most-similar-systems logic. The German Federalism is quite suitable for such designs. Since the institutional framework largely is the same across all states, individual variables and their effect can be isolated and plausibly analyzed. To further control for potential intervening variables, we will limit our case selection to states located in East Germany, because the demographic situation is most problematic in the Eastern part of Germany, i.e. there is a equal problem pressure. Consequently, we will analyze five cases: Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt (line department) and Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Saxony (State Chancellery). There is no grand coordination theory that is ready to be applied to our case studies. Therefore, we need to tailor our own approach. Our assumption is that the individual chair organization has an effect on the coordination process and output of IDCs, although all cases are embedded in the same institutional setting, i.e. the German politico-administrative system. Therefore, we need an analytical approach than incorporates institutionalist and agency-based arguments. Therefore, this thesis will utilize Actor-Centered Institutionalism (ACI). Broadly speaking, ACI conceptualizes actors’ behavior as influenced - but not fully determined - by institutions. Since ACI is rather abstract we need to adapt it for the purpose of this thesis. Line Departments and State Chancelleries will be modeled as distinct actors with different action orientations and capabilities to steer the coordination process. However, their action is embedded within the institutional context of governments, which we will conceptualize as being comprised of regulative (formal rules) and normative (social norms) elements. N2 - Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit interministerieller Koordination der Demografiepolitik in ostdeutschen Ländern. Alle ostdeutschen Länder haben interministerielle Arbeitsgruppen (IMAGs) eingerichtet, die von der jeweiligen Landesregierung beauftragt wurden, ressortübergreifende Strategien zur Bewältigung der Folgen des demografischen Wandels zu erarbeiten. IMAGs bieten potentiell einen organisatorischen Rahmen für das Gelingen positiver Koordination, also der ressortübergreifenden Bearbeitung interdependenter Problemstellungen. Ob sie jedoch tatsächlich positive Koordination herbeiführen, ist innerhalb der akademischen Debatte umstritten, was die Motivation für die erste Forschungsfrage darstellt: Führen IMAGs zu positiver Koordination? IMAGs haben bereits vor fünfzig Jahren akademische Aufmerksamkeit erregt. Dennoch ist über ihren Beitrag zur Vorbereitung ressortübergreifender Programme kaum etwas bekannt. Bislang haben nur wenige Arbeiten IMAGs in vergleichender Perspektive behandelt. Somit fehlt es an Wissen zu Determinanten des Koordinationsprozesses und –ergebnisses interministerieller Arbeitsgruppen. Jeweils einer Organisation obliegt die Federführung für die jeweilige IMAG. Die federführende Einheit kann erheblichen Einfluss ausüben, da sie den Koordinationsprozess strukturiert und organisiert. Interessanterweise haben die ostdeutschen Bundesländer zwei unterschiedliche organisatorische Modelle gewählt: Entweder obliegt die Federführung der entsprechenden IMAG einem Fachministerien oder der Staatskanzlei des entsprechenden Landes. Diese Situation erlaubt ein vergleichendes Untersuchungsdesign, das die Rolle von Staatskanzleien im Prozess ressortübergreifender Politikformulierung im politisch-administrativen System Deutschlands zu untersuchen erlaubt. Die akademische Debatte im Hinblick darauf lässt sich etwas zugespitzt in zwei Lager teilen: Während das erste Lager argumentiert, die Regierungszentrale könne horizontale Koordination verbessern und zur effektiveren Steuerung ressortübergreifenden Politikformulierung beitragen, rekurriert das zweite Lager auf die Dominanz des verfassungsrechtlichen Ressortprinzip und geht von einer klaren Begrenzung der Steuerungskapazität von Regierungszentralen aus. Dies motiviert die zweite Forschungsfrage der vorliegenden Arbeit: Erreicht Federführung durch Staatskanzleien positive Koordination in IMAGs? Obwohl die Regierungszentrale schon frühzeitig Gegenstand verwaltungs- und politikwissenschaftlicher Forschung war, finden sich kaum Arbeiten, die explizit die Rolle von Staatskanzlei im Prozess der Formulierung ressortübergreifender Programme thematisieren. Die unabhängige Variable dieser Untersuchung ist die federführende Organisation einer IMAG (Staatskanzlei oder Fachministerium). Die abhängigen Variablen sind einerseits der Koordinationsprozess innerhalb von IMAGs als auch das entsprechende Koordinationsergebnis in Form ressortübergreifender Strategien zur Bewältigung des demografischen Wandels. Das Untersuchungsdesign entspricht einem most-similar-systems Ansatz. So finden sich in allen untersuchten Fällen Koalitionsregierungen, ein ähnlicher Problemdruck in Hinblick auf demografische Entwicklungen sowie ein nahezu identischer institutionelle Rahmen für Koordination. Der Einfluss der unabhängigen auf die abhängigen Variablen kann damit plausiblen isoliert werden. Die Studie untersucht IMAGs in den Ländern Thüringen, Sachsen-Anhalt (Federführung bei einem Fachministerium), Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern und Sachsen (Federführung bei der Staatskanzlei). Die Arbeit nutzt den akteurszentrierten Institutionalismus als analytischen Rahmen. Dieser erlaubt Koordinationsprozesse sowohl in Hinblick auf ihre institutionelle Einbettung zu untersuchen, die Rolle intentional handelnder Akteure mit unterschiedlichen Handlungsorientierungen und -möglichkeiten aus dem Blick zu verlieren. KW - coordination KW - wicked problems KW - demographic change KW - interdepartmental committee KW - Germany KW - Koordination KW - vertrackte Probleme KW - demografischer Wandel KW - interministerielle Arbeitsgruppe KW - Deutschland Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396766 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Francisco Vásquez Carruthers, Juan T1 - Transitional Justice and Political Opportunism JF - Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7) N2 - This paper aims to contribute a different approach to transitional justice, one in which political decisions are rocketed to the forefront of the research. Theory asserts that, after a transition to democracy, it is the constituency who defines the direction a country will take. Therefore, pleasing them should be at the fore of the responses taken by those in power. However, reality distances itself from theory. History provides us with many examples of the contrary, which indicates that the politicization of transitional justice is an ever-present event. The first section will outline current definitions and obstacles faced by transitional justice, focusing on the implicit ties between them and the aforementioned politicization. An original categorization of Transitional Justice as a method of analysis will also be introduced, which I denominate Political Opportunism. The case of Argentina, a country that is usually described as a model to export but that after 35 years is still dealing with the consequences brought by the contradictions of using several methods of justice, will then be reinterpreted through this perspective. At the end of the paper, the inevitable question will be posed: can this new angle be exported and implemented in every transition? Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570153 SN - 978-3-86956-473-9 SN - 1869-2443 SN - 1867-2663 IS - 7 SP - 39 EP - 71 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bünning, Mareike A1 - Hipp, Lena T1 - How can we become more equal? BT - public policies and parents’ work–family preferences in Germany JF - Journal of European social policy N2 - This study examines how public policies affect parents' preferences for a more egalitarian division of paid and unpaid work. Based on the assumption that individuals develop their preferences within a specific policy context, we examine how changes in three policies affect mothers' and fathers' work-family preferences: the availability of high-quality, affordable childcare; the right to return to a full-time job after having reduced hours to part-time and an increase in the number of 'partner months' in parental leave schemes. Analysing a unique probability sample of parents with young children in Germany from 2015 (N = 1756), we find that fathers would want to work slightly fewer hours if they had the right to return to a full-time position after working part-time, and mothers would want to work slightly more hours if childcare opportunities were improved. Full-time working parents, moreover, are found to prefer fewer hours independent of the policy setting, while non-employed parents would like to work at least some hours. Last but not least, our analyses show that increasing the number of partner months in the parental leave scheme considerably increases fathers' preferences for longer and mothers' preferences for shorter leave. Increasing the number of partner months in parental schemes hence has the greatest potential to increase gender equality. KW - work-family policies KW - parental leave KW - childcare KW - working time KW - regulations KW - parenthood KW - working hours KW - gender equality KW - preferences KW - capabilities framework Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/09589287211035701 SN - 0958-9287 SN - 1461-7269 VL - 32 IS - 2 SP - 182 EP - 196 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - THES A1 - Melliger, Marc André T1 - Effects of exposing renewables to the market BT - Analysing the design of support policies and the coordination of their changes from investor, system, and policy perspectives in EU member states BT - Gestaltung und Koordinierung der Förderpolitik aus Investoren-, System- und Policysicht in EU-Mitgliedstaaten N2 - Electricity production contributes to a significant share of greenhouse gas emissions in Europe and is thus an important driver of climate change. To fulfil the Paris Agreement, the European Union (EU) needs a rapid transition to a fully decarbonised power production system. Presumably, such a system will be largely based on renewables. So far, many EU countries have supported a shift towards renewables such as solar and wind power using support schemes, but the economic and political context is changing. Renewables are now cheaper than ever before and have become cost-competitive with conventional technologies. Therefore, European policymakers are striving to better integrate renewables into a competitive market and to increase the cost-effectiveness of the expansion of renewables. The first step was to replace previous fixed-price schemes with competitive auctions. In a second step, these auctions have become more technology-open. Finally, some governments may phase out any support for renewables and fully expose them to the competitive power market. However, such policy changes may be at odds with the need to rapidly expand renewables and meet national targets due to market characteristics and investors’ risk perception. Without support, price risks are higher, and it may be difficult to meet an investor’s income expectations. Furthermore, policy changes across different countries could have unexpected effects if power markets are interconnected and investors able to shift their investments. Finally, in multi-technology auctions, technologies may dominate, which can be a risk for long-term power system reliability. Therefore, in my thesis, I explore the effects of phasing out support policies for renewables, of coordinating these phase-outs across countries, and of using multi-technology designs. I expand the public policy literature about investment behaviour and policy design as well as policy change and coordination, and I further develop an agent-based model. The main questions of my thesis are what the cost and deployment effects of gradually exposing renewables to market forces would be and how coordination between countries affects investors’ decisions and market prices.. In my three contributions to the academic literature, I use different methods and come to the following results. In the first contribution, I use a conjoint analysis and market simulation to evaluate the effects of phasing out support or reintroducing feed-in tariffs from the perspective of investors. I find that a phase-out leads to investment shifts, either to other still-supported technologies or to other countries that continue to offer support. I conclude that the coordination of policy changes avoids such shifts.. In the second contribution, I integrate the empirically-derived preferences from the first contribution in to an agent-based power system model of two countries to simulate the effects of ending auctions for renewables. I find that this slows the energy transition, and that cross-border effects are relevant. Consequently, continued support is necessary to meet the national renewables targets. In the third contribution, I analyse the outcome of past multi-technology auctions using descriptive statistics, regression analysis as well as case study comparisons. I find that the outcomes are skewed towards single technologies. This cannot be explained by individual design elements of the auctions, but rather results from context-specific and country-specific characteristics. Based on this, I discuss potential implications for long-term power system reliability. The main conclusions of my thesis are that a complete phase-out of renewables support would slow down the energy transition and thus jeopardize climate targets, and that multi-technology auctions may pose a risk for some countries, especially those that cannot regulate an unbalanced power plant portfolio in the long term. If policymakers decide to continue supporting renewables, they may consider adopting technology-specific auctions to better steer their portfolio. In contrast, if policymakers still want to phase out support, they should coordinate these policy changes with other countries. Otherwise, overall transition costs can be higher, because investment decisions shift to still-supported but more expensive technologies. N2 - Die Stromproduktion trägt zu einem bedeutenden Anteil der Treibhausgasemissionen in Europa bei und ist damit ein wichtiger Treiber des Klimawandels. Um das Pariser Abkommen zu erfüllen, muss die Europäische Union (EU) eine Wende hin zu einem vollständig treibhausgasneutralen Stromerzeugungssystem durchlaufen. Vermutlich wird ein solches System zu einem Grossteil auf erneuerbaren Energien beruhen. Obwohl viele EU-Länder die Umstellung auf erneuerbare Energien wie Solar- und Windenergie bisher durch Förderprogramme unterstützt haben, ändert sich der wirtschaftliche und politische Kontext. Erneuerbare Energien sind heute billiger als je zuvor und konkurrenzfähig gegenüber konventionellen Technologien. Daher sind Entscheidungsträger der europäischen Regierungen bestrebt, die erneuerbaren Energien besser in einen wettbewerbsfähigen Markt zu integrieren und die Kosteneffizienz des Ausbaus der erneuerbaren Energien zu erhöhen. In einem ersten Schritt wurden Festpreisvergütungen durch wettbewerbsorientierte Auktionen ersetzt. In einem zweiten Schritt wurden diese Auktionen technologieoffener gestaltet. Schließlich könnten einige Regierungen die Unterstützung für erneuerbare Energien beenden und diese vollständig dem wettbewerbsorientierten Strommarkt aussetzen. Solche Reformen könnten jedoch aufgrund von Marktmerkmalen und der Risikowahrnehmung von Investoren im Widerspruch zu der Notwendigkeit stehen, die erneuerbaren Energien rasch auszubauen, um die nationalen Ziele zu erreichen. Ohne Förderinstrumente steigen Preisrisiken und es könnte schwierig werden, die Einkommenserwartungen der Investoren zu erfüllen. Darüber hinaus könnten Reformen in verschiedenen Ländern unerwartete Auswirkungen haben, insbesondere wenn deren Strommärkte gekoppelt sind und die Investoren ihre Anlagen in andere Länder verlagern. Schließlich könnten technologieoffene Auktionen zu einer Dominanz einzelner Technologien führen, was ein Risiko für die langfristige Zuverlässigkeit des Stromsystems darstellen würde. In meiner Dissertation untersuche ich daher die Auswirkungen des Ausstiegs aus der Förderung erneuerbarer Energien und deren länderübergreifenden Koordinierung. Außerdem beleuchte ich die Resultate von Multitechnologie-Auktionen. Mit dieser Dissertation erweitere ich die wissenschaftliche Literatur über Investitionsverhalten und Policydesign sowie über Politikänderungen und -koordinierung und entwickle ein agentenbasiertes Modell weiter. Die Hauptforschungsfragen meiner Arbeit sind, wie sich die schrittweise Annäherung der erneuerbaren Energien hin zu Marktkräften auf die Kosten und deren Ausbau auswirken würde und wie die Koordinierung zwischen den Ländern die Entscheidungen der Investoren und die Marktpreise beeinflusst. In meinen drei wissenschaftlichen Artikeln verwende ich unterschiedliche Methoden und gelange zu den folgenden Ergebnissen. Im ersten Artikel wende ich eine Conjoint-Analyse an, um die Auswirkungen einer Beendigung der Förderung oder der Wiedereinführung von Einspeisevergütungen aus der Sicht der Investoren zu bewerten. Ich komme zu dem Ergebnis, dass ein Ende der Förderung zu Investitionsverlagerungen führt, entweder hin zu anderen, weiterhin geförderten Technologien oder in andere Länder, die weiterhin eine Förderung anbieten. Die Koordinierung dieser Politikänderungen kann eine solche Verlagerung jedoch verhindern. Im zweiten Artikel integriere ich die empirisch-erhobenen Präferenzen aus dem ersten Artikel in ein agentenbasiertes Energiesystemmodell für zwei Länder, um die Auswirkungen einer Abschaffung von Auktionen für erneuerbare Energien zu simulieren. Ich stelle fest, dass dies die Energiewende insgesamt verlangsamt und dass grenzübergreifende Effekte von Bedeutung sind. Es wäre eine kontinuierliche Förderung notwendig, um die nationalen Ziele zum Ausbau der Erneuerbaren zu erreichen. Im dritten Artikel analysiere ich die Ergebnisse vergangener Multi-Technologie-Auktionen mittels deskriptiver Statistik, Regressionsanalysen sowie Fallstudienvergleichen. Ich stelle fest, dass die Resultate zugunsten einzelner Technologien ausfallen. Dies lässt sich nicht durch einzelne Designmerkmale der Auktionen erklären, sondern ist vielmehr auf kontext- und länderspezifische Merkmale zurückzuführen. Darauf aufbauend, diskutiere ich mögliche Auswirkungen auf die langfristige Zuverlässigkeit des Stromsystems. Die Hauptaussagen meiner Arbeit sind, dass ein vollständiges Auslaufen der Förderung der Erneuerbaren Energien die Energiewende verlangsamen und damit die Klimaziele gefährden würde, sowie, dass Multi-Technologie-Auktionen ein Risiko für einige Länder darstellen können, insbesondere für solche, die ein unausgewogenes Kraftwerksportfolio nicht regeln können. Wenn die politischen Entscheidungsträger beschließen, erneuerbare Energien weiterhin zu fördern, können sie die Einführung technologiespezifischer Auktionen in Betracht ziehen, um ihr Portfolio besser zu steuern. Falls sie hingegen die Förderung auslaufen lassen möchten, sollten sie diese Politikänderungen mit anderen Ländern koordinieren. Andernfalls können die Gesamtkosten der Energiewende insgesamt höher ausfallen, weil sich Investitionsentscheidungen auf weiterhin geförderte, aber teurere Technologien verlagern. T2 - Marktöffnung für erneuerbare Energien KW - Decarbonisation KW - Renewable Energy KW - Policy Changes KW - Investment Behavior KW - Market Dynamics KW - Dekarbonisierung KW - Erneuerbare Energie KW - Politikänderungen KW - Investitionsverhalten KW - Marktdynamik Y1 - 2024 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Mair, Theresa T1 - Transforming Transitional Justice to Address Colonial Crime BT - The Nama’s and Herero’s Claim for Justice for Germany’s Colonial Genocide in Namibia JF - Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7) N2 - While the concept of transitional justice and its range of measures have gained importance on an international level to come to terms with major crimes of the past, colonial crimes and mass violence committed by Western actors have not been addressed by transitional justice so far. In this chapter, the Herero’s and Nama’s struggle for justice for the genocide on their ancestors by Germany from 1904 – 1908 and the arising challenges are set in relation to conceptual debates in the field of transitional justice. Building on current debates in the field, suggesting more structural and transformative conceptualizations of transitional justice and an approach ‘from below’, it is argued that decolonial activism of formerly colonized communities and transitional justice debates can inform each other in a dialogic and fruitful form to formulate suggestions for a process towards post-colonial justice. Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570160 SN - 978-3-86956-473-9 SN - 1869-2443 SN - 1867-2663 IS - 7 SP - 73 EP - 109 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Maaser, Lucas T1 - Transitional Justice and Nonviolent Resistance BT - Mutually Reinforcing Frameworks for the Consolidation of Democracies? JF - Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7) N2 - At different times and places, civic engagement in nonviolent resistance (NVR) has repeatedly shown to be an effective tool in times of conflict to initiate societal change from below. History teaches us that there have been successes (Mahatma Gandhi in India) and failures (the Tiananmen Square protests in China). Along with the recognition of the duality between transformative potential and stark consequences, the historical development of NVR was accompanied by the emergence of scholarly debate, fractured along disputes around purpose, character and effectivity of nonviolent actions taken by civil society stakeholders engaged in making their voices heard. One of the field’s current points of interest is the examination of the long-term effects of NVR movements resulting in societal transformation on the stability and adequacy of a subsequently altered or emerging democracy, suggesting that NVR contributes positively to the sustainable and representative design of an egalitarian governing system. The conclusion of the Nepalese civil war in 2006 should pose as an unambiguous example for the illustration of this phenomenon, but simultaneously raises the question why there was no successful implementation of a transitional process focusing on the needs of the victims. Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570470 SN - 978-3-86956-473-9 SN - 1869-2443 SN - 1867-2663 IS - 7 SP - 139 EP - 165 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Conner, Sean T1 - Structural and Socioeconomic Approaches to Justice BT - Transformative Justice in Nicaragua’s ‘Dual Transition’ JF - Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7) N2 - Transitional justice is conventionally theorized as how a society deals with past injustices after regime change and alongside democratization. Nonetheless, scholars have not reached a consensus on what is to be included or excluded. Recent ideas of transformative justice seek to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include systemic restructuring and socioeconomic considerations. In the context of Nicaragua — where two transitions occurred within an 11-year span — very little transitional justice took place, in terms of the conventional concept of top-down legalistic mechanisms; however, distinct structural changes and socioeconomic policies can be found with each regime change. By analyzing the transformative justice elements of Nicaragua’s dual transition, this chapter seeks to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include how these factors influence goals of transitions such as sustainable peace and reconciliation for past injustices. The results argue for increased attention to transformative justice theories and a more nuanced conception of justice. Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570170 SN - 978-3-86956-473-9 SN - 1869-2443 SN - 1867-2663 IS - 7 SP - 111 EP - 138 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - GEN A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin A1 - Asante, Doris T1 - From victims to activists BT - women’s engagement and participation in p/cve T2 - Australian outlook N2 - For a long time, women were invisible in the policy responses to political violence and terrorism. Although the introduction of Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) has helped improve the representation of women, there is still a long way to go. Y1 - 2022 UR - https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/from-victims-to-activists-womens-engagement-and-participation-in-p-cve/ PB - Australian Institute of International Affairs CY - Deakin ACT ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Pruin, Andree ED - Randma-Liiv, Tiina ED - Lember, Veiko T1 - How organizational factors shape e-participation BT - lessons from the German one-stop participation portal meinBerlin T2 - Engaging citizens in policy making : e-participation practices in Europe Y1 - 2022 SN - 9781800374362 SN - 9781800374355 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781800374362.00022 SP - 209 EP - 224 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing CY - Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA ER - TY - GEN A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - What anti-gender and anti-vaccines politics have in common BT - the construction of gender and the Covid-19 pandemic in right-wing discourses KW - anti-gender KW - featured KW - gender research KW - politics KW - science & technology Y1 - 2022 UR - https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/gender/2022/04/11/what-anti-gender-and-anti-vaccines-politics-have-in-common-the-construction-of-gender-and-the-covid-19-pandemic-in-right-wing-discourses/ PB - London School of Economics and Political Science CY - London ER - TY - GEN A1 - Jasser, Greta A1 - Kelly, Megan A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - Male supremacism and the Hanau terrorist attack BT - between online misogyny and far-right violence Y1 - 2020 UR - https://www.icct.nl/publication/male-supremacism-and-hanau-terrorist-attack-between-online-misogyny-and-far-right PB - International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT) CY - Den Haag ER - TY - GEN A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - The politics of fear BT - right wing anti-gender and anti-vaccination narratives T2 - WIIS Blog Y1 - 2022 UR - https://wiisglobal.org/the-politics-of-fear-right-wing-anti-gender-and-anti-vaccination-narratives-2/#_edn1 CY - Women in International Security ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dörfler, Thomas T1 - Why rules matter: shaping security council sanctions policy in counterterrorism and beyond JF - Journal of global security studies N2 - Sanctions are critical to the Security Council's efforts to fight terrorism. What is striking is that the Council's sanctions regimes are subject to detailed sets of rules and decision criteria. The scholarship on human rights in counterterrorism assumes that rights advocacy and court litigation have prompted this development. The article complements this literature by highlighting an unexplored internal driver of legal-regulatory decision-making and explores how mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members have affected the extent of committee regulations and the content of decisions taken by sanctions committees. Based on internal documents and diplomatic cables, a comparative analysis of the Iraq sanctions regime and the counterterrorism sanctions regime demonstrates that mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members provide incentives to elaborate rules to guide decision-making resulting in legal-regulatory sanctions governance, even if the human rights of targeted individuals are not at stake. For comparative leverage and to assess the limits of the proposed mechanism, the analysis is briefly extended to other sanctions regimes targeting individuals (Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan). The findings have implications for this essential tool of the Security Council to react to threats to peace as diverse as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, and internal armed conflict. N2 - Les sanctions jouent un rôle essentiel dans la lutte du Conseil de sécurité contre le terrorisme. Ce qui est frappant, c'est que les régimes de sanctions du Conseil sont soumis à un ensemble détaillé de règles et de critères de décision. La recherche sur les droits de l'homme dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme suppose que la défense des droits et les litiges devant les tribunaux sont à l'origine de cet état de fait. L'article vient compléter cette littérature en soulignant un facteur interne inexploré dans la prise de décisions légales/réglementaires. Il analyse les répercussions des constellations de divers intérêts chez les membres du Conseil de sécurité sur l’étendue des réglementations de comité et le contenu des décisions prises par les comités de sanctions. En s'appuyant sur des documents internes et des câbles diplomatiques, une analyse comparative du régime de sanctions de l'Irak et du régime de sanctions de lutte contre le terrorisme démontre que ces constellations de divers intérêts chez les membres du Conseil de sécurité motivent l’élaboration de règles pour guider la prise de décisions débouchant sur une gouvernance de sanctions légales/réglementaires, même quand les droits de l'homme des personnes ciblées ne sont pas en jeu. À des fins de comparaison, et pour évaluer les limites du mécanisme proposé, l'analyse fait l'objet d'un bref élargissement à d'autres régimes de sanctions ciblant des personnes (RDC et Soudan). Les conclusions s'accompagnent d'implications pour cet outil essentiel du Conseil de sécurité dans la réaction aux menaces pour la paix : lutte contre le terrorisme, non-prolifération et conflit armé interne. N2 - Las sanciones son fundamentales para los esfuerzos del Consejo de Seguridad en la lucha contra el terrorismo. Lo sorprendente es que los regímenes de sanciones del Consejo están sujetos a detallados conjuntos de normas y criterios de decisión. Los académicos especializados en cuestión de derechos humanos en la lucha antiterrorista parten de la base de que la defensa de los derechos y los litigios ante los tribunales han impulsado esta tendencia. Este artículo complementa esta bibliografía poniendo de relieve un impulsor interno inexplorado de la toma de decisiones jurídico-normativas y analiza cómo las constelaciones de intereses de motivación mixta entre los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad han afectado al alcance de las normativas de los comités y al contenido de las decisiones adoptadas por los comités de sanciones. Basándose en documentos internos y telegramas diplomáticos, un análisis comparativo del régimen de sanciones contra Irak con el régimen de sanciones antiterroristas demuestra que las constelaciones de intereses de motivación mixta entre los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad proporcionan incentivos para la elaboración de normas que guíen la toma de decisiones dando lugar a una gobernanza jurídica-normativa de las sanciones, aun cuando no estén en juego los derechos humanos de las personas sancionadas. A efectos comparativos y con el fin de evaluar los límites del mecanismo propuesto, el análisis se amplía someramente a otros regímenes de sanciones dirigidos a individuos (RDC y Sudán). Las conclusiones tienen implicaciones para esta herramienta esencial del Consejo de Seguridad a fin de reaccionar ante amenazas a la paz tan diversas como la lucha antiterrorista, la no proliferación y los conflictos armados internos. KW - Security Council KW - committee governance KW - UN sanctions KW - due process KW - counterterrorism KW - Iraq KW - Conseil de sécurité KW - gouvernance de comité KW - sanctions de l’ONU KW - procédure officielle KW - lutte contre le terrorisme KW - Irak KW - Consejo de Seguridad KW - Gobernanza de los Comités KW - Sanciones de la ONU KW - Proceso debido KW - Lucha antiterrorista KW - Irak Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogac041 SN - 2057-3170 SN - 2057-3189 VL - 8 IS - 1 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Franzke, Jochen ED - Stelmach, Andrzej ED - Barabasz, Adam ED - Trosiak, Cezary T1 - Challenges of admission and integration of Ukraine war refugees in Germany since the Russian raid in February 2022 BT - a preliminary outline T2 - Ziemie Zachodnie i Północne Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-83-66740-70-9 SP - 403 EP - 412 PB - Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu CY - Poznań ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Dörfler, Thomas ED - Lohmann, Sascha ED - Vorrath, Judith T1 - Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control BT - towards cohesion and consistency in non-proliferation sanctions? T2 - International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management Y1 - 2021 UR - https://www.swp-berlin.org/publications/products/arbeitspapiere/WP_International_Sanctions.pdf SP - 23 EP - 31 PB - Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik CY - Berlin ER - TY - GEN A1 - Debre, Maria Josepha A1 - Dijkstra, Hylke T1 - Immune to COVID? BT - the striking resilience of international organisations Y1 - 2021 UR - http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/covid19/2021/07/13/immune-to-covid-the-striking-resilience-of-international-organisations/ PB - London School of Economics and Political Science CY - London ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Dumas, Benoît Paul ED - Bergström, Tomas ED - Franzke, Jochen ED - Kuhlmann, Sabine ED - Wayenberg, Ellen T1 - Reforms of school supervision in the German Länder BT - converging school supervision structures? T2 - The future of local self-government N2 - While school supervision structures in the German Länder were extensively reformed during the last decades, systematic analyses of these reforms are missing. This chapter contributes to this research gap by providing an overview of the implemented reforms of school supervision structures in the German Länder. The effects of these reforms are analysed in order to answer the question of whether a convergence of school supervision systems is a result of these reforms. In a first step, a distinction is made to identify system-changing reforms. Although a decrease of the number or a concentration on one school supervision system is not a result of the analysis, it is argued that there is a convergence of school supervision structures, as a clear trend against school supervision systems with lower school supervisory boards can be observed. Y1 - 2021 SN - 978-3-030-56058-4 SN - 978-3-030-56059-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_19 SP - 257 EP - 273 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Busch, Per-Olof A1 - Heinzel, Mirko Noa A1 - Kempken, Mathies A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - Mind the gap? BT - comparing de facto and de jure expert authority of international public administrations in financial and agricultural policy JF - Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice N2 - Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs’ addressees KW - international public administration KW - comparative KW - expert authority KW - de jure authority KW - de facto authority KW - international organisations Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866 SN - 1387-6988 SN - 1572-5448 VL - 24 IS - 3 SP - 230 EP - 253 PB - Taylor & Francis CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Esguerra, Alejandro A1 - Beck, Silke A1 - Lidskog, Rolf T1 - Stakeholder Engagement in the Making BT - IPBES Legitimization Politics JF - Global environmental politics N2 - A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general. Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1162/GLEP_a_00390 SN - 1526-3800 SN - 1536-0091 VL - 17 SP - 59 EP - 76 PB - MIT Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ullmann, Andreas J. A1 - von Staden, Andreas T1 - A room full of ‘views’ BT - introducing a new dataset to explore compliance with the decisions of the UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies’ individual complaints procedures JF - Journal of conflict resolution N2 - Quantitative research into the effectiveness of the UN human rights treaty bodies (UNTBs) in eliciting remedial responses from states is impeded by a lack of usable data on how states respond to their decisions. The new Treaty Body Views Dataset (TBVD) aims to fill this gap. It comprises details on all published decisions in individual complaints cases issued by the UNTBs between 1979 and 2019 and matches these with information on their state of compliance. The TBVD can be used for research on the activities of the treaty bodies, the nature of the decisions themselves, or state behavior following a decision. An empirical application illustrates how the TBVD can advance knowledge about the factors that correlate with compliance with adverse UNTB decisions. Results show that the likelihood of implementation hinges critically on decision-level characteristics, and reveal differences and similarities between compliance with UNTB decisions and regional human rights court judgments. KW - human rights KW - international institutions KW - second-order compliance KW - individual complaints procedures KW - UN human rights treaty bodies Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00220027231160460 SN - 0022-0027 SN - 1552-8766 VL - 68 IS - 2-3 SP - 534 EP - 561 PB - Sage Publications CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Hellstrom, Mikael A1 - Ramberg, Ulf A1 - Reiter, Renate T1 - Tracing divergence in crisis governance BT - responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden compared JF - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration N2 - This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts. KW - administrative culture KW - containment KW - crisis KW - governance KW - multi-level system KW - policy advice KW - public health KW - window of opportunity Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852320979359 SN - 0020-8523 SN - 1461-7226 VL - 87 IS - 3 SP - 556 EP - 575 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Krause, Werner A1 - Gahn, Christina T1 - Should we include margins of error in public opinion polls? JF - European journal of political research N2 - Public opinion polls have become vital and increasingly visible parts of election campaigns. Previous research has frequently demonstrated that polls can influence both citizens' voting intentions and political parties' campaign strategies. However, they are also fraught with uncertainty. Margins of error can reflect (parts of) this uncertainty. This paper investigates how citizens' voting intentions change due to whether polling estimates are presented with or without margins of error. Using a vignette experiment (N=3224), we examine this question based on a real-world example in which different election polls were shown to nationally representative respondents ahead of the 2021 federal election in Germany. We manipulated the display of the margins of error, the interpretation of polls and the closeness of the electoral race. The results indicate that margins of error can influence citizens' voting intentions. This effect is dependent on the actual closeness of the race and additional interpretative guidance provided to voters. More concretely, the results consistently show that margins of error increase citizens' inclination to vote for one of the two largest contesting parties if the polling gap between these parties is small, and an interpretation underlines this closeness. The findings of this study are important for three reasons. First, they help to determine whether margins of error can assist citizens in making more informed (strategic) vote decisions. They shed light on whether depicting opinion-poll uncertainty affects the key features of representative democracy, such as democratic accountability. Second, the results stress the responsibility of the media. The way polls are interpreted and contextualized influences the effect of margins of error on voting behaviour. Third, the findings of this paper underscore the significance of including methodological details when communicating scientific research findings to the broader public. KW - elections KW - vote choice KW - public opinion polls KW - margins of error Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12633 SN - 0304-4130 SN - 1475-6765 VL - Early view PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Jagtiani, Sharinee L. A1 - Wellek, Sophia T1 - In the Shadow of Ukraine BT - India's choices and challenges JF - Survival N2 - In 2022, India captured global attention over its response to the war in Ukraine. While calling for both parties' return to diplomacy, India abstained from several United Nations resolutions condemning Russian aggression. For a country that ostensibly subscribes to the values of democracy and territorial integrity, its response appeared frustrating and contradictory, but it is broadly consistent with its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Although India's relationship with China is increasingly contentious, New Delhi is not yet fully convinced that it is in India's interest to swing westwards. The country's relations with Russia and China are deep, complex and substantive. In addition to the military and economic benefits it derives from its connection with Russia, New Delhi and Moscow share an avowed preference for a more equal, multipolar world. India will eventually have to reflect on the extent to which it can sustain its balancing act. KW - China KW - Galwan Valley KW - democracy KW - India KW - Jawaharlal Nehru KW - non-alignment; KW - Pakistan KW - Quadrilateral Security Dialogue KW - Quad KW - Indo-Pacific KW - Russia KW - Ukraine war KW - United Nations Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/00396338.2022.2078045 SN - 126962024X SN - 1468-2699 VL - 64 IS - 3 SP - 29 EP - 48 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Cohen, Denis A1 - Krause, Werner A1 - Abou-Chadi, Tarik T1 - Comparative vote switching BT - a new framework for studying dynamic multiparty competition JF - The journal of politics N2 - Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties’ policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change. KW - vote switching KW - party competition KW - multi-party systems KW - data and methods Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1086/726952 SN - 0022-3816 SN - 1468-2508 VL - 86 IS - 2 SP - 597 EP - 607 PB - University of Chicago Press CY - Chicago, IL ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Jinnah, Sikina A1 - Oberthur, Sebastian A1 - Van de Graaf, Thijs T1 - Institutional interplay in global environmental governance BT - lessons learned and future research JF - International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics N2 - Over the past decades, the growing proliferation of international institutions governing the global environment has impelled institutional interplay as a result of functional and normative overlap across multiple regimes. This article synthesizes primary contributions made in research on institutional interplay over the past twenty years, with particular focus on publications with International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics. Broadening our understanding about the different types, dimensions, pathways, and effects of institutional interplay, scholars have produced key insights into the ways and means by which international institutions cooperate, manage discord, engage in problem solving, and capture synergies across levels and scales. As global environmental governance has become increasingly fragmented and complex, we recognize that recent studies have highlighted the growing interactions between transnationally operating institutions in the wake of polycentric governance and hybrid institutional complexes. However, our findings reveal that there is insufficient empirical and conceptual research to fully understand the relationship, causes, and consequences of interplay between intergovernmental and transnational institutions. Reflecting on the challenges of addressing regulatory gaps and mitigating the crisis of multilateralism, we expound the present research frontier for further advancing research on institutional interplay and provide recommendations to support policy-making. KW - institutional interplay KW - transnational institutional interplay KW - global KW - environmental governance KW - transnational governance KW - multilateral KW - environmental agreements Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10784-022-09569-4 SN - 1567-9764 SN - 1573-1553 VL - 22 IS - 2 SP - 373 EP - 391 PB - Springer CY - Dordrecht ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin ED - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin ED - Shepherd, Laura J. T1 - Introduction BT - gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism T2 - Gender and the governance of terrorism and violent extremism N2 - Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism. As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional counterterrorism and countering violent extremism (CT/CVE) initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of terrorism and violent extremism and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in CT policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions. Y1 - 2023 SN - 9781003381266 SN - 978-1-032-46348-3 SN - 978-1-032-46347-6 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003381266-1 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Wegmann, Simone T1 - The power of opposition BT - how legislative organization influences democratic consolidation N2 - Proposing a novel way to look at the consolidation of democratic regimes, this book presents important theoretical and empirical contributions to the study of democratic consolidation, legislative organization, and public opinion. Theoretically, Simone Wegmann brings legislatures into focus as the main body representing both winners and losers of democratic elections. Empirically, Wegmann shows that the degree of policy-making power of opposition players varies considerably between countries. Using survey data from the CSES, the ESS, and the LAPOP and systematically analyzing more than 50 legislatures across the world and the specific rights they grant to opposition players during the policy-making process, Wegmann demonstrates that neglecting the curial role of the legislature in a democratic setting can only lead to an incomplete assessment of the importance of institutions for democratic consolidation. The Power of Opposition will be of great interest to scholars of comparative politics, especially those working on questions related to legislative organization, democratic consolidation, and/or public opinion. Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-0-367-43731-2 SN - 978-1-032-28245-9 SN - 978-1-003-00536-0 SN - 978-1-000-59828-5 SN - 978-1-000-59832-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003005360 PB - Routledge CY - New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - The role of evidence-based misogyny in antifeminist online communities of the ‘manosphere’ JF - Big data & society N2 - In recent years, there have been a growing number of online and offline attacks linked to a loosely connected network of misogynist and antifeminist online communities called ‘the manosphere’. Since 2016, the ideas spread among and by groups of the manosphere have also become more closely aligned with those of other Far-Right online networks. In this commentary, I explore the role of what I term ‘evidence-based misogyny’ for mobilization and radicalization into the antifeminist and misogynist subcultures of the manosphere. Evidence-based misogyny is a discursive strategy, whereby members of the manosphere refer to (and misinterpret) knowledge in the form of statistics, studies, news items and pop-culture and mimic accepted methods of knowledge presentation to support their essentializing, polarizing views about gender relations in society. Evidence-based misogyny is a core aspect for manosphere-related mobilization as it provides a false sense of authority and forges a collective identity, which is framed as a supposed ‘alternative’ to mainstream gender knowledge. Due to its core function to justify and confirm the misogynist sentiments of users, evidence-based misogyny serves as connector between the manosphere and both mainstream conservative as well as other Far-Right and conspiratorial discourses. KW - misogyny KW - male supremacy KW - far right KW - discourse KW - incels KW - radicalization KW - antifeminist KW - men's rights KW - manosphere Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/20539517221145671 SN - 2053-9517 VL - 10 IS - 1 PB - Sage CY - Thousand Oaks, Calif. ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Reichard, Christoph A1 - Schröter, Eckhard T1 - Doctoral education in european public administration BT - the contribution of EGPA's PhD Symposium JF - Public administration in Europe : the contribution of EGPA N2 - This chapter highlights the role and contribution of EGPA in educating and socializing the next generation of young researchers into the interdisciplinary community of public administration, management and policy scholars in Europe. In doing so, it also provides an overview of the current state of the art in doctoral education in the field of public administration in Europe. Against this background, the chapter presents the annual “EGPA Workshop for PhDs and Young Researchers” (or for short: the EGPA PhD project) in the context of changing institutional settings and academic markets of PhD education in Europe. Consequently, EGPA carries an important responsibility as a representative of the public administration community in shaping the course of PhD education in our field in Europe. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-92855-5 SN - 978-3-319-92856-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_7 SP - 41 EP - 58 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER -