TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
A1  - Gehring, Thomas
T1  - Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations
JF  - European journal of international relations
N2  - We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066120987889
SN  - 1354-0661
SN  - 1460-3713
VL  - 27
IS  - 3
SP  - 753
EP  - 778
PB  - Sage
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - CHAP
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
A1  - Hosli, Madeleine O.
T1  - Reforming the United Nations Security Council
BT  - proposals, strategies and preferences
T2  - Routledge Handbook of International Organization
Y1  - 2013
SN  - 978-0-415-50143-9
U6  - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203405345.ch28
SP  - 377
EP  - 390
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
T1  - Security council sanctions governance
BT  - the power and limits of rules
T3  - Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6
N2  - Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states.

Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests.

This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.
Y1  - 2019
SN  - 978-0-42944-232-2
SN  - 978-1-138-33749-7
SN  - 978-0-4298-0874-6
SN  - 978-0-4298-0873-9
U6  - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429442322
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1  - Gender in the United Nations’ agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism
JF  - International feminist journal of politics
N2  - The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a “holistic” approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a “holistic” P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN’s security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security–development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.
KW  - Counterterrorism
KW  - gender mainstreaming
KW  - security–development nexus
KW  - discourse
KW  - United Nations
KW  - feminism
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967
SN  - 1461-6742
SN  - 1468-4470
VL  - 22
IS  - 5
SP  - 720
EP  - 741
PB  - Taylor & Francis
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Reiners, Nina
T1  - Despite or Because of Contestation?
BT  - how water became a human right
JF  - Human Rights Quarterly
N2  - Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2021.0021
SN  - 1085-794X
SN  - 0275-0392
VL  - 43
IS  - 2
SP  - 329
EP  - 343
PB  - Johns Hopkins Univ.
CY  - New York
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Liese, Andrea Margit
A1  - Reiners, Nina
T1  - The Eye of the Beholder?
BT  - The Contestation of Values and International Law ; Comment on Tiyanjana Maluwa
JF  - The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?
Y1  - 2019
SN  - 0191879398
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021
SP  - 335
EP  - 343
PB  - Oxford University Press
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Reiners, Nina
T1  - Transnational lawmaking coalitions for human rights
Y1  - 2017
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Seyfried, Markus
A1  - Ansmann, Moritz
T1  - Unfreezing higher education institutions?
BT  - understanding the introduction of quality management in teaching and learning in Germany
JF  - Higher Education
N2  - Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly “infected” the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin’s seminal concept of “unfreezing” organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.
KW  - Quality management
KW  - Organizational change
KW  - Higher education
KW  - Mixed methods
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-017-0185-2
SN  - 0018-1560
SN  - 1573-174X
VL  - 75
IS  - 6
SP  - 1061
EP  - 1076
PB  - Springer
CY  - Dordrecht
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fuhr, Harald
T1  - The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions
JF  - Third world quarterly
N2  - Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60% and the top 10 countries for some 78% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.
KW  - Climate change
KW  - international development
KW  - energy
KW  - environmental policy
KW  - Global South
KW  - transition policy
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901
SN  - 0143-6597
SN  - 1360-2241
VL  - 42
IS  - 11
SP  - 2724
EP  - 2746
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kalczewiak, Mariusz
T1  - Yiddish Buenos Aires and the struggle to leave the margins
JF  - East European Jewish affairs
N2  - Yiddish culture developed in Argentina within the context of a self-perception that figured Buenos Aires as a marginal and peripheral locale on the global Yiddish map. Against this backdrop, Argentine Yiddish culturalists argued for the strengthening of local Yiddish culture with a goal of elevating Buenos Aires's status within the international hierarchies of Yiddish culture. Buenos Aires indeed emerged in the 1920s as a producer of Yiddish cultural contents, maintained networks of international cultural contacts with other Yiddish centers, financially supported Eastern European Yiddish establishments, and hoped that these contacts would allow for solving Buenos Aires reputation problems. The pre-World War II preoccupation with the status of Buenos Aires as a center of Yiddish culture provided a basis upon which post-Holocaust discourse of Argentine Jewish responsibility for the maintenance of Yiddish culture was constructed.
KW  - Argentina
KW  - Buenos Aires
KW  - marginality
KW  - peripherality
KW  - Yiddish culturalism
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2020.1774275
SN  - 1350-1674
SN  - 1743-971X
VL  - 50
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 115
EP  - 133
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
A1  - Feil, Hauke
A1  - Heinzel, Mirko Noa
A1  - Herold, Jana
A1  - Kempken, Mathies
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies
BT  - the importance of country-specificity
JF  - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration
N2  - Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.
KW  - financial policy
KW  - international administration
KW  - international
KW  - organizations
KW  - multi-level government
KW  - regime complexity
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/00208523211013385
SN  - 0020-8523
SN  - 1461-7226
VL  - 87
IS  - 4
SP  - 775
EP  - 793
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - Los Angeles, Calif.
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fleischer, Julia
A1  - Reiners, Nina
T1  - Connecting international relations and public administration
BT  - toward a joint research agenda for the study of international bureaucracy
JF  - International studies review
N2  - The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.
N2  - El reciente debate sobre los organismos administrativos en las organizaciones internacionales ha generado diversas perspectivas teóricas, marcos analíticos y enfoques metodológicos. A pesar de estos esfuerzos por mejorar el conocimiento sobre estos actores, el programa de investigación sobre las administraciones públicas internacionales (International Public Administration, IPA) ha perdido dos oportunidades importantes: la reflexión sobre la erudición en las relaciones internacionales y la administración pública y las sinergias entre estas perspectivas disciplinarias. Con este trasfondo, en el ensayo se analiza la literatura sobre las administraciones públicas internacionales en las relaciones internacionales y la administración pública. Descubrimos que la influencia, la autoridad y la autonomía de las burocracias internacionales se han abordado ampliamente y ayudaron a comprender mejor la función de dichos agentes no estatales en la formulación de políticas a nivel mundial. Se ha prestado menos atención al contexto clave a nivel macro de la política de los organismos administrativos, a pesar de su importancia en las relaciones internacionales y la erudición en la administración pública. Proponemos enfocarnos en la agencia y la política como futuras vías para implementar un programa de investigación conjunta y exhaustiva para las burocracias internacionales.
N2  - Le récent débat sur les organes administratifs des organisations internationales a mis en avant plusieurs perspectives théoriques, cadres analytiques et approches méthodologiques. Malgré ces efforts pour faire progresser la connaissance de ces acteurs, le Programme de recherche sur les administrations publiques internationales a manqué deux opportunités majeures : une réflexion sur les recherches en relations internationales et administration publique ainsi que sur les synergies entre ces perspectives des disciplines. Cet essai s'appuie sur cette toile de fond pour établir une discussion au sujet de la littérature abordant les administrations publiques internationales dans les domaines des relations internationales et de l'administration publique. Nous avons constaté que l'influence, l'autorité et l'autonomie des bureaucraties internationales avaient été largement abordées, ce qui permettait de mieux comprendre le pouvoir de tels acteurs non-étatiques dans l’établissement des politiques internationales. Toutefois, malgré son importance dans les recherches en relations internationales et administration publique, une moins grande attention a été accordée au contexte macro des politiques des organes administratifs alors qu'il est crucial. Nous proposons de mettre l'accent sur le pouvoir et les politiques comme pistes futures pour un programme de recherche conjoint complet sur les bureaucraties internationales.
KW  - international bureaucracies
KW  - international organizations
KW  - public
KW  - administration
KW  - nonstate actors
KW  - palabras clave
KW  - burocracias internacionales
KW  - organizaciones internacionales
KW  - administración pública
KW  - agentes no estatales
KW  - mots clés
KW  - bureaucraties internationales
KW  - organisations internationales
KW  - administration publique
KW  - acteurs non-étatiques
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa097
SN  - 1521-9488
SN  - 1468-2486
VL  - 23
IS  - 4
SP  - 1230
EP  - 1247
PB  - Oxford Univ. Press
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - CHAP
A1  - Hosli, Madeleine O.
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
ED  - Lesage, Dries
ED  - Van de Graaf, Thijs
T1  - The United Nations Security Council
BT  - the Challenge of Reform
T2  - Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)
N2  - The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC’s constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC’s work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been “insiders” for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.
KW  - Security Council
KW  - Winning Coalition
KW  - Veto Player
KW  - Social Choice Theory
KW  - Decision Probability
Y1  - 2015
SN  - 978-1-349-48504-8
SN  - 978-1-137-39760-7
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137397607_8
SP  - 135
EP  - 152
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
A1  - Holzinger, Katharina
A1  - Biesenbender, Jan
T1  - Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union
BT  - Success, Failure, and Stability of Institutional Treaty Revisions
JF  - International Journal of Public Administration
N2  - Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267
SN  - 0190-0692
SN  - 1532-4265
VL  - 40
IS  - 14
SP  - 1237
EP  - 1249
PB  - Taylor & Francis
CY  - Philadelphia
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Schmidt, Peter
T1  - Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy?
BT  - A critique from an evolutionary perspective
JF  - Journal of Evolutionary Economics
N2  - This paper reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticizes the fact that neoclassical reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is more than surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. In addition, it is shown that this "fallacy of failure thinking" even finds its continuation in the alternative concept of "system failure" with which some evolutionary economists try to explain and legitimate policy interventions in local, regional or national innovation systems. The paper argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Finally, the paper delivers an alternative evolutionary explanation of economic policy which is able to overcome the theory-immanent contradiction of the hitherto evolutionary view on this subject.
KW  - Market failure
KW  - System failure
KW  - Economic policy
KW  - Policy advice
KW  - Evolutionary economics
KW  - Non-equilibrium economics
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s00191-018-0564-6
SN  - 0936-9937
SN  - 1432-1386
VL  - 28
IS  - 4
SP  - 785
EP  - 803
PB  - Springer
CY  - New York
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Gasser, Lucy
T1  - East and South
BT  - mapping other Europes
T2  - Transdisciplinary souths
N2  - "What is 'Europe' in academic discourse? While Europe tends to be used as shorthand, often interchangeable with the 'West', neither the 'West' nor 'Europe' are homogeneous spaces. Though postcolonial studies have long been debunking Eurocentrism in its multiple guises, there is still work to do in fully comprehending how its imaginations and discursive legacies conceive the figure of Europe, as not all who live on European soil are understood as equally 'European'. This volume explores this immediate need to rethink the axis of postcolonial cultural productions, to disarticulate Eurocentrism, to recognise Europe as a more diverse, plural and fluid space, to draw forward cultural exchanges and dialogues within the Global South. Through analyses of literary texts from East-Central Europe and beyond, this volume sheds light on alternative literary cartographies - the multiplicity of Europes and being European which exist both as they are viewed from the different geographies of the global South, and within the continent itself. Covering a wide spatial and temporal terrain in postcolonial and European cultural productions, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of literature and literary criticism, cultural studies, post-colonial studies, Global South studies and European studies"
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-0-367-72225-8
SN  - 978-0-367-77271-0
SN  - 978-1-00-041097-6
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Yilmaz, Zafer
T1  - Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey
BT  - radical imagination, affirmative resistance, and the new politics of desire and dignity
JF  - Mediterranean Quarterly
N2  - The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.
KW  - Erdogan
KW  - Turkish politics
KW  - democracy
KW  - authoritarianism
KW  - AKP
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-7003168
SN  - 1047-4552
SN  - 1527-1935
VL  - 29
IS  - 3
SP  - 55
EP  - 77
PB  - Duke Univ. Press
CY  - Durham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Wenzel, Bertolt
T1  - Rational instrument or symbolic signal?
BT  - Explaining coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission
JF  - Public Policy and Administration
N2  - This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.
KW  - Coordination structures
KW  - European Commission
KW  - fisheries policy
KW  - marine governance
KW  - organizational reform
KW  - organization theory
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/0952076716683764
SN  - 0952-0767
SN  - 1749-4192
VL  - 33
IS  - 2
SP  - 149
EP  - 169
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fuhr, Harald
A1  - Hickmann, Thomas
A1  - Kern, Kristine
T1  - The role of cities in multi-level climate governance
BT  - local climate policies and the 1.5 degrees C target
JF  - Current opinion in environmental sustainability
N2  - The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006
SN  - 1877-3435
SN  - 1877-3443
VL  - 30
SP  - 1
EP  - 6
PB  - Elsevier
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Burkert, Rebecca
T1  - Moving mountains?
BT  - Palestinian clain making from
JF  - The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-0-367-74538-7
SN  - 978-1-003-15838-7
SP  - 110
EP  - 127
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Davydchyk, Maria
A1  - Mehlhausen, Thomas
A1  - Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika
T1  - The price of success, the benefit of setbacks
BT  - alternative futures of EU-Ukraine relations
JF  - Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies
N2  - This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU’s neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU’s approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.
KW  - European Union
KW  - Ukraine
KW  - Russia
KW  - European Neighbourhood Policy
KW  - Eastern Europe
KW  - Eurasian Economic Union
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004
SN  - 0016-3287
SN  - 1873-6378
VL  - 97
SP  - 35
EP  - 46
PB  - Elsevier
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Pittel, Harald
T1  - Fin du globe
BT  - Oscar Wilde’s romance with decadence and the idea of world literature
JF  - Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology
N2  - This essay argues that Oscar Wilde noticeably contributed to the emerging discourse about world literature, even though his views in this regard have to be unearthed from the margins of his works, from his early and unpublished American lectures and 'between the lines' of his major critical essays. Wilde's implicit ideas around world literature can be understood as being closely related to his broader endeavour of redirecting and revaluing the pejorative discourse around 'decadence' in art and literature. More specifically, the arch-aesthete preferred to use the word 'romance' rather than 'decadence' (a term he hardly used at all in his writings), signalling a sensitivity attuned to what he called the 'love of things impossible'. This reconceptualization of the decadent outlook was to inspire a critical ideal of literature which relied on creatively activating the other as Other, culminating in a vision of intersubjective, transcultural and unlimited literary communication. Wilde's thought can be more specifically understood as anticipating central tenets of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's evocations of the planetary, thus preparing the way for an alterity-oriented understanding of literary cosmopolitanism.
KW  - debt
KW  - decadence
KW  - planetarity
KW  - romance
KW  - world literature
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/0725513621994702
SN  - 0725-5136
SN  - 1461-7455
VL  - 162
IS  - 1
SP  - 121
EP  - 136
PB  - Sage
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - Introduction
JF  - The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?
N2  - Does political repression work and if so, under what conditions? Many contributions to the empirical study of non-democratic rule assume it does. As a consequence, strong convictions on political repression abound, but empirical investigations into the matter remain rare. This introduction sets the agenda for the chapters to come and outlines the answers given to the three motivating questions of this volume. First, what variants of political repression are there, and how do they interact? Second, what impact does the interaction of different forms of political repression have on the problem of authoritarian control? Finally, what difference does the complementary use of violence and restrictions make for the problem of authoritarian power-sharing?
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_1
SN  - 2198-7289
SP  - 1
EP  - 7
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Caliendo, Marco
A1  - Hogenacker, Jens
T1  - The German labor market after the Great Recession
BT  - successful reforms and future challenges
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2  - The reaction of the German labor market to the Great Recession 2008/09 was relatively mild – especially compared to other countries. The reason lies not only in the specific type of the recession – which was favorable for the German economy structure – but also in a series of labor market reforms initiated between 2002 and 2005 altering, inter alia, labor supply incentives. However, irrespective of the mild response to the Great Recession, there are a number of substantial future challenges the German labor market will soon have to face. Female labor supply still lies well below that of other countries and a massive demographic change over the next 50 years will have substantial effects on labor supply as well as the pension system. In addition, due to a skill-biased technological change over the next decades, firms will face problems of finding employees with adequate skills. The aim of this paper is threefold. First, we outline why the German labor market reacted in such a mild fashion, describe current economic trends of the labor market in light of general trends in the European Union, and reveal some of the main associated challenges. Thereafter, the paper analyzes recent reforms of the main institutional settings of the labor market which influence labor supply. Finally, based on the status quo of these institutional settings, the paper gives a brief overview of strategies to combat adequately the challenges in terms of labor supply and to ensure economic growth in the future.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 129 
KW  - unemployment
KW  - labor force participation
KW  - Labor supply
KW  - benefit systems
KW  - public policy
Y1  - 2020
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435195
SN  - 1867-5808
IS  - 129
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Arni, Patrick
A1  - Caliendo, Marco
A1  - Künn, Steffen
A1  - Zimmermann, Klaus F.
T1  - The IZA evaluation dataset survey
BT  - a scientific use file
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2  - This reference paper describes the sampling and contents of the IZA Evaluation Dataset Survey and outlines its vast potential for research in labor economics. The data have been part of a unique IZA project to connect administrative data from the German Federal Employment Agency with innovative survey data to study the out-mobility of individuals to work. This study makes the survey available to the research community as a Scientific Use File by explaining the development, structure, and access to the data. Furthermore, it also summarizes previous findings with the survey data.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 122 
KW  - survey data
KW  - scientific use file
KW  - labor market policies
KW  - evaluation
KW  - migration
KW  - ethnicity
KW  - attitudes
KW  - behavior
KW  - skills
Y1  - 2020
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435204
SN  - 1867-5808
IS  - 122
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Daviter, Falk
T1  - The political use of knowledge in the policy process
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2  - The role of knowledge in the policy process remains a central theoretical puzzle in policy analysis and political science. This article argues that an important yet missing piece of this puzzle is the systematic exploration of the political use of policy knowledge. While much of the recent debate has focused on the question of how the substantive use of knowledge can improve the quality of policy choices, our understanding of the political use of knowledge and its effects in the policy process has remained deficient in key respects. A revised conceptualization of the political use of knowledge is introduced that emphasizes how conflicting knowledge can be used to contest given structures of policy authority. This allows the analysis to differentiate between knowledge creep and knowledge shifts as two distinct types of knowledge effects in the policy process. While knowledge creep is associated with incremental policy change within existing policy structures, knowledge shifts are linked to more fundamental policy change in situations when the structures of policy authority undergo some level of transformation. The article concludes by identifying characteristics of the administrative structure of policy systems or sectors that make knowledge shifts more or less likely.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 123 
KW  - evidence-based policy making
KW  - knowledge creep
KW  - knowledge utilization
KW  - organizational epistemology
KW  - punctuated equilibrium theory
Y1  - 2020
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435481
SN  - 1867-5808
IS  - 123
SP  - 491
EP  - 505
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Hoffmann, Dierk
T1  - The GDR’s Westpolitik and everyday anticommunism in West Germany
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Philosophische Reihe
N2  - West German anticommunism and the SED’s Westarbeit were to some extentinterrelated. From the beginning, each German state had attemted to stabilise itsown social system while trying to discredit its political opponent. The claim tosole representation and the refusal to acknowledge each other delineated governmentalaction on both sides. Anticommunism inWest Germany re-developed under theconditions of the Cold War, which allowed it to become virtually the reason ofstate and to serve as a tool for the exclusion of KPD supporters. In its turn, theSED branded the West German State as‘revanchist’and instrumentalised itsanticommunism to persecute and eliminate opponents within the GDR. Bothphenomena had an integrative and exclusionary element.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe - 167 
Y1  - 2019
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435184
SN  - 1866-8380
IS  - 167
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Esguerra, Alejandro
ED  - Esguerra, Alejandro
ED  - Helmerich, Nicole
ED  - Risse, Thomas
T1  - Conclusion
T2  - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance
N2  - This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.
Y1  - 2016
SN  - 978-3-319-39871-6
SN  - 978-3-319-39870-9
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9
SP  - 211
EP  - 224
PB  - Cham
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Esguerra, Alejandro
A1  - Helmerich, Nicole
A1  - Risse, Thomas
T1  - Introduction
T2  - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance
N2  - The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book’s in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.
Y1  - 2016
SN  - 978-3-319-39871-6
SN  - 978-3-319-39870-9
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1
SP  - 1
EP  - 22
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Esguerra, Alejandro
T1  - "A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"
BT  - Brokers in Negotiation Systems
T2  - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood :  Contesting the New Modes of Governance
N2  - This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for ‘arguing’ having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.
Y1  - 2016
SN  - 978-3-319-39871-6
SN  - 978-3-319-39870-9
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2
SP  - 25
EP  - 46
PB  - Cham
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Daviter, Falk
T1  - Coping, taming or solving
BT  - alternative approaches to the governance of wicked problems
JF  - Policy studies
N2  - One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.
KW  - Wicked problems
KW  - complex problems
KW  - governance
KW  - problem-solving
KW  - policy analysis
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543
SN  - 0144-2872
SN  - 1470-1006
VL  - 38
IS  - 6
SP  - 571
EP  - 588
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Heucher, Angela
T1  - Evolving order?
BT  - Inter-organizational relations in the organizational field of food security governance in Côte d’Ivoire
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2  - Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in Côte d’Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of Côte d’Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an – albeit limited – division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 110 
KW  - inter-organizational relations
KW  - international organizations
KW  - organizational fields
KW  - inter-organizational order
KW  - food security governance
Y1  - 2019
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-433086
SN  - 1867-5808
IS  - 110
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Weiß, Norman
A1  - Verlaan, Stephanie
A1  - Vasquez Carruthers, Juan Francisco
A1  - Mair, Theresa
A1  - Conner, Sean
A1  - Maaser, Lucas
A1  - Röthlisberger, Livia
ED  - Weiß, Norman
T1  - Transitional Justice
BT  - Theoretical and Practical Approaches
T3  - Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik
N2  - This publication deals with the topic of transitional justice. In six case studies, the authors link theoretical and practical implications in order to develop some innovative approaches. Their proposals might help to deal more effectively with the transition of societies, legal orders and political systems.
Young academics from various backgrounds provide fresh insights and demonstrate the relevance of the topic. The chapters analyse transitions and conflicts in Sierra Leone, Argentina, Nicaragua, Nepal, and South Sudan as well as Germany’s colonial genocide in Namibia. Thus, the book provides the reader with new insights and contributes to the ongoing debate about transitional justice.
N2  - Gegenstand dieser Publikation ist das Thema „Transitional Justice“. In sechs Fallstudien verknüpfen die Autoren theoretische und praktische Implikationen, um innovative Ansätze zu entwickeln. Ihre Vorschläge wollen dazu beitragen, den Übergangsprozess von Gesellschaften, Rechtsordnungen und politischen Systemen effektiver zu gestalten.
Nachwuchswissenschaftler mit unterschiedlichem fachlichem Hintergrund geben hier neue Einblicke und zeigen die fortdauernde Relevanz des Themas. Die Kapitel analysieren Übergänge und Konflikte in Sierra Leone, Argentinien, Nicaragua, Nepal und Süd-Sudan sowie den kolonialen Völkermord in Namibia. So liefert das Buch dem Leser neue Erkenntnisse und trägt zur laufenden Debatte über das Thema „Transitional Justice“ bei.
T3  - Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik - 7 
KW  - transitional justice
KW  - transformation
KW  - transformative justice
KW  - reconciliation
KW  - political opportunism
KW  - Übergangsjustiz
KW  - Transformation
KW  - Versöhnung
KW  - Demokratisierung
Y1  - 2022
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-431711
SN  - 978-3-86956-473-9
SN  - 1869-2443
SN  - 1867-2663
IS  - 7
PB  - Universitätsverlag Potsdam
CY  - Potsdam
ER  - 
TY  - CHAP
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - Toward a theory of political repression
T2  - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?
N2  - To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2
SN  - 2198-7289
SP  - 9
EP  - 41
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression
JF  - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule
N2  - This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3
SN  - 2198-7289
SP  - 43
EP  - 75
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Adamik, Verena
T1  - Making worlds from literature
BT  - W.E.B. Du Bois’s The Quest of the Silver Fleece and Dark Princess
JF  - Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology
N2  - While W.E.B. Du Bois’s first novel, The Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911), is set squarely in the USA, his second work of fiction, Dark Princess: A Romance (1928), abandons this national framework, depicting the treatment of African Americans in the USA as embedded into an international system of economic exploitation based on racial categories. Ultimately, the political visions offered in the novels differ starkly, but both employ a Western literary canon – so-called ‘classics’ from Greek, German, English, French, and US American literature. With this, Du Bois attempts to create a new space for African Americans in the world (literature) of the 20th century. Weary of the traditions of this ‘world literature’, the novels complicate and begin to decenter the canon that they draw on. This reading traces what I interpret as subtle signs of frustration over the limits set by the literature that underlies Dark Princess, while its predecessor had been more optimistic in its appropriation of Eurocentric fiction for its propagandist aims.
KW  - African American literature
KW  - Eurocentrism
KW  - genre
KW  - intertextuality
KW  - race
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1177/0725513621993308
SN  - 0725-5136
SN  - 1461-7455
VL  - 162
IS  - 1
SP  - 105
EP  - 120
PB  - Sage
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Eydam, Ulrich Leonard
A1  - Gabriadze, Irakli
T1  - Institutional development in transition economies
BT  - the role of institutional experience
JF  - Post-Soviet affairs
N2  - To understand the divergent institutional development in transition economies, we examine the role of institutional experience from the pre-Soviet era in institution-building after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To measure institutional experience, we construct an index that captures previous experience with independent non-Soviet institutions. A cross-sectional analysis shows that institutional experience is statistically significantly associated with the quality of political, administrative, and legal institutions in transition economies today. To provide a more comprehensive picture and to control for confounding factors, in a second step, we apply a Hausman-Taylor estimator on panel data. This analysis confirms the positive relationship between institutional experience and institutional development. Moreover, the results suggest that the association between institutional experience and political institutions is stronger than the association to the other dimensions of institutions. Overall, the analysis highlights the importance of institutional experience and provides a rationale for the persistency of institutions.
KW  - institutions
KW  - comparative development
KW  - transition economies
KW  - post-Soviet
KW  - space
KW  - collective memory
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/1060586X.2020.1848171
SN  - 1060-586X
SN  - 1938-2855
VL  - 37
IS  - 2
SP  - 99
EP  - 118
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Cörüt, Gözde Yazıcı
A1  - Cörüt, İlker
T1  - The neo-liberal conception of empowerment and its limits
BT  - micro-credit experiences of self-employed women in the bazaars of Bishkek
JF  - Central Asian survey
N2  - Through qualitative research conducted in the bazaars of Bishkek, this paper examines the posited tripartite relationship between the free market, micro-finance and women's empowerment by focusing on how loans from micro-finance institutions in Bishkek influence the lives of female loanees. The neo-liberal conception of 'individual autonomy' and 'empowerment', it is argued, may not adequately serve as indicators of actual female empowerment/disempowerment in Bishkek and lead us to fail to recognize moments of self-exploitation and forms of claim-making. The research also underlines the disempowering effects of the affectional burden, that is, the constant sense of anxiety, that the loanees have to manage in order to survive in the neo-liberal business environment, which offers high interest rate loans and exposes the loanees to over-indebtedness. These effects can be followed through the analysis of the role the desire for stability and 'ontological security' plays in the formation of the identities/world views of the loanees.
KW  - Kyrgyzstan
KW  - micro-credit
KW  - self-employed women
KW  - women's empowerment
KW  - neo-liberalism
KW  - debt
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2021.1969897
SN  - 0263-4937
SN  - 1465-3354
VL  - 41
IS  - 1
SP  - 118
EP  - 137
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kleemann, Steven
T1  - Cyber warfare and the "humanization" of international humanitarian law
JF  - International journal of cyber warfare and terrorism
N2  - Cyber warfare is a timely and relevant issue and one of the most controversial in international humanitarian law (IHL). The aim of IHL is to set rules and limits in terms of means and methods of warfare. In this context, a key question arises: Has digital warfare rules or limits, and if so, how are these applicable? Traditional principles, developed over a long period, are facing a new dimension of challenges due to the rise of cyber warfare. This paper argues that to overcome this new issue, it is critical that new humanity-oriented approaches is developed with regard to cyber warfare. The challenge is to establish a legal regime for cyber-attacks, successfully addressing human rights norms and standards. While clarifying this from a legal perspective, the authors can redesign the sensitive equilibrium between humanity and military necessity, weighing the humanitarian aims of IHL and the protection of civilians-in combination with international human rights law and other relevant legal regimes-in a different manner than before.
KW  - cyber-attack
KW  - cyberwar
KW  - IHL
KW  - IHRL
KW  - international human rights
KW  - international humanitarian law
KW  - law and technology
KW  - new technologies
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-1-7998-6177-5
U6  - https://doi.org/10.4018/IJCWT.2021040101
SN  - 1947-3435
SN  - 1947-3443
VL  - 11
IS  - 2
SP  - 1
EP  - 11
PB  - IGI Global
CY  - Hershey
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Patz, Ronny
T1  - Information flows in the context of EU policy-making : affiliation networks and the post-2012 reform of the EU's Common Fisheries Policy
T1  - Informationsflüsse im Kontext von EU-Entscheidungsprozessen : Affiliations-Netzwerke und die Reform der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik der EU für die Zeit nach 2012
N2  - Information flows in EU policy-making are heavily dependent on personal networks, both within the Brussels sphere but also reaching outside the narrow limits of the Belgian capital. These networks develop for example in the course of formal and informal meetings or at the sidelines of such meetings. A plethora of committees at European, transnational and regional level provides the basis for the establishment of pan-European networks. By studying affiliation to those committees, basic network structures can be uncovered. These affiliation network structures can then be used to predict EU information flows, assuming that certain positions within the network are advantageous for tapping into streams of information while others are too remote and peripheral to provide access to information early enough. This study has tested those assumptions for the case of the reform of the Common Fisheries Policy for the time after 2012. Through the analysis of an affiliation network based on participation in 10 different fisheries policy committees over two years (2009 and 2010), network data for an EU-wide network of about 1300 fisheries interest group representatives and more than 200 events was collected. The structure of this network showed a number of interesting patterns, such as – not surprisingly – a rather central role of Brussels-based committees but also close relations of very specific interests to the Brussels-cluster and stronger relations between geographically closer maritime regions. The analysis of information flows then focused on access to draft EU Commission documents containing the upcoming proposal for a new basic regulation of the Common Fisheries Policy. It was first documented that it would have been impossible to officially obtain this document and that personal networks were thus the most likely sources for fisheries policy actors to obtain access to these “leaks” in early 2011. A survey of a sample of 65 actors from the initial network supported these findings: Only a very small group had accessed the draft directly from the Commission. Most respondents who obtained access to the draft had received it from other actors, highlighting the networked flow of informal information in EU politics. Furthermore, the testing of the hypotheses connecting network positions and the level of informedness indicated that presence in or connections to the Brussels sphere had both advantages for overall access to the draft document and with regard to timing. Methodologically, challenges of both the network analysis and the analysis of information flows but also their relevance for the study of EU politics have been documented. In summary, this study has laid the foundation for a different way to study EU policy-making by connecting topical and methodological elements – such as affiliation network analysis and EU committee governance – which so far have not been considered together, thereby contributing in various ways to political science and EU studies.
N2  - Informationsflüsse im Kontext von EU-Entscheidungsprozessen sind ohne persönliche Netzwerke kaum denkbar, sowohl solche innerhalb der Brüsseler Sphäre aber auch solche, die über die engen Grenzen der belgischen Hauptstadt hinausreichen. Solche Netzwerke entwickeln sich zum Beispiel im Laufe von offiziellen und inoffiziellen Treffen, oft auch am Rande solcher Ereignisse. Die Vielzahl von Ausschüssen auf europäischer, transnationaler und regionaler Ebene bildet daher die Grundlage für die Schaffung europäischer Netzwerkstrukturen. Indem wir die Teilnahme an solchen Ausschüssen untersuchen, ist es uns möglich, grundlegende Strukturmerkmale solcher Netzwerke aufzudecken. Solche Affiliationsnetzwerk-Strukturen können dann die Grundlage zur Vorhersage von europäischen Informationsflüssen bilden: Die Annahme ist, dass bestimmte Positionen in solchen Netzwerken vorteilhaft für den Zugang zu Informationsflüssen sind, während andere Positionen (zu) weit entfernt und zu peripher sind, um rechtzeitigen Zugriff auf relevante Informationen zu erhalten. Die vorliegende Studie testet diese Annahmen anhand der Reform der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik der Europäischen Union für die Zeit nach 2012 . Basierend auf Teilnahmedaten von 10 Fischereipolitik-Ausschüssen über den Zeitraum von zwei Jahren (2009 und 2010) wurde ein Affilationsnetzwerk aus mehr als 1300 Interessenvertretern und –vertreterinnen sowie über 200 Ereignissen erhoben. Die Struktur dieses Netzwerks zeigt eine Reihe von interessanten Mustern auf, zum Beispiel die zentrale Rolle von Brüssel-basierten Ausschüssen aber auch die enge Verknüpfung bestimmter Interessen mit dem Brüsseler Kern des Netzwerk sowie die enge Vernetzung geographisch benachbarter Meeresregionen. Die Analyse von EU-Informationsflüssen wurde dann Anhand des Zugangs von Akteuren aus dem erhobenen Netzwerk zu (nichtöffentlichen) Entwurfsfassungen des Kommissionsvorschlags für eine neue Gemeinsame Fischereipolitik durchgeführt. Zunächst wurde dokumentiert, dass der Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten auf offiziellen Wegen unmöglich war und dass daher Zugang durch erweiterte persönliche Netzwerke die wahrscheinlichste Erklärung für den Erhalt von „Leaks“ durch Fischereipolitik-Interessengruppen in der ersten Hälfte von 2011 war. Eine Umfrage unter 65 Akteuren aus der Gesamtpopulation des Gesamtnetzwerk unterstützte diese Vermutung: Nur eine kleine Gruppe hatte Zugang zu den nicht-öffentlichen Entwurfsdokumenten durch ihre direkten Beziehungen mit der EU-Kommission. Die meisten Teilnehmer der Umfrage hatte Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten durch Dritte erhalten, ein Nachweis, dass EU-Informationen sich tatsächlich in weiteren Netzwerkstrukturen verbreiten. Die Studie konnte auch zeigen, dass enge Affiliations-Beziehungen zur Brüsseler Sphäre ein relevanter Indikator für den (zeitnahen) Zugang zu nicht-öffentlichen EU-Dokumenten ist. Die Herausforderungen in der methodischen Erhebungen von europäischen Affiliationsnetzwerkdaten und von EU-Informationsflüssen werden dabei in der Studie ausführlich dokumentiert. Die Relevanz dieser Methoden zur Analyse von EU-Politik wird ebenfalls im Detail dargelegt. Zusammenfassend legt diese Doktorarbeit die Grundlage für eine neue Art, europäische und transnationale politische Prozesse in Europa zu untersuchen. Sie verbinden thematische und methodische Ansätze – zum Beispiel Affiliationsnetzwerkanalyse und die Untersuchung des EU-Ausschusswesens – die bislang in dieser Form noch nicht zusammengeführt wurden, und trägt dadurch auf verschiedenste Weise zur Weiterentwicklung der Politikwissenschaft und der Europastudien bei.
KW  - Netzwerkanalyse
KW  - Europäische Union
KW  - Informationsflüsse
KW  - Ausschüsse
KW  - Affiliationsnetzwerke
KW  - network analysis
KW  - European Union
KW  - information flow
KW  - committee governance
KW  - affiliation networks
Y1  - 2013
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70732
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Terhalle, Maximilian
T1  - The transition of global order
BT  - legitimacy and contestation
Y1  - 2015
SN  - 978-1-137-38689-2
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Debre, Maria
T1  - Testing the limits of civil society in Jordan
T1  - Grenzen der Zivilgesellschaften in Jordanien
BT  - an action-based approach to the study of civil society in authoritarian regimes in the Middle East
BT  - ein handlungslogischer Ansatz für die Analyse von Zivilgesellschaft in Autoritären Regimen im Nahen Osten
N2  - Civil society is either considered as a motor of democratization or stabilizer of authoritarian rule. This dichotomy is partly due to the dominance of domains-based definitions of the concept that reduce civil society to a small range of formally organized, independent and democratically oriented NGOs. Additionally, research often treats civil society as a ‘black box’ without differentiating between potential variations in impact of different types of civil society actors on existing regime structures. In this thesis, I present an alternative conceptualization of civil society based on the interactions of societal actors to arrive at a more inclusive understanding of the term which is more suited for analysis in non-democratic settings. The operationalization of the action-based approach I develop allows for an empirical assessment of a large range of societal activities that can accordingly be categorized from little to very civil society-like depending on their specific modes of interactions within four dimensions. I employ this operationalization in a qualitative case study including different actors in the authoritarian monarchy of Jordan which suggests that Jordanian societal actors mostly exhibit tolerant and democratically oriented modes of interaction and do not reproduce authoritarian patterns. However, even democratically oriented actors do not necessarily take on an oppositional positions vis-à-vis the authoritarian regime. Thus, the Jordanian civil society might not feature a high potential to challenge existing power structures in the country.
N2  - Zivilgesellschaft wird entweder als förderlich für Demokratisierung oder als Stabilisator autoritärer Herrschaftsstrukturen gesehen. Dies ist zum Einen das Resultat der Dominanz bereichslogischer Definitionen des Konzepts, welche Zivilgesellschaft auf ein schmales Spektrum formal organisierter, unabhängiger und demokratisch orientierter NGOs von Bürgern reduziert. Zum Anderen wird Zivilgesellschaft in der Forschung meist als ‚black box‘ behandelt, ohne Differenzierung zwischen der potenziellen Wirkungsweise verschiedener Arten von gesellschaftlichen Akteuren vorzunehmen. Diese Arbeit stellt eine alternative Konzeptualisierung von Zivilgesellschaft als Interaktion gesellschaftlicher Akteure vor, um ein inklusiveres Verständnis zu ermöglichen. Die erarbeitete Operationalisierung dieses Ansatzes erlaubt die empirische Untersuchung einer großen Bandbreite an gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten, welche je nach Interaktionsmuster innerhalb von vier Dimensionen eine sehr hohe bis sehr niedrige Eignung zum zivilgesellschaftlichen Handeln aufweisen können. Eine Fallstudie verschiedener Akteure im autoritären Regime Jordanien lässt annehmen, dass gesellschaftliche Akteure dort ein dominant tolerantes, demokratisches Interaktionsmuster aufweisen und nicht autoritäre Interaktionsmuster reproduzieren. Dennoch steht eine demokratische Gesinnung der Akteure nicht automatisch in Zusammenhang mit einer oppositionellen Position gegenüber dem autoritären Staat. Das Potenzial der Zivilgesellschaft zur politischen Herausforderung der bestehenden Herrschaftsstrukturen scheint somit gering.
KW  - civil society
KW  - authoritarianism
KW  - democratization
KW  - Jordan
KW  - qualitative case study
KW  - Zivilgesellschaft
KW  - Autoritarismus
KW  - Demokratisierung
KW  - Jordanien
KW  - qualitative Fallstudie
Y1  - 2014
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-72974
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Heidemann, Birte
T1  - Post-agreement belfast : labour, work and the new subalterns in daragh carville's play this other city
JF  - Reworking postcolonialism : globalization, labour and rights
Y1  - 2015
SN  - 978-1-137-43592-7
SP  - 119
EP  - 133
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - New York
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Schmidt, Peter
T1  - Contributions to EU regional policy
T1  - Beiträge zur EU-Regionalpolitik
BT  - reconsidering theoretical and empirical perspectives on the Structural Funds
BT  - neue theoretische und empirische Perspektiven auf die Strukturfonds
N2  - This cumulative dissertation contains four self-contained articles which are related to EU regional policy and its structural funds as the overall research topic. In particular, the thesis addresses the question if EU regional policy interventions can at all be scientifically justified and legitimated on theoretical and empirical grounds from an economics point of view. The first two articles of the thesis (“The EU structural funds as a means to hamper migration” and “Internal migration and EU regional policy transfer payments: a panel data analysis for 28 EU member countries”) enter into one particular aspect of the debate regarding the justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. They theoretically and empirically analyse as to whether regional policy or the market force of the free flow of labour (migration) in the internal European market is the better instrument to improve and harmonise the living and working conditions of EU citizens. Based on neoclassical market failure theory, the first paper argues that the structural funds of the EU are inhibiting internal migration, which is one of the key measures in achieving convergence among the nations in the single European market. It becomes clear that European regional policy aiming at economic growth and cohesion among the member states cannot be justified and legitimated if the structural funds hamper instead of promote migration. The second paper, however, shows that the empirical evidence on the migration and regional policy nexus is not unambiguous, i.e. different empirical investigations show that EU structural funds hamper and promote EU internal migration. Hence, the question of the scientific justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy cannot be readily and unambiguously answered on empirical grounds. This finding is unsatisfying but is in line with previous theoretical and empirical literature. That is why, I take a step back and reconsider the theoretical beginnings of the thesis, which took for granted neoclassical market failure theory as the starting point for the positive explanation as well as the normative justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. The third article of the thesis (“EU regional policy: theoretical foundations and policy conclusions revisited”) deals with the theoretical explanation and legitimisation of EU regional policy as well as the policy recommendations given to EU regional policymakers deduced from neoclassical market failure theory. The article elucidates that neoclassical market failure is a normative concept, which justifies and legitimates EU regional policy based on a political and thus subjective goal or value-judgement. It can neither be used, therefore, to give a scientifically positive explanation of the structural funds nor to obtain objective and practically applicable policy instruments. Given this critique of neoclassical market failure theory, the third paper consequently calls into question the widely prevalent explanation and justification of EU regional policy given in static neoclassical equilibrium economics. It argues that an evolutionary non-equilibrium economics perspective on EU regional policy is much more appropriate to provide a realistic understanding of one of the largest policies conducted by the EU. However, this does neither mean that evolutionary economic theory can be unreservedly seen as the panacea to positively explain EU regional policy nor to derive objective policy instruments for EU regional policymakers. This issue is discussed in the fourth article of the thesis (“Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy? A critique from an evolutionary perspective”). This article reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticises the fact that neoclassical failure reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. The paper therefore argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Taken together, the main finding of this thesis is that European regional policy and its structural funds can neither theoretically nor empirically be justified and legitimated from an economics point of view. Moreover, the thesis finds that the prevalent positive and instrumental explanation of EU regional policy given in the literature needs to be reconsidered, because these theories can neither scientifically explain the emergence and development of this policy nor are they appropriate to derive objective and scientific policy instruments for EU regional policymakers.
N2  - Diese kumulative Dissertation umfasst vier eigenständige Artikel zur EU-Regionalpolitik und ihren Strukturfonds als dem übergreifenden Forschungsthema der Dissertation. Die Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Fragestellung, ob sich aus ökonomischer Sicht die EU-Regionalpolitik überhaupt wissenschaftlich, sowohl empirisch als auch theoretisch, begründen lässt. Die ersten beiden Artikel der Dissertation (“The EU structural funds as a means to hamper migration” und “Internal migration and EU regional policy transfer payments: a panel data analysis for 28 EU member countries”) greifen einen bestimmten Aspekt der Debatte um die Rechtfertigung von Eingriffen der EU-Regionalpolitik in den EU-Binnenmarkt auf. Die beiden Artikel analysieren theoretisch und empirisch, ob die Regionalpolitik oder die freien Marktkräfte in Form von freier Migration im europäischen Binnenmarkt besser geeignet sind, um die Lebens- und Beschäftigungsbedingungen der EU-Bürger zu verbessern und anzugleichen. Basierend auf der neoklassischen Theorie des Marktversagens, argumentiert das erste Papier, dass die Strukturfonds der EU Migration, die einen wesentlichen Mechanismus zur Erreichung von Konvergenz der europäischen Mitgliedsstaaten darstellt, verhindern. Es wird deutlich, dass die EU-Regionalpolitik, welche auf Wachstum und Konvergenz der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten abzielt, nicht gerechtfertigt werden kann, wenn die Strukturfonds Migration in der EU behindern, anstatt sie zu fördern. Der zweite Artikel zeigt jedoch, dass die empirische Evidenz bezüglich des Zusammenhangs von EU-Regionalpolitik und Migration nicht eindeutig ist, d.h. verschiedene empirische Untersuchungen zeigen, dass die Strukturfonds Migration behindern aber auch fördern. Daher ist die Frage der wissenschaftlichen Rechtfertigung der EU-Regionalpolitik auf empirischer Grundlage nicht einfach und eindeutig. Dieses Ergebnis ist unbefriedigend, steht aber im Einklang mit der bisherigen theoretischen und empirischen Literatur. Daher geht die Arbeit an dieser Stelle einen Schritt zurück und überprüft die zu Beginn unterstellte theoretische Grundlage ihrer Analyse der Erklärung und Rechtfertigung der EU-Regionalpolitik, die in der vorherrschenden neoklassischen Marktversagenstheorie zu sehen und zu finden ist. Der dritte Artikel („EU regional policy: theoretical foundations and policy conclusions revisited“) behandelt die theoretische Erklärung und Rechtfertigung, als auch die Politikempfehlungen an EU-Regionalpolitiker, welche aus der neoklassischen Marktversagenstheorie abgleitet werden. Der Artikel führt aus, dass das neoklassische Marktversagenskonzept normativ ist und die EU-Regionalpolitik dadurch mit Hilfe eines politischen und damit subjektiven Werturteils rechtfertigt und legitimiert. Dieses Konzept kann jedoch keine wissenschaftlich positive Erklärung der EU-Strukturfonds liefern, noch können daraus objektive und praktisch anwendbare Politikinstrumente abgeleitet werden. Diese Kritik an der neoklassischen Marktversagenstheorie gegeben, stellt das dritte Papier konsequenterweise die vorherrschende Erklärung und Rechtfertigung der EU-Regionalpolitik, welche in der statisch-neoklassischen Gleichgewichtsökonomik geliefert wird, in Frage. Es wird argumentiert, dass eine evolutorische Nicht-Gleichgewichtsperspektive auf die EU-Regionalpolitik wesentlich geeigneter erscheint eine realistische Erklärung für eine der größten Politiken der EU zu geben. Allerdings heißt dies nicht, dass die evolutorische Ökonomik unvoreingenommen als Allheilmittel für eine positive Erklärung und die Ableitung objektiver Politikinstrumente herangezogen werden kann. Warum dies so ist, wird im vierten Artikel der Dissertation („Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy? A critique from an evolutionary perspective“) diskutiert. Dieser Artikel greift die Erklärung von Wirtschaftspolitik, die aus evolutorischer Perspektive gegeben wird, neu auf. Die neoklassischen Gleichgewichtsvorstellungen des Markt- und Staatsversagens werden mit den vorherrschenden evolutorischen neo-Schumpeterschen und Österreichisch-Hayekiansichen Vorstellungen die Wirtschaftspolitik betreffend verglichen. Auf diesem Vergleich aufbauend kritisiert das Papier, dass neoklassisches Versagensdenken in der evolutorischen Nicht-Gleichgewichtsökonomik weiterhin zu finden ist, wenn wirtschaftspolitische Fragestellungen erörtert werden. Dies ist sehr überraschend, da die Vertreter der evolutorischen Ökonomik ihren Ansatz normalerweise als inkompatibel zu ihrem neoklassischen Pendant ansehen. Der letzte Artikel argumentiert deshalb, dass der Gleichgewichtsgedanke eliminiert werden muss, um die ansonsten sehr fruchtbare und wesentlich realistischere evolutorische Ökonomik vor der Unterminierung ihrer eigenen Kritik an der Neoklassik zu schützen und einen konsistenten als auch objektiven evolutorischen Analyserahmen für wirtschaftspolitische Fragestellungen zu schaffen. Fasst man das Resultat der Dissertation zusammen, bleibt festzuhalten, dass die EU-Regionalpolitik und ihre Strukturfonds aus ökonomischer Sicht weder theoretisch noch empirisch rechtfertigt und legitimiert werden können. Darüber hinaus kommt die Arbeit zu dem Schluss, dass die vorherrschende positive und instrumentelle Erklärung der EU-Regionalpolitik, die in der Literatur gegeben wird, neu gedacht werden muss, da mit Hilfe dieser Theorien weder das Aufkommen und die Entwicklung dieser Politik erklärbar sind, noch geeignete objektive und wissenschaftliche Politikinstrumente für EU-Regionalpolitiker abgeleitet werden können.
KW  - EU regional policy
KW  - structural funds
KW  - internal migration
KW  - market failures
KW  - non-equilibrium economics
KW  - evolutionary economics
KW  - system failure
KW  - economic policy
KW  - European integration
KW  - EU-Regionalpolitik
KW  - Strukturfonds
KW  - interne Migration
KW  - Marktversagen
KW  - Nicht-Gleichgewichtsökonomik
KW  - Evolutorische Ökonomik
KW  - Systemversagen
KW  - Wirtschaftspolitik
KW  - Europäische Integration
Y1  - 2016
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-90837
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Schiller, Christof
T1  - The Politics of Welfare State Transformation in Germany
BT  - Still a Semi-Sovereign State?
T2  - Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17
Y1  - 2016
SN  - 978-1-315-62390-0
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Borgnäs, Kajsa
T1  - The Policy Influence of Sustainability Indicators
BT  - Examining Use and Influence of Indicators in German Sustainability Policy Making
N2  - In 2002 Germany adopted an ambitious national sustainability strategy, covering all three sustainability spheres and circling around 21 key indicators. The strategy stands out because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its high status and increasingly coercive nature. This article analyses the strategy's role in the policy process, focusing on the use and influence of indicators as a central steering tool. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of consensus about policy goals and the institutional setting of the indicators, are found to explain differences in use and influence both across indicators and over time. Moreover, the study argues that the indicators have been part of a continuous process of ‘structuring’ in which conceptual and instrumental use together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 76 
Y1  - 2016
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-96342
SP  - 1
EP  - 20
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Borgnäs, Kajsa
T1  - Governing through 'governing images'
BT  - Understanding the policy role of sustainability indicators
N2  - In the debate on how to govern sustainable development, a central question concerns the interaction between knowledge about sustainability and policy developments. The discourse on what constitutes sustainable development conflict on some of the most basic issues, including the proper definitions, instruments and indicators of what should be ‘developed’ or ‘sustained’. Whereas earlier research on the role of (scientific) knowledge in policy adopted a rationalist-positivist view of knowledge as the basis for ‘evidence-based policy making’, recent literature on knowledge creation and transfer processes has instead pointed towards aspects of knowledge-policy ‘co-production’ (Jasanoff 2004). It is highlighted that knowledge utilisation is not just a matter of the quality of the knowledge as such, but a question of which knowledge fits with the institutional context and dominant power structures. Just as knowledge supports and justifies certain policy, policy can produce and stabilise certain knowledge. Moreover, rather than viewing knowledge-policy interaction as a linear and uni-directional model, this conceptualization is based on an assumption of the policy process as being more anarchic and unpredictable, something Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) has famously termed the ‘garbage-can model’. 

The present dissertation focuses on the interplay between knowledge and policy in sustainability governance. It takes stock with the practice of ‘Management by Objectives and Results’ (MBOR: Lundqvist 2004) whereby policy actors define sustainable development goals (based on certain knowledge) and are expected to let these definitions guide policy developments as well as evaluate whether sustainability improves or not. As such a knowledge-policy instrument, Sustainability Indicators (SI:s) help both (subjectively) construct ‘social meaning’ about sustainability and (objectively) influence policy and measure its success. The different articles in this cumulative dissertation analyse the development, implementation and policy support (personal and institutional) of Sustainability Indicators as an instrument for MBOR in a variety of settings. More specifically, the articles centre on the question of how sustainability definitions and measurement tools on the one hand (knowledge) and policy instruments and political power structures on the other, are co-produced. 

A first article examines the normative foundations of popular international SI:s and country rankings. Combining theoretical (constructivist) analysis with factor analysis, it analyses how the input variable structure of SI:s are related to different sustainability paradigms, producing a different output in terms of which countries (developed versus developing) are most highly ranked. Such a theoretical input-output analysis points towards a potential problem of SI:s becoming a sort of ‘circular argumentation constructs’. The article thus, highlights on a quantitative basis what others have noted qualitatively – that different definitions and interpretations of sustainability influence indicator output to the point of contradiction. The normative aspects of SI:s does thereby not merely concern the question of which indicators to use for what purposes, but also the more fundamental question of how normative and political bias are intrinsically a part of the measurement instrument as such. The study argues that, although no indicator can be expected to tell the sustainability ‘truth-out-there’, a theoretical localization of indicators – and of the input variable structure – may help facilitate interpretation of SI output and the choice of which indicators to use for what (policy or academic) purpose. 

A second article examines the co-production of knowledge and policy in German sustainability governance. It focuses on the German sustainability strategy ‘Perspektiven für Deutschland’ (2002), a strategy that stands out both in an international comparison of national sustainability strategies as well as among German government policy strategies because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its rather high status and increasingly coercive nature. The study analyses what impact the sustainability strategy has had on the policy process between 2002 and 2015, in terms of defining problems and shaping policy processes. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of (scientific and political) consensus about policy goals and the ‘contextual fit’ of problem definitions, are found to be main factors explaining how different aspects of the strategy is used. Moreover, the study argues that SI:s are part of a continuous process of ‘structuring’ in which indicator, user and context factors together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy. 

A third article examines how 31 European countries have built supportive institutions of MBOR between 1992 and 2012. In particular during the 1990s and early 2000s much hope was put into the institutionalisation of Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) as a way to overcome sectoral thinking in sustainability policy making and integrate issues of environmental sustainability into all government policy. However, despite high political backing (FN, EU, OECD), implementation of EPI seems to differ widely among countries. The study is a quantitative longitudinal cross-country comparison of how countries’ ‘EPI architectures’ have developed over time. Moreover, it asks which ‘EPI architectures’ seem to be more effective in producing more ‘stringent’ sustainability policy.
Y1  - 2016
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Franzke, Jochen
T1  - Slovak Telecom administration : transformation and regulation in a dynamic market
N2  - This study is analysing the transformation of Slovak administration in the telecommunication sector between 1989 and 2004. The dynamic telecom sector forms a good example for the transition problems of post-socialist administration with special regard to the regulation regime change. After describing briefly the role of the telecom sector within economy, the Slovak sectoral policy is analysed. The focus is layed on telecom legislation (including the regulation framework), liberalization of the telecom market and privatisation of the former state owned telecom operator. The transformation of the organizational structure of the "Slovak telecommunication administration" is analysed in particular at the level of the ministry and the regulating agency.
T3  - Forschungspapiere "Probleme der Öffentlichen Verwaltung in Mittel- und Osteuropa" - 06 
KW  - Verwaltung
KW  - Slowakei
KW  - Telekommunikation
KW  - Regulierung
Y1  - 2005
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-6530
SN  - 978-3-939469-00-1
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Meyer, Eike
T1  - Democracy promotion by the European Union in Morocco within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy
N2  - The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy“, „conditionality“ and „positive instruments“. For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more “political”, although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself – e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP.
N2  - Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit untersucht den Ansatz der Europäischen Union (EU) zur Demokratieförderung in Marokko. Die Arbeit folgt einem vergleichenden Ansatz und vergleicht die Strategie der EU, die unter der 2004 ins Leben gerufenen „Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik“ (ENP) verfolgt wird, mit der, die sich bis dahin unter der „Euro-Mediterranen Partnerschaft“ (EMP) herauskristallisiert hatte. Der Vergleich wird mit dem Ziel durchgeführt herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern es berechtigt ist, neue Triebkraft und neue Anstöße für Demokratisierung durch die ENP zu erwarten. In der Arbeit werden alle Instrumente der Demokratieförderung berücksichtigt, die in die Kategorien Diplomatie, Konditionalität und positive Unterstützungsleistungen fallen. Die durchgeführten Maßnahmen werden auf drei Ebenen verglichen: Auf der ersten Ebene wird untersucht, ob sich der Schwerpunkt verschoben hat zwischen indirekten Maßnahmen, die insbesondere darauf zielen, die sozioökonomischen Voraussetzungen für erfolgreiche Demokratisierung zu schaffen, und direkten Maßnahmen, die unmittelbar in politische Reformprozesse eingreifen. Auf einer zweiten Ebene wird gefragt, ob sich der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung auf einem Kontinuum zwischen Konsens und Zwang verschoben hat. Auf einer dritten Ebene schließlich wird untersucht, ob sich das Engagement generell intensiviert hat und der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung aktiver geworden ist. Die Analyse in dieser Arbeit führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass seit der Initiierung der ENP tatsächlich ein leicht direkterer und aktiverer Ansatz verfolgt wird, während sich an dem streng partnerschaftlichen und auf Konsens ausgerichteten Ansatz der EMP nicht signifikant etwas verändert hat. Es wird jedoch auch deutlich, dass politische Reformen von Instrumenten der Demokratieförderung zwar häufiger anvisiert werden. Die Reformen, die von der EU gefördert werden, sind jedoch ausschließlich Teil des von der marokkanischen Regierung eingeleiteten und begrenzten Reformprozesses. Reformen die eine signifikante Öffnung des politischen Raumes bewirken könnten, der für die autoritäre Monarchie reserviert ist, werden auch im Rahmen der ENP von der EU weder gefördert noch gefordert.
KW  - Demokratieförderung
KW  - Europäische Union
KW  - Marokko
KW  - Europäische Außenpolitik
KW  - Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik
KW  - Democracy Promotion
KW  - European Union
KW  - Morocco
KW  - European Foreign Policy
KW  - European Neighbourhood Policy
Y1  - 2007
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19591
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Paun, Christopher
T1  - Democratization and police reform
N2  - This paper compares police reforms during democratization in Poland, Hungary, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It analyses the changes to the structure of the democratic control of the police in each reform, paying special attention to the decentralization versus centralization aspect of it. The research question of this paper is: Why are some states decentralizing the democratic control of the police, while others are centralizing it, both with the aim of democratization? The theoretical background of this study are theories about policy diffusion and policy transfer. Therefore this study can be categorized as part of two different research areas. On the one hand, it is a paper from the discipline of International Relations. On the other hand, it is a paper from the discipline of Comparative Politics. The combined attention to international and national factors influencing police reform is reflected by the structure of this paper. Chapter 3 examines police structures and police reforms in established democracies as possible role models for new democracies. Chapter 4 looks at international and transnational actors that actively try to influence police reform. After having examined these external factors, three cases of police reform in new democracies are examined in chapter 5.
KW  - Demokratisierung
KW  - Polizeireform
KW  - Dezentralisierung
KW  - Politikdiffusion
KW  - Politiktransfer
KW  - democratization
KW  - police reform
KW  - decentralization
KW  - policy diffusion
KW  - policy transfer
Y1  - 2007
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19487
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Züllich, Gunda
T1  - Migration and development in Senegal : a system dynamics analysis of the feedback relationships
N2  - This thesis investigates the reciprocal relationship between migration and development in Senegal. Therewith, it contributes to the debate as to whether migration in developing countries enhances or rather impedes the development process. Even though extensive and controversial discussions can be found in the scientific literature regarding the impact of migration on development, research has scarcely examined the feedback relationships between migration and development. Science however agrees with both the fact that migration affects development as well as that the level of development in a country determines migration behaviour. Thus, both variables are neither dependent nor independent, but endogenous variables influencing each other and producing behavioural pattern that cannot be investigated using a static and unidirectional approach. On account of this, the thesis studies the feedback mechanisms existing between migration and development and the behavioural pattern generated by the high interdependence in order to be able to draw conclusions concerning the impact of changes in migration behaviour on the development process. To explore these research questions, the study applies the computer simulation method ‘System Dynamics’ and amplifies the simulation model for national development planning called ‘Threshold 21’ (T21), representing development processes endogenously and integrating economic, social and environmental aspects, using a structure that portrays the reasons and consequences of migration. The model has been customised to Senegal, being an appropriate representative of the theoretical interesting universe of cases. The comparison of the model generated scenarios - in which the intensity of emigration, the loss and gain of education, the remittances or the level of dependence changes - facilitates the analysis. The present study produces two important results. The first outcome is the development of an integrative framework representing migration and development in an endogenous way and incorporating several aspects of different theories. This model can be used as a starting point for further discussions and improvements and it is a fairly relevant and useful result against the background that migration is not integrated into most of the development planning tools despite its significant impact. The second outcome is the gained insights concerning the feedback relations between migration and development and the impact of changes in migration on development. To give two examples: It could be found that migration impacts development positively, indicated by HDI, but that the dominant behaviour of migration and development is a counteracting behaviour. That means that an increase in emigration leads to an improvement in development, while this in turn causes a decline in emigration, counterbalancing the initial increase. Another insight concerns the discovery that migration causes a decline in education in the short term, but leads to an increase in the long term, after approximately 25 years - a typical worse-before-better behaviour. From these and further observations, important policy implications can be derived for the sending and receiving countries. Hence, by overcoming the unidirectional perspective, this study contributes to an improved understanding of the highly complex relationship between migration and development and their feedback relations.
N2  - Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht das wechselseitige Verhältnis zwischen Migration und Entwicklung im Senegal. Damit soll ein Beitrag zu der Debatte geleistet werden, ob Migration in Entwicklungsländern den Entwicklungsprozess eher fördert oder verhindert. Während die Frage nach der Auswirkung von Migration auf Entwicklung in der Literatur ausgiebig und kontrovers diskutiert wird, hat sich die Forschung bisher kaum den Rückkopplungen zwischen Migration und Entwicklung gewidmet, obwohl sich die Wissenschaft sowohl darüber einig ist, dass Migration den Entwicklungsprozess beeinflusst, als auch, dass der Entwicklungsstand eines Land das Migrationsverhalten bestimmt. Folglich sind beide Variablen weder abhängig, noch unabhängige, sondern endogene Variablen, die sich gegenseitig beeinflussen und damit Verhaltensweisen produzieren, deren Erforschung ein statischer, unidirektionaler Ansatz nicht gerecht wird. Deswegen fragt diese Arbeit nach den Rückwirkungsmechanismen, die zwischen Migration und Entwicklung existieren, und nach den Verhaltensweisen, die durch die hohe Interdependenz entstehen, um daraus Rückschlüsse auf die Frage ziehen zu können, welchen Einfluss Änderungen im Migrationsverhalten auf den Entwicklungsprozess haben. Um diese Forschungsfragen zu untersuchen wurde die Computersimulationsmethode System Dynamics genutzt und das Simulationsmodell zur nationalen Entwicklungsplanung, das ‚Threshold 21’ (T21), das die Entwicklungsprozesse endogen darstellt und soziale, ökonomische sowie ökologische Aspekte miteinander verknüpft, um eine Struktur erweitert, welche die Gründe und Konsequenzen von Migration abbildet. Dies wurde an den Senegal, ein angemessener Repräsentant der theoretisch interessanten Grundgesamtheit, angepasst. Der Vergleich der mit dem Modell generierten Szenarien, in denen die Intensität der Abwanderung, des Bildungsverlustes, des Bildungsgewinns, der Geldüberweisungen, oder der Abhängigkeit verändert wurden, ermöglichte die Analyse. Die Studie bringt zwei wichtige Ergebnisse hervor. Erstens entwickelt sie ein umfangreiches Modell, das Migration und Entwicklung endogen erklärt und verschiedene theoretische Ansatzpunkte enthält. Dies kann sowohl als Grundlage für weitere Diskussion und Verbesserungen genutzt werden, ist aber vor allem vor dem Hintergrund, dass Migration in den meisten Modellen zur Entwicklungsplanung trotz des relevanten Einflusses nicht integriert ist, ein wichtiges und nützliches Resultat. Zweitens konnte die Analyse des Verhaltens des Modells wichtige Erkenntnisse bezüglich der Rückwirkungsmechanismen zwischen Migration und Entwicklung und der Wirkung von Veränderungen in Migration auf Entwicklung erzielen. Um zwei Beispiele zu nennen, wurde herausgearbeitet, dass Migration sich positiv auf Entwicklung, gemessen am Human Development Index (HDI), auswirkt, dass es sich aber generell um ein sich ausgleichendes Verhalten handelt, da die positiven Einflüsse auf Entwicklung ihrerseits Migration verringern, wodurch die positiven Einflüsse wieder abnehmen. Ebenso konnte festgestellt werden, dass Migration für das Bildungsniveau zunächst eine Verschlechterung, später aber, nach ca. 25 Jahren, eine Verbesserung nach sich zieht. Aus diesen und weiteren Beobachtungen können wichtige Politikempfehlungen für die Sende- und Empfängerländer von Migration abgeleitet werden. Durch das Überwinden der unidirektionalen Betrachtungsweise trägt diese Arbeit somit zu einem besseren Verständnis des hoch komplexen und von Rückwirkungsmechanismen geprägten Verhältnisses zwischen Migration und Entwicklung bei.
KW  - Internationale Migration
KW  - Nachhaltige Entwicklung
KW  - Senegal
KW  - System Dynamics
KW  - Modellierung
KW  - International Migration
KW  - Sustainable Development
KW  - Senegal
KW  - System Dynamics
KW  - Modelling
Y1  - 2011
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-57836
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
T1  - Die Einführung des "Neuen Steuerungsmodells" im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark : Chancen und Probleme unter besonderer Berücksichtigung von Personalfragen
N2  - Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 1.1. Forschungsziele 1.2. Arbeitsmethodik 1.3. Aufbau der Pilotstudie 2. Kommunale Verwaltungsreform in Brandenburg 3. Die Kreisverwaltung Potsdam-Mittelmark 3.1. Der Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 3.2. Das Personal der Kreisverwaltung 3.3. Verbeamtungskonzept 3.4. Folgen der Kreisgebietsreform 3.5. Gleichstellungsfragen 4. Verwaltungsreform im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 4.1. Zum Reformansatz 4.2. Weitere Reformschritte 4.3. Ziele der Reform 4.4. Leitbilddiskussion 4.5. Mitarbeiter und Reform 4.6. Personalrat und Reform 4.7. ÖTV und Reform 5. Personalfragen bei der Verwaltungsreform im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark 5.1. Defizite im Personalbereich 5.2. Zur Arbeitsmotivation der Mitarbeiter in der Kreisverwaltung 5.3. Elemente des modernen Personalmanagements 5.4. Instrumente in der Personalarbeit - 5.4.1. Mitarbeiterbefragung - 5.4.2. Weiterbildung - 5.4.2. Weiterbildung 6. Ergebnisse der Pilotstudie 6.1. Besonderheiten der Verwaltungsreform in den neuen Bundesländern am Beispiel Potsdam-Mittelmark 6.2. Zwischenbilanz zur Umsetzung der Modernisierungskonzeption 6.3. Vorschläge für die Fortsetzung des Projekts
T3  - Diskussionsbeiträge = Discussion Papers / Lehrstuhl für Politikwissenschaft, Verwaltung und Organisation - 02 
Y1  - 1996
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-30036
ER  - 
TY  - THES
A1  - Lahti, Makreeta
T1  - Security cooperation as a way to stop the spread of nuclear weapons? : Nuclear nonproliferation policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968
T1  - Sicherheitskooperation als ein Mittel, die Verbreitung von Kernwaffen zu verhindern? : Nukleare Nichtverbreitungspolitik der USA gegenüber Bundesrepublik Deutschland und Israel, 1945-1968
N2  - In my dissertation on 'Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nu-clear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968', I study the use of security assistance as nonproliferation policy. I use insights of the Structural Realist and the Rational Institutionalist theories of International Relations to explain, respectively, important foreign policy goals and the basic orientation of policies, on the one hand, and the practical workings and effects of security cooperation on states’ behavior, on the other hand. Moreover, I consider the relations of the United States (US) with the two states in light of bargaining theory to explain the level of US ability to press other states to its preferred courses of action. The study is thus a combination of theory proposing and testing and historic description and explanation. It is also policy-relevant as I seek general lessons regarding the use of security cooperation as nonproliferation policy. I show that the US sought to keep the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) from acquiring nuclear weapons in order to avoid crises with Moscow and threats to the cohesion of NATO. But the US also saw it as necessary to credibly guarantee the security of the FRG and treat it well in order to ensure that it would remain satisfied as an ally and without own nuclear weapons. Through various institutionalized security cooperation schemes, the US succeeded in this – though the FRG did acquire an option to produce nuclear weapons. The US opposed Israel’s nuclear weapon ambitions in turn because of an expectation that Arab states’ reactions could otherwise result in greater tension and risks of escalation and a worse balance-of-power in the area. But as also a US-Israel alliance could have led to stronger Arab-Soviet ties and thus a worse balance-of-power, and as it was not in US in-terest to be tied to Israel’s side in all regional issues, the US was not prepared to guarantee Israel’s security in a formal, credible way like it did in West Germany’s case. The US failed to persuade Israel to forgo producing nuclear weapons but gradually, an opaque nu-clear status combined with US arms sales that helped Israel to maintain a conventional military advantage over Arabs emerged as a solution to Israel’s security strategy. Because of perceptions that Israel and the FRG had also other options than cooperation with the US, and because the US ability to punish them for unwanted action was limited, these states were able to offer resistance when the US pressed its nonproliferation stance on them.
N2  - In meiner Doktorarbeit ‘Security Cooperation as a Way to Stop the Spread of Nuclear Weapons? Nuclear Nonproliferation Policies of the United States towards the Federal Republic of Germany and Israel, 1945-1968’ forsche ich die Anwendung von Sicherheitshilfe als Nukleare Nichtverbreitungspolitik. Ich benutze Erkenntnisse der strukturell-realistischen und rational-institutionalistischen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen um respektive einerseits wichtige aussenpolitische Ziele und die grundlegende Orientierung der Politik, und andererseits Praxis und die Wirkungen der Sicherheitskooperation auf das Verhalten der Staaten zu erläutern. Überdies studiere ich die Beziehungen der Vereinigten Staaten der America (USA) zu der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (BRD) und Israel aus der Perspektive der Verhandlungstheorie, um zu erklären, wie weit die USA fähig waren, die beiden anderen Staaten zu drängen, nach seinen Prefärenzen zu verhalten. Die Studie ist also eine Kombination von Theorie-Vorschlägen und Theorie-Testen und von historischer Beschreibung und Erläuterung. Die Studie ist auch relevant für Politik: ich suche allgemeine Lehren über die Benutzung von Sicherheitskooperation als Nichtverbreitungspolitik. Ich zeige, dass um Krisen mit Moskau und Drohungen gegen die Kohäsion der NATO zu meiden, die USA zu verhindern versucht haben, dass die BRD eigene Kernwaffen schaffen würde. Aber die USA haben gleichzeitig eingesehen, dass es nötig war, die Sicherheit der BRD glaubhaftig zu garantieren und die BRD gut zu behandeln, um zu gewährleisten, dass sie zufrieden als eine Allierte und ohne eigene Kernwaffen bleiben würde. Dieses is der USA durch verschiedene institutionalisierte Anordnungen für Sicher-heitskooperation gelungen – obwohl die BRD sich eine Option angeschafft hat, Kernwaffen zu produzieren. Die USA waren gegen Israel’s Kernwaffenambitionen wegen der Erwartung, dass die Reaktionen der Arabstaaten sonst zu verstärkten Spannungen und Risiken der Eskalation und zu einem verschlechterten Machtgleichgewicht in der Region führen könnten. Aber weil auch eine US-Israel Allianz zu einem stärkeren Arab-Soviet Band und deswegen zu einen verschlechterten Machtgleichgewicht hätte führen können, und da es nicht im Interesse der USA war, in allen regionalen Fragen auf der Seite Israel’s gebunden zu bleiben, waren die USA nicht bereit, wie im Fall von der BRD, die Sicherheit Israel’s auf einer formalen, glaubhaften Weise zu garantieren. Die USA sind daran gescheitert, Israel davon zu überzeugen, auf Kernwaffenproduktion zu verzichten, aber graduell ist ein opaker Kernwaffenstatus, verbunden mit amerikanischen Waffen-verkaufen, die dem Israel geholfen haben, eine konventionelle militärische Überlegenheit über die Araber zu behalten, als eine Lösung zu Israel’s Sicherheitsstrategie entstanden. Wegen der Erkenntnisse, dass Israel und die BRD auch andere Optionen als die Kooperation mit der USA hatten, und weil die Fähigkeit der USA beschränkt war, die zwei Staaten wegen nichterwünschten Aktionen zu bestrafen, waren diese fähig, sich zu widersetzen, als die USA versucht haben, sie zu ihrer Einstellung der Nichtverbreitung zu drängen.
KW  - Nichtverbreitung von Kernwaffen
KW  - Atomwaffensperrvertrag
KW  - Atomwaffen
KW  - Zusammenarbeit in Sicherheitsfragen
KW  - Gleichgewicht der Kräfte
KW  - Nuclear non-proliferation
KW  - nuclear non-proliferation treaty
KW  - nuclear weapons
KW  - security cooperation
KW  - balance of power
Y1  - 2007
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-31459
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Franzke, Jochen
T1  - Managing sectoral transition : the case of Slovak agricultural administration
N2  - Agricultural policy in the transition states of Central Eastern Europe is a very complex issue – ranging from privatisation of farm land, the establishment of agricultural markets to detailed questions of veterinary care, plant health and animal nutrition. Its main elements are the introduction of market liberalization, farm restructuring, privatisation, the reform of the sector and the creation of supporting market institutions and services.1 In this process central state agriculture administration plays a decisive role. This paper is summing up the research of the author on Slovak agricultural administration between 2002 and 2004. This work was part of a DFG-funded research project on “Genesis, Organization and Efficiency of the central-state Ministerial Administration in Central and Eastern Europe”. The project was analysing the processes, results and efficiency of administrative structures at central-state level in Estonia, Poland and Slovakia with reference to public administration in the policy fields of agriculture and telecommunications. The paper is reflecting the situation in the sector and its administration at the beginning of 2004. At first, an overview of the role of the agricultural sector in Slovak economy in the past and presence is provided (section I). Against this background, the development of the agricultural policy in the different periods since 1989 will be analysed, mainly what privatisation, accession to the EU and subsidy policy are concerned (section II). A detailed study of the developments in agricultural administration forms the next part of the paper (section III), i.e. the changes taking place in the ministry of agriculture and in the other institutions responsible for the implementation of agricultural policy. The role of interest groups in agriculture is briefly analysed (section IV). In the conclusions two different scenarios on the further development of Slovak agricultural administration will be deployed.
T3  - Forschungspapiere "Probleme der Öffentlichen Verwaltung in Mittel- und Osteuropa" - 04 
KW  - Slovakia
KW  - agricultural policy
KW  - economy
KW  - administration
KW  - ministry of agriculture
KW  - interest group
Y1  - 2005
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-5946
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
ED  - Campbell, Tim
ED  - Fuhr, Harald
T1  - Leadership and innovation in subnational government : case studies from Latin America
N2  - This book is about inventing successes and good practices of governments that are "closer to the people". Numerous examples throughout Latin America indicate-often despite macroeconomic instability, high inflation, and strong top-down regulation-that subnational actors have repeatedly achieved what their central counterparts preached: sound policymaking, better administration, better services, more participation, and sustained economic development. But what makes some governments change course and move toward innovation? What triggers experimentation and, eventually, turns ordinary practice into good practice? The book answers some of these questions. It goes beyond a mere documentation of good and best practice, which is increasingly provided through international networks and Internet sites. Instead, it seeks a better understanding of the origins and fates of such successes at the micro level. The case studies and analytical chapters seek to explain: How good practice is born at the local level; Where innovative ideas come from; How such ideas are introduced in a new context, successfully implemented, and propagated locally and beyond; What donors can do to effectively assist processes of self-induced and bottom-up change.
KW  - Lateinamerika
KW  - Governance
KW  - Verwaltungsreform
KW  - Dezentralisation
KW  - Decentralization in government
KW  - Latin America
KW  - Case studies
Y1  - 2004
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-5793
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Hocking, Brian
T1  - Bridging boundaries: creating linkages : non-central governments and multilayered policy environments
N2  - Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.
Y1  - 1996
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11126
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Zyla, Benjamin
T1  - Multilateralism à la Carte? : The Bush II administration and US foreign policy
N2  - The use of unilateral force under George W. Bush is not a new phenomenon in US foreign policy. As the author argues, it is merely a continuation of Bill Clinton’s foreign policy and is deeply rooted in both the foreign policy traditions of Jacksonianism and Wilsonianism. The analysis concludes that Clinton used unilateralist foreign policy with a 'smile' whereas the Bush administration uses it with an attitude.
N2  - Die unilaterale Außenpolitik unter George W. Bush ist kein neues Phänomen der US-Diplomatie. Dem Autor zufolge ist sie vielmehr eine Fortführung der Politik der Clinton-Regierung und hat ihre Wurzeln in den Traditionen eines Andrew Jackson und Woodrow Wilson. Clinton vermochte jedoch seine unilaterale Politik mit einem "Lächeln" zu verkaufen, wohingegen die Art und Weise der Bush-Administration stets Irritationen hervorrief.
KW  - US-Außenpolitik
KW  - George W. Bush
KW  - Unilateralismus
KW  - US foreign policy
KW  - George W. Bush
KW  - unilateralism
Y1  - 2007
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-13439
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Tavassoli, Gholam-Abbas
T1  - Islamic movements in Iran
N2  - The modernist Islamic Movement sought to reconcile modern values and Islamic faith and attempted to express these values through an Islamic discourse and to reform political, religious and educational institutions along modernist lines. However, such a movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran raised controversy among the traditional leadership and secular intellectual groups. The aim of this paper is to discuss how far modernist Islam could progress in an islamic republic with an old tradition.
KW  - Iran
KW  - Modernisierung
KW  - Islam
KW  - islamistische Bewegungen
KW  - Iran
KW  - modernization
KW  - Islam
KW  - Islamic movements
Y1  - 2004
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9699
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Tragl, Stefanie
T1  - The Development of Polish Telecommunications Administration (1989 - 2003)
N2  - The development of the Polish telecommunications administration in the years 1989/90 to 2003 is marked by the processes of liberalisation and privatisation the telecommunications sector underwent during that period. The gradual liberalisation of the Polish telecommunications sector started as early as 1992. In the beginning, national strategies were pursued. The most important of these was the creation of a bipolar market structure in the local area networks. In the second half of the 1990ies the approaching EU membership accelerated the process of liberalisation and consequently the development of a framework of regulations. EU standards are more directed towards setting out a legal framework for regulation than prescribing concrete details of administrative organisation. Nevertheless, the independent regulatory agencies typical for Western Europe served as a model for the introduction of a new regulatory body responsible for the telecommunications sector in Poland. The growing influence of EU legislation changed telecommunications policy as well as administrative practices. There has been a shift of responsibilities from the ministry to the regulatory agency, but the question remains, if the agency gained enough power to fulfil its regulatory function. In the following the legislative framework created by the EU in telecommunications policy will be described and the model of independent regulatory agencies, as it is typical for most EU countries, will be introduced. Some categories for the analysis of the Polish regulatory system will be deduced from the discussion on the regulations of telecommunication in the established EU-Nations (see Böllhoff 2002 and 2003, Thatcher 2002a and 2002b, Thatcher/Stone Sweet 2002). Subsequently the basic features of Polish telecommunication policies in the 1990ies and its effects on the telecommunications sector will be outlined. In the third chapter the development of organisational structures on the ministerial level and within the regulatory agency will be examined. In the forth chapter I will look at the distribution of power and the coordination of the various authorities responsible for telecommunication regulations. The focus of this chapter is on the Polish regulatory agency and its relationships with the ministry, with the anti-monopoly office and with the Broadcasting and Television Council. In a conclusion, the main findings will be summed up.
T3  - Forschungspapiere "Probleme der Öffentlichen Verwaltung in Mittel- und Osteuropa" - 02 
KW  - Polen
KW  - Telekommunikation
KW  - Verwaltung
Y1  - 2005
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-3607
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Dahlmann, Olaf
T1  - Government stability in Estonia: Wishful Thinking or Reality? : An evaluation of Estonia's governments from the 1992 elections up to 2003 [including a comment of the cabinet of Juhan Parts up to February 2005]
N2  - This article examines the multiple governments of independent Estonia since 1992 referring to their stability. Confronted with the immense problems of democratic transition, the multi-party governments of Estonia change comparatively often. Following the elections of March 2003 the ninth government since 1992 was formed. A detailed examination of government stability and the example of Estonia is accordingly warranted, given that the country is seen as the most successful Central Eastern European transition country in spite of its frequent changes of government. Furthermore, this article questions whether or not internal government stability can exist within a situation where the government changes frequently. What does stability of government mean and what are the varying multi-faceted depths of the term? Before analysing the term, it has to be clarified and defined. It is presumed that government stability is composed of multiple variables influencing one another. Data about the average tenure of a government is not very conclusive. Rather, the deeper political causes for governmental change need to be examined. Therefore, this article discusses the conceptual and theoretical basics of governmental stability first. Secondly, it discusses the Estonian situation in detail up to the elections of 2003, including a short review of the 9th government since independence. In the conclusion, the author explains whether or not the governments of Estonia are stable. In the appendix, the reader finds all election results and also a list of all previous ministers of Estonian governments (all data are as of July 2002).
T3  - Forschungspapiere "Probleme der Öffentlichen Verwaltung in Mittel- und Osteuropa" - 03 
KW  - Estonia
KW  - government
KW  - parliament
KW  - fluctuation
KW  - professionalization
Y1  - 2005
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-3613
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dorsch, Christian
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
T1  - Organized hypocrisy of the international community
BT  - an institutionalist explanation of the UN security council’s contradictory activity on darfur
JF  - Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung
Y1  - 2014
U6  - https://doi.org/10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8
SN  - 1438-8332
SN  - 2589-1510
VL  - 15
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 8
EP  - 31
PB  - Velbrück Wissenschaft
CY  - Weilerswist
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Ganghof, Steffen
T1  - Designing Democratic Constitutions
BT  - The Search for Optimality
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2  - This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 120 
KW  - electoral systems
KW  - parliamentary government
KW  - presidential government
KW  - semi-parliamentary government
Y1  - 2020
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-445408
SN  - 1867-5808
IS  - 120
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Zhu, Jinshan
T1  - Assessing China’s price review policy on Clean Development Mechanism projects
JF  - European Journal of Law and Economics
N2  - The Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows developed countries to meet part of their obligational emission reductions by carrying out emission reduction projects in developing countries. China imposed a price floor to the CDM carbon credits produced in China through its price review policy. Scholars have not agreed on the purpose of China’s price review policy. With a theoretical model and a coherent empirical study, the present study shows that the price floor imposed by China’s price review is more likely to protect those domestic project owners against price discrimination, rather than to distort the CDM market. Nevertheless, China’s price review has its own flaws. Although a regression study shows month of approval, types of projects and location of project can explain 55% of price floor designation, the operation of price review remains quite random and unpredictable in individual cases. This would bring extra bureaucratically uncertainty on its way to curb market uncertainty. Its function can be fulfilled by alternative policy tools with better economic efficiency and legal legitimacy, such as mandatory price disclosure and trading forum, which doesn’t have such drawback, but still be able to alleviate possible price discrimination in individual cases.
KW  - CDM
KW  - China
KW  - Price review
KW  - Price floor
KW  - Law and economics
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10657-016-9550-3
SN  - 0929-1261
SN  - 1572-9990
VL  - 43
SP  - 285
EP  - 316
PB  - Springer
CY  - New York
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Borgnäs, Kajsa
T1  - Indicators as ‘circular argumentation constructs’?
BT  - an input–output analysis of the variable structure of five environmental sustainability country rankings
JF  - Environment, Development and Sustainability
N2  - This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of ‘circular argumentation construct’. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.
KW  - Sustainability indicators
KW  - Rankings
KW  - Weak and strong sustainability
KW  - Measurement theory
KW  - Circular argumentation
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0
SN  - 1387-585X
SN  - 1573-2975
VL  - 19
SP  - 769
EP  - 790
PB  - Springer
CY  - Dordrecht
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fitzi, Gregor
A1  - Mele, Vincenzo
T1  - The corrosion of character
BT  - Work and personality in the modern age
JF  - Journal of Classical Sociology
N2  - The topic of this imaginary dialogue between Georg Simmel and Max Weber is the relation between work – in the sense of labour – and personality. Its aim is to show that the thinking of these ‘founding fathers’ of sociology can furnish valuable insight into the current issue of the corrosion of character in contemporary post-Fordist society. The concept of work still represents one of the major factors determining modern individuals’ ability (or inability) to formulate personal, stable identities that enable them to become fully socialized. Both Simmel and Weber make reference to a common theoretical background that views the human being as a creature with originally rational potential, who is faced with the task of becoming a personality by means of consciously chosen life behaviour: This is evident in the parallelism between Simmel’s interest in the concept of ‘style of life’ (Der Stil des Lebens) and Weber’s research on the ‘life conduct’ (Lebensführung) that arose in Western rationalistic culture.
KW  - Character
KW  - conduct of life
KW  - flexibility
KW  - identity
KW  - lifestyle
KW  - personality
KW  - Simmel
KW  - Weber
KW  - work
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/1468795X17693436
SN  - 1468-795X
SN  - 1741-2897
VL  - 17
IS  - 2
SP  - 143
EP  - 155
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - BOOK
A1  - Koss, Michael
T1  - The politics of party funding
BT  - state funding to political parties and party competition in Western Europe
T3  - Comparative politics
N2  - 'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.
Y1  - 2011
SN  - 978-0-19-957275-5
SN  - 978-0-19-159510-3
PB  - Oxford University Press
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Eppner, Sebastian
A1  - Ganghof, Steffen
T1  - Institutional veto players and cabinet formation
BT  - the veto control hypothesis reconsidered
JF  - European journal of political research : official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research
N2  - Are potential cabinets more likely to form when they control institutional veto players such as symmetric second chambers or minority vetoes? Existing evidence for a causal effect of veto control has been weak. This article presents evidence for this effect on the basis of conditional and mixed logit analyses of government formations in 21 parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies between 1955 and 2012. It also shows that the size of the effect varies systematically across political-institutional contexts. The estimated causal effect was greater in countries that eventually abolished the relevant veto institutions. It is suggested that the incidence of constitutional reform is a proxy for context-specific factors that increased the incentives for veto control and simultaneously provided a stimulus for the weakening of institutional veto power.
KW  - government formation
KW  - veto players
KW  - second chambers
Y1  - 2016
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12172
SN  - 0304-4130
SN  - 1475-6765
VL  - 56
IS  - 1
SP  - 169
EP  - 186
PB  - Wiley
CY  - Hoboken
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Sorge, Arndt
A1  - Streeck, Wolfgang
T1  - Diversified quality production revisited
BT  - its contribution to German socio-economic performance over time
JF  - Socio-economic review
N2  - We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major ‘complementarities’ disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.
KW  - production concepts
KW  - manufacturing
KW  - diversified quality production
KW  - industrial organization
KW  - industrial relations
KW  - industrial restructuring
KW  - globalization
KW  - skills
KW  - Germany
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwy022
SN  - 1475-1461
SN  - 1475-147X
VL  - 16
IS  - 3
SP  - 587
EP  - 612
PB  - Oxford Univ. Press
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Forlenza, Rosario
A1  - Turner, Bryan S.
T1  - Das Abendland
BT  - The politics of Europe’s religious borders
JF  - Critical research on religion : crr
N2  - The religious borders of Europe, which are more evident and controversial than ever, challenge established forms of political legitimacy and the legal requirements for citizenship. Perhaps covertly rather than overtly, they shape politics and policies. While scholars have once again resorted to Edward Said’s Orientalism to describe the dynamic at play, this article argues that the Orientalism narrative of East and West is too simple to capture the actual complexity of Europe’s borders. There are four religious and thus four cultural-symbolic borders, which are increasingly defining the continent: north-western Europe is Protestant, southern Europe is Catholic, the East is Orthodox and increasingly nationalist, and the South and Near East are Muslim. The cultural purity and the values that Europe craves in search of identity and order are simply not available in a world of global interconnectedness and social diversity.
KW  - Abendland
KW  - Catholicism
KW  - Protestantism
KW  - Orthodoxy
KW  - Islam
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/2050303218774891
SN  - 2050-3032
SN  - 2050-3040
VL  - 7
IS  - 1
SP  - 6
EP  - 23
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - Thousand Oaks
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena
T1  - An organizational approach to public governance
BT  - understanding and design
JF  - Public administration
N2  - In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an ‘organizational approach to public governance’ (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes (‘Understanding’) and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration (‘Design’). Following the authors’ introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3–8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible ‘design implications’ of said findings (chapter 9). Their ‘organizational approach’ focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision‐making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy‐making generally (‘public governance’) and administrative politics more specifically (‘meta‐governance’). The authors concentrate on three sets of ‘classical’ organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes ‘formal organization matters’—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well‐established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature.

In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks’ principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non‐territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non‐territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision‐making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff.

Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi‐level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non‐territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of ‘direct’ national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials’ behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter‐institutional coordination with the superior ministry.

The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta‐governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions (‘action rationality’, p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision‐making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta‐governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary‐spanning challenges such as climate change through inter‐organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.).

This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined ‘organization matters’ argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision‐making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta‐governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the ‘solutions in search of a problem’ idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors’ idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats’ demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12).

Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about ‘steering through collective action’ (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non‐governmental actors in the policy‐making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non‐bureaucratic organizations.

Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature‐based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self‐reported behaviour through large‐N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the ‘causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes’ (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real‐world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a ‘craft’ (p. 29).
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12590
SN  - 0033-3298
SN  - 1467-9299
VL  - 97
IS  - 2
SP  - 483
EP  - 485
PB  - Wiley
CY  - Hoboken
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Heucher, Angela
T1  - Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance
T2  - Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z
SN  - 1876-4517
SN  - 1876-4525
VL  - 11
IS  - 3
SP  - 555
EP  - 558
PB  - Springer Netherlands
CY  - Dordrecht
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Lewis, Simon
A1  - Waligorska, Magdalena
T1  - Introduction: Poland’s Wars of Symbols
JF  - East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures
N2  - This introduction to the special section on Poland’s wars of symbols analyzes the symbolic contestation that has characterized the country in recent years, studying a range of phenomena including nation, gender, memory, and religious symbolism within the overall framework of political conflict. In doing so, it offers a multidisciplinary view on political fractures that have resonated throughout Europe and the “West.” Overall, the four case studies in this section study ways in which national symbols, topoi, and narratives have been deployed as tools in drawing and redrawing boundaries within society, polarizing and mobilizing the political camps as well as contesting and resisting power. These studies enable us to situate recent political events in a historical perspective, mapping the rise of populism in Poland against the background of legacies specific to the East-Central European region.
KW  - Poland
KW  - nationalism
KW  - political symbols
KW  - culture
KW  - populism
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325418821418
SN  - 0888-3254
SN  - 1533-8371
VL  - 33
IS  - 2
SP  - 423
EP  - 434
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - Thousand Oaks
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.
T1  - Feigning Democracy
BT  - Performing Representation in the UN-REDD Funded Nigeria-REDD Programme
JF  - Conservation & society
N2  - Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation plus the sustainable management of forest and enhancement of carbon stocks (REDD+) is a global climate change mitigation initiative. The United Nations REDD Programme (UN-REDD) is training governments in developing countries, including Nigeria, to implement REDD+. To protect local people, UN-REDD has developed social safeguards including a commitment to strengthen local democracy to prevent an elite capture of REDD+ benefits. This study examines local participation and representation in the UN-REDD international policy board and in the national-level design process for the Nigeria-REDD proposal, to see if practices are congruent with the UN-REDD commitment to local democracy. It is based on research in Nigeria in 2012 and 2013, and finds that local representation in the UN-REDD policy board and in Nigeria-REDD is not substantive. Participation is merely symbolic. For example, elected local government authorities, who ostensibly represent rural people, are neither present in the UN-REDD board nor were they invited to the participatory forums that vetted the Nigeria-REDD. They were excluded because they were politically weak. However, UN-REDD approved the Nigeria-REDD proposal without a strategy to include or strengthen elected local governments. The study concludes with recommendations to help the UN-REDD strengthen elected local government authority in Nigeria in support of democratic local representation.
KW  - REDD
KW  - climate change mitigation
KW  - UN-REDD
KW  - democracy
KW  - Nigeria
KW  - symbolic representation
KW  - local government
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.4103/cs.cs_16_106
SN  - 0972-4923
SN  - 0975-3133
VL  - 15
IS  - 4
SP  - 384
EP  - 399
PB  - Medknow publications & media Pvt LTD
CY  - Mumbai
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Hickmann, Thomas
T1  - Rezension zu: Andonova, Liliana B: Governance Entrepreneurs: International Organizations and the Rise of Global Public-Private Partnerships. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017. - XI,275 S. - ISBN 978-1-107-16566-3
JF  - Global environmental politics
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_r_00510
SN  - 1526-3800
SN  - 1536-0091
VL  - 19
IS  - 2
SP  - 175
EP  - 177
PB  - MIT Press
CY  - Cambridge
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Jann, Werner
A1  - Wegrich, Kai
T1  - Generalists and specialists in executive politics: Why ambitious meta-policies so often fail
JF  - Public administration
N2  - This article contributes to the politics of policy‐making in executive government. It introduces the analytical distinction between generalists and specialists as antagonistic players in executive politics and develops the claim that policy specialists are in a structurally advantaged position to succeed in executive politics and to fend off attempts by generalists to influence policy choices through cross‐cutting reform measures. Contrary to traditional textbook public administration, we explain the views of generalists and specialists not through their training but their positions within an organization. We combine established approaches from public policy and organization theory to substantiate this claim and to define the dilemma that generalists face when developing government‐wide reform policies (‘meta‐policies’) as well as strategies to address this problem. The article suggests that the conceptual distinction between generalists and specialists allows for a more precise analysis of the challenges for policy‐making across government organizations than established approaches.
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12614
SN  - 0033-3298
SN  - 1467-9299
VL  - 97
IS  - 4
SP  - 845
EP  - 860
PB  - Wiley
CY  - Hoboken
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kaya, Muzaffer
T1  - The potentials and challenges of left populism in Turkey
BT  - the case of the peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP)
JF  - British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
N2  - In spring 2015, Turkey witnessed the unexpected rise of the HDP, founded by the Kurdish Liberation Movement together with the Turkish radical left, against President Erdoğan’s authoritarian rule. In this article, I will employ contemporary literature on left populism to explain the HDP’s rise as an alternative left hegemonic project against the neoliberal authoritarianism that Erdoğan represents. After discussing the historical context from which the HDP emerged and grew, I will evaluate its discourse and strategies based on a conceptualization of left-wing populism. Lastly, I will discuss the challenges that the HDP confronted after the June 2015 elections and the differences between the Turkish and Western European contexts for a left-wing populist strategy.
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2019.1634398
SN  - 1353-0194
SN  - 1469-3542
VL  - 46
IS  - 5
SP  - 797
EP  - 812
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Seyfried, Markus
A1  - Reith, Florian
T1  - The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research
JF  - Quality in higher education
N2  - Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each ‘sin’ illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.
KW  - Quality management
KW  - higher education
KW  - governance
KW  - trade-offs
KW  - teaching
KW  - research
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943
SN  - 1353-8322
SN  - 1470-1081
VL  - 25
IS  - 3
SP  - 289
EP  - 303
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Bach, Stefan
A1  - Thiemann, Andreas
A1  - Zucco, Aline
T1  - Looking for the missing rich: tracing the top tail of the wealth distribution
JF  - International Tax and Public Finance
N2  - We analyse the top tail of the wealth distribution in France, Germany, and Spain using the first and second waves of the Household Finance and Consumption Survey (HFCS). Since top wealth is likely to be under-represented in household surveys, we integrate big fortunes from rich lists, estimate a Pareto distribution, and impute the missing rich. In addition to the Forbes list, we rely on national rich lists since they represent a broader base of the big fortunes in those countries. As a result, the top 1% wealth share increases notably for the three selected countries after imputing the top wealth. We find that national rich lists can improve the estimation of the Pareto coefficient in particular when the list of national USD billionaires is short.
KW  - Wealth distribution
KW  - Missing rich
KW  - Pareto distribution
KW  - HFCS
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10797-019-09578-1
SN  - 0927-5940
SN  - 1573-6970
VL  - 26
IS  - 6
SP  - 1234
EP  - 1258
PB  - Springer
CY  - Dordrecht
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Fitzi, Gregor
A1  - Turner, Bryan S.
T1  - Introduction: From politics as a vocation to politics as a profession
T2  - Journal of Classical Sociology
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/1468795X19851341
SN  - 1468-795X
SN  - 1741-2897
VL  - 19
IS  - 4
SP  - 311
EP  - 315
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.
T1  - Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs
JF  - the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS
N2  - Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 978-3-319-60579-1
SN  - 978-3-319-60578-4
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8
SP  - 203
EP  - 225
PB  - Palgrave
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Jakupec, Viktor
T1  - A Critique of the development aid discourse
JF  - Development aid—populism and the end of the neoliberal agenda
N2  - Despite the fact that development aid has broadened from economic growth theory to include human and social capital, there is a lack of a general agreement as to its benefits. This critical review and analyses of the development aid academic and institutional discourse identifies some major shortcomings. The dominance of economics at the expense of politics, and the imposition of development aid neoliberal conditionalities act as barriers to socio-economic development in aid recipient countries. An inference is offered to recast development aid through reconciliation within critical frameworks of different sides of the political spectrum.
KW  - Development aid
KW  - Aid conditionalities
KW  - Political economy Socio-economic development
KW  - Neoliberalism
KW  - Development aid criticism
Y1  - 2017
SN  - 978-3-319-72748-6
SN  - 978-3-319-72747-9
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_3
SN  - 2211-4548
SN  - 2211-4556
SP  - 37
EP  - 52
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Hustedt, Thurid
T1  - Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles
JF  - Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 978-1-78643-169-1
SN  - 978-1-78643-168-4
SP  - 72
EP  - 90
PB  - Edward Elgar Publishing  LTD
CY  - Cheltenham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp
A1  - Hickmann, Thomas
A1  - Stehle, Fee
T1  - The Role of Cities in South Africa’s Energy Gridlock
JF  - Case Studies in the Environment
N2  - South Africa’s energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities’ municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa’s energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country’s energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political–economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1525/cse.2018.001297
SN  - 2473-9510
VL  - 2
IS  - 1
SP  - 1
EP  - 7
PB  - University of California Press
CY  - Oakland
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Scheller, Henrik
T1  - German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?
JF  - Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives
N2  - Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 978-1-55339-535-5
SN  - 978-1-55339-536-2
SP  - 255
EP  - 279
PB  - McGill-Queens University Press
CY  - Montreal
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Pschichholz, Christin
T1  - The First World Warasa Caesura?
BT  - Demographic Concepts, Population Policy, and Genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg Spheres
JF  - The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-428-18146-9
SN  - 978-3-428-58146-7
SP  - 7
EP  - 12
PB  - Duncker & Humblot
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Reith, Florian
A1  - Seyfried, Markus
T1  - Balancing the Moods
BT  - Quality Managers’ Perceptions and Actions Against Resistance
JF  - Higher education policy
N2  - Quality management (QM) has spread around the world and reached higher education in Europe in the early 1990s (Mendel, 2006, 137; Kernegger and Vettori, 2013, 1). However, researchers were rather more interested in national quality assurance policies (macro-level) and accreditation systems (meso-level) than in intra-organizational perspectives about the day-to-day implementation of quality assurance policies by various actors (micro-level). Undoubtedly, organizational change is a challenging endeavor for all kinds of groups. On the one hand, it provides the opportunity of further development and innovation, but on the other hand, it exposes organizations and actors to the risk of losing established structures and accepted routines.

Like in many other organizations, actors may not necessarily perceive change as a promoter of innovation and development. Instead, they may consider change as a threat to the existing status quo or, as March points out, as an “interplay between rationality and foolishness” (March, 1981, 563). Consequently, change provokes either affective or behavioral actions (Armenakis and Bedeian, 1999, 308–310), such as, for example, resistance. Anderson (2006, 2008) and Lucas (2014) have shown, for example, that academic resistance is an important issue. However, Piderit characterizes resistance as a multidimensional construct (Piderit, 2000, 786–787) subject to a wide variety of issues related to quality and QM. Although QM has been described as a “fashion” (Stensaker, 2007, 101) in the higher education sector that provokes many different reactions, its implementation in higher education institutions (HEIs) is still a rather unexplored field. Thus, the evidence provided by Anderson (2006, 2008) and others (Newton, 2000, 2002; McInnis et al., 1995; Fredman and Doughney, 2012; Lucas, 2014; etc.) needs to be expanded, because they only consider the perspective of academia. In particular, the view of other actors during the implementation of quality assurance policies is a missing piece in this empirical puzzle. Nearly nothing is known about how quality managers deal with reactions to organizational change like resistance and obstruction. Until now, only a few studies have focused on intra-organizational dynamics (see, for example: Csizmadia et al., 2008; Lipnicka, 2016).

Besides the lack of research on the implementation of quality assurance policies in HEIs, quality managers seem to be an interesting subject for further investigations because they are “endogenous” to institutional processes. On the one hand, quality managers are the result of quality assurance policies, and on the other hand, they influence the implementation of quality assurance policies, which affect other actors (like academics, administrative staff, etc.). Here, quality managers, as members of an emerging higher education profession, are involved in various conflict lines between QM, HEI management and departments, which need further research (Seyfried and Pohlenz, 2018, 9).

Therefore, the aim of our paper is twofold: firstly, to answer the question of how quality managers perceive resistance, and secondly, which measures they take in situations of perceived resistance. We offer a new research perspective and argue that resistance is not merely provoked by organizational change; it also provokes counter-reactions by actors who are confronted with resistance. Thus, resistance seems to be rather endogenous.

To theorize our argument, we apply parts of the work of Christine Oliver (1991), which provides theoretical insights into strategic responses to institutional processes, ranging from acquiescence to manipulation (Oliver, 1991, 152). We, therefore, investigate the introduction of QM in teaching and learning, and the emergence of quality managers as higher education professionals as one of the results of quality assurance policies. Consequently, the introduction of QM may be considered as an institutional process provoking reactions and counter-reactions of various organizational units within HEIs. These circumstances are constitutive for how quality managers deal with resistance and other reactions toward organizational change. We use this theoretical framework to analyze the German higher education sector, because this particular case can be considered as a latecomer in New Public Management reforms (Schimank, 2005, 369) and Germany is a country where academic self-governance plays a very important role, and strongly influences academics’ behavior when it comes to organizational change (Wolter, 2004).

Our empirical results are based on a mixed-methods research design and integrate half-structured interviews and a nationwide survey at the central level in German HEIs, which excludes faculty members of QM (decentral level). They reveal that quality managers take different types of action when resistance occurs during the implementation of quality assurance policies. Furthermore, quality managers mainly react with different tactics. These tactics seem to be relevant for convincing academics and for the enhancement of their commitment to improve the quality of teaching and learning, instead of provoking further resistance or avoidance practices.

This article proceeds as follows: the next sections describe the context and explain our main theoretical concepts referring to the work of Oliver (1991) and others. After that, we present our case selection and the methodological framework, including the data sources and the operationalization of selected variables. Finally, we provide our empirical results about quality managers’ perceptions on resistance and we draw conclusions.
KW  - higher education
KW  - quality management
KW  - institutional processes
KW  - resistance
KW  - balancing
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41307-018-0124-6
SN  - 0952-8733
SN  - 1740-3863
VL  - 32
IS  - 1
SP  - 71
EP  - 91
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Krause, Tobias Alexander
A1  - Van Thiel, Sandra
T1  - Perceived managerial autonomy in municipally owned corporations
BT  - disentangling the impact of output control, process control, and policy-profession conflict
JF  - Public management review
N2  - Many European municipalities rely on municipally owned corporations (MOCs) to serve the public interest. Some MOCs, e.g. utilities or hospitals, are also aimed at generating financial revenue, others provide funded services like public transportation. Our article explores local governments’ approaches to the managerial control of influential MOCs. To conceptualize control, we distinguish control mechanisms (e.g. output control), correlates (e.g. policy-profession conflict), and perceived managerial autonomy. Drawing on a sample of 243 MOC top managers in Germany, structural equation modelling reveals four complex relationships between output control, process control, supervisor trust, and policy-profession conflict as antecedents of perceived managerial autonomy.
KW  - Managerial autonomy
KW  - municipally owned corporation
KW  - inter-organizational control
KW  - policy-profession conflict
KW  - trust
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/14719037.2018.1473472
SN  - 1471-9037
SN  - 1471-9045
VL  - 21
IS  - 2
SP  - 187
EP  - 211
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Ganghof, Steffen
A1  - Eppner, Sebastian
T1  - Patterns of accountability and representation
BT  - Why the executive-parties dimension cannot explain democratic performance
JF  - Politics
N2  - Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables – the executive-parties dimension (EPD) – to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies’ performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies’ performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.
KW  - bicameralism
KW  - consensus democracy
KW  - death penalty
KW  - democratic performance
KW  - effective district magnitude
KW  - executive-parties dimension
KW  - turnout
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395717710566
SN  - 0263-3957
SN  - 1467-9256
VL  - 39
IS  - 1
SP  - 113
EP  - 130
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - März, Moses Alexander
T1  - Imagining a politics of relation
BT  - Glissant’s border thought and the German border
JF  - Tydskrif vir letterkunde
N2  - This study explores the theoretical and political potentials of Édouard Glissant’s philosophy of relation and its approach to the issues of borders, migration, and the setup of political communities as proposed by his pensée nouvelle de la frontière (new border thought), against the background of the German migration crisis of 2015. The main argument of this article is that Glissant’s work offers an alternative epistemological and normative framework through which the contemporary political issues arising around the phenomenon of repressive border regimes can be studied. To demonstrate this point, this article works with Glissant’s border thought as an analytical lens and proposes a pathway for studying the contemporary German border regime. Particular emphasis is placed on the identification of potential areas where a Glissantian politics of relation could intervene with the goal of transforming borders from impermeable walls into points of passage. By exploring the political implications of his border thought, as well as the larger philosophical context from which it emerges, while using a transdisciplinary approach that borrows from literary and political studies, this work contributes to ongoing debates in postcolonial studies on borders and borderlessness, as well as Glissant’s political legacy in the twenty-first century.
KW  - Edouard Glissant
KW  - politics of relation
KW  - Germany
KW  - border regime
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.56i1.6271
SN  - 0041-476X
VL  - 56
IS  - 1
SP  - 49
EP  - 61
PB  - University of Pretoria
CY  - Pretoria
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Mielke, Jahel
T1  - Signals for 2 degrees C
BT  - the influence of policies, market factors and civil society actions on investment decisions for green infrastructure
JF  - Journal of Sustainable Finance & Investment
N2  - The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.
KW  - Green infrastructure investment
KW  - policy signals
KW  - green finance
KW  - climate change
KW  - institutional investors
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809
SN  - 2043-0795
SN  - 2043-0809
VL  - 9
IS  - 2
SP  - 87
EP  - 115
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Jakupec, Viktor
T1  - The Rise of Populism
JF  - Development Aid—Populism and the End of the Neoliberal Agenda
N2  - Drawing on the recent political developments in Europe and the USA, and the public discourse since 2016, an analysis of the rise of populism on the left and the right is articulated with the aim to provide an understanding of the contemporary populist political landscape. The Trump phenomenon and his form of populism is analysed within the context of foreign policy and development aid. This is contrasted with the neoliberal view couched in Fukuyama’s ‘End of History’ theorem, and the current popular sentiment towards anti-establishment and anti-globalisation in Western democracies.
KW  - Populism
KW  - Trump phenomenon
KW  - Development aid End of history
KW  - Foreign policy
KW  - Political establishment
Y1  - 2017
SN  - 978-3-319-72748-6
SN  - 978-3-319-72747-9
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72748-6_1
SN  - 2211-4548
SN  - 2211-4556
SP  - 1
EP  - 18
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - The authority of international public administrations
JF  - International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research
N2  - This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.
Y1  - 2016
SN  - 978-1-349-94977-9
SN  - 978-1-349-94976-2
SN  - 978-1-349-95692-0
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5
SP  - 97
EP  - 122
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan, London
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fleischer, Julia
T1  - Federal Administration
JF  - Public Administration in Germany
N2  - The federal administration is significantly small (around 10 percent of all public employees). This speciality of the German administrative system is based on the division of responsibilities: the central (federal) level drafts and adopts most of the laws and public programmes, and the state level (together with the municipal level) implements them. The administration of the federal level comprises the ministries, subordinated agencies for special and selected operational tasks (e.g. the authorisation of drugs, information security and registration of refugees) in distinct administrative sectors (e.g. foreign service, armed forces and federal police). The capacity for preparing and monitoring government bills and statutory instruments is well developed. Moreover, the instruments and tools of coordination are exemplary compared with other countries, although the recent digital turn has been adopted less advanced than elsewhere.
KW  - Cabinet
KW  - Coordination
KW  - Federal administration
KW  - Ministries
KW  - Policymaking
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-3-030-53696-1
SN  - 978-3-030-53697-8
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53697-8_5
SP  - 61
EP  - 79
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fleischer, Julia
A1  - Carstens, Nora
T1  - Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning
BT  - inside the digital transformation in Germany
JF  - Public Management Review
N2  - The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.
KW  - boundary spanning
KW  - collaboration
KW  - digitalization
KW  - inter-governmental relations
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803
SN  - 1470-1065
SN  - 1461-667X
VL  - 24
IS  - 8
SP  - 1208
EP  - 1225
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - CHAP
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - Conclusion
BT  - How steadfast is the iron throne?
T2  - Politics of repression under authoritarian rule
N2  - Does political repression work for authoritarian rule? On the one hand, repression is a hallmark of authoritarian governance. It denotes any action governments take to increase the costs of collective action. Autocrats consciously apply repression to curb popular opposition within their territorial jurisdiction. They repress in order to protect their policies, personnel, or other interests against challenges from below. Repression is, thus, a means to the end of political survival in non-democratic contexts. A useful means lives up to its promises. Does repression do that? This project started on the suspicion that we do not yet know the answer. This concluding chapter recalls the key theoretical ideas developed along the way, highlights the main findings of the book, and concludes with opportunities for future research.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_6
SP  - 163
EP  - 176
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Ganghof, Steffen
A1  - Eppner, Sebastian
A1  - Stecker, Christian
A1  - Heeß, Katja
A1  - Schukraft, Stefan
T1  - Do minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively?
BT  - evidence from Germany
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2  - A widespread view in political science is that minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively, more in line with a median-oriented and 'consensual' vision of democracy. Yet there is only little empirical evidence for it. We study legislative coalition-building in the German state of North-Rhine-Westphalia, which was ruled by a minority government between 2010 and 2012. We compare the inclusiveness of legislative coalitions under minority and majority cabinets, based on 1028 laws passed in the 1985–2017 period, and analyze in detail the flexibility of legislative coalition formation under the minority government. Both quantitative analyses are complemented with brief case studies of specific legislation. We find, first, that the minority cabinet did not rule more inclusively. Second, the minority cabinet’s legislative flexibility was fairly limited; to the extent that it existed, it follows a pattern that cannot be explained on the basis of the standard spatial model with policy-seeking parties.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 114 
KW  - Australian bicameralism
KW  - pledge fulfillment
KW  - majority formation
KW  - veto players
KW  - patterns
KW  - coalitions
KW  - consensus
KW  - democracy
KW  - parties
KW  - policy
Y1  - 2019
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434175
SN  - 1867-5808
IS  - 114
SP  - 541
EP  - 561
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Scianna, Bastian Matteo
T1  - A predisposition to brutality?
BT  - german practices against civilians and francs-tireurs during the Franco-Prussian war 1870–1871 and their relevance for the German ‘military Sonderweg’ debate
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Philosophische Reihe
N2  - The German Sonderweg thesis has been discarded in most research fields. Yet in regards to the military, things differ: all conflicts before the Second World War are interpreted as prelude to the war of extermination between 1939–1945. This article specifically looks at the Franco-Prussian War 1870–71 and German behaviour vis-à-vis regular combatants, civilians and irregular guerrilla fighters, the so-called francs-tireurs. The author argues that the counter-measures were not exceptional for nineteenth century warfare and also shows how selective reading of the existing secondary literature has distorted our view on the war.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Philosophische Reihe - 165 
KW  - francs-tireurs
KW  - levee en masse
KW  - myth of Franktireurkrieg
KW  - Franco-Prussian War
KW  - Geneva convention of 1864
KW  - Landwehr
KW  - siege of Paris 1870
Y1  - 2019
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-434218
SN  - 1866-8380
IS  - 165
SP  - 968
EP  - 993
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Liese, Andrea
A1  - Herold, Jana
A1  - Feil, Hauke
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
T1  - The heart of bureaucratic power
BT  - Explaining international bureaucracies’ expert authority
JF  - Review of international studies : RIS
N2  - Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.
KW  - Expert Authority
KW  - International Bureaucracies
KW  - International
KW  - Organisations
KW  - Neutrality
KW  - Performance
KW  - Survey
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1017/S026021052100005X
SN  - 0260-2105
SN  - 1469-9044
VL  - 47
IS  - 3
SP  - 353
EP  - 376
PB  - Cambridge Univ. Press
CY  - Cambridge
ER  - 
TY  - GEN
A1  - Caliendo, Marco
A1  - Schmidl, Ricarda
T1  - Youth unemployment and active labor market policies in Europe
T2  - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2  - Since the economic crisis in 2008, European youth unemployment rates have been persistently high at around 20% on average. The majority of European countries spends significant resources each year on active labor market programs (ALMP) with the aim of improving the integration prospects of struggling youths. Among the most common programs used are training courses, job search assistance and monitoring, subsidized employment, and public work programs. For policy makers, it is of upmost importance to know which of these programs work and which are able to achieve the intended goals – may it be the integration into the first labor market or further education. Based on a detailed assessment of the particularities of the youth labor market situation, we discuss the pros and cons of different ALMP types. We then provide a comprehensive survey of the recent evidence on the effectiveness of these ALMP for youth in Europe, highlighting factors that seem to promote or impede their effectiveness in practice. Overall, the findings with respect to employment outcomes are only partly promising. While job search assistance (with and without monitoring) results in overwhelmingly positive effects, we find more mixed effects for training and wage subsidies, whereas the effects for public work programs are clearly negative. The evidence on the impact of ALMP on furthering education participation as well as employment quality is scarce, requiring additional research and allowing only limited conclusions so far.
T3  - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 125 
KW  - youth unemployment
KW  - active labor market policies
KW  - evaluation
KW  - training
KW  - job search
Y1  - 2020
U6  - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-436950
SN  - 1867-5808
IS  - 125
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?
JF  - The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule
N2  - Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4
SN  - 2198-7289
SP  - 77
EP  - 120
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  -