TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dittberner, Jürgen
T1  - Die Freien Wähler und die Krise der Parteiendemokratie
JF  - Bürgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder
Y1  - 2009
SN  - 978-3-7338-0368-1
SP  - 22
EP  - 25
PB  - Koehler & Amelang
CY  - Leipzig
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kleger, Heinz
T1  - Moderne Bürgerreligion
JF  - Unerfüllte Moderne? neue Perspektiven auf das Werk von Charles Taylor
Y1  - 2011
SN  - 978-3-518-29618-9
SN  - 978-3-518-75491-7
SP  - 493
EP  - 528
PB  - Suhrkamp
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Liese, Andrea Margit
T1  - The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?
Y1  - 2013
SN  - 978-1-10-760936-5
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Beisheim, Marianne
A1  - Liese, Andrea Margit
T1  - Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research
Y1  - 2014
SN  - 978-1-137-35925-0
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dorsch, Christian
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
T1  - Organized hypocrisy of the international community
BT  - an institutionalist explanation of the UN security council’s contradictory activity on darfur
JF  - Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung
Y1  - 2014
U6  - https://doi.org/10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8
SN  - 1438-8332
SN  - 2589-1510
VL  - 15
IS  - 1-2
SP  - 8
EP  - 31
PB  - Velbrück Wissenschaft
CY  - Weilerswist
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Edinger, Sebastian
T1  - Von der Gouvernementalität (Foucault) zur planetarischen Biopolitik (Kondylis)?
BT  - Ein klassisch gewordenes Konzept und seine unbekannte Alternative
JF  - Die Stimme des Intellekts ist leise : Klassiker/innen des politischen Denkens abseits des Mainstreams
Y1  - 2015
SN  - 978-3-8487-2054-5
SP  - 325
EP  - 350
PB  - Nomos
CY  - Bade-Baden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Leib, Julia
T1  - Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding
JF  - Peace, conflict & development : an interdisciplinary journal
N2  - What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is
characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects
of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a
set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover
the dynamics of post-conflict peace.
KW  - civil war
KW  - peacebuilding
KW  - post-conflict peace
KW  - set theory
KW  - QCA
Y1  - 2016
SN  - 1742-0601
IS  - 22
SP  - 25
EP  - 76
PB  - Univ.
CY  - Bradford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - The authority of international public administrations
JF  - International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research
N2  - This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.
Y1  - 2016
SN  - 978-1-349-94977-9
SN  - 978-1-349-94976-2
SN  - 978-1-349-95692-0
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5
SP  - 97
EP  - 122
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan, London
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Weiß, Norman
T1  - Origin and Further Development
JF  - The Council of Europe
Y1  - 2017
SN  - 978-0-19-967252-3
SP  - 3
EP  - 22
PB  - Oxford University Press
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
A1  - Holzinger, Katharina
A1  - Biesenbender, Jan
T1  - Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union
BT  - Success, Failure, and Stability of Institutional Treaty Revisions
JF  - International Journal of Public Administration
N2  - Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267
SN  - 0190-0692
SN  - 1532-4265
VL  - 40
IS  - 14
SP  - 1237
EP  - 1249
PB  - Taylor & Francis
CY  - Philadelphia
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Daviter, Falk
T1  - Coping, taming or solving
BT  - alternative approaches to the governance of wicked problems
JF  - Policy studies
N2  - One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.
KW  - Wicked problems
KW  - complex problems
KW  - governance
KW  - problem-solving
KW  - policy analysis
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543
SN  - 0144-2872
SN  - 1470-1006
VL  - 38
IS  - 6
SP  - 571
EP  - 588
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Borgnäs, Kajsa
T1  - Indicators as ‘circular argumentation constructs’?
BT  - an input–output analysis of the variable structure of five environmental sustainability country rankings
JF  - Environment, Development and Sustainability
N2  - This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of ‘circular argumentation construct’. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.
KW  - Sustainability indicators
KW  - Rankings
KW  - Weak and strong sustainability
KW  - Measurement theory
KW  - Circular argumentation
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0
SN  - 1387-585X
SN  - 1573-2975
VL  - 19
SP  - 769
EP  - 790
PB  - Springer
CY  - Dordrecht
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Ganghof, Steffen
A1  - Eppner, Sebastian
T1  - Patterns of accountability and representation
BT  - Why the executive-parties dimension cannot explain democratic performance
JF  - Politics
N2  - Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables – the executive-parties dimension (EPD) – to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies’ performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies’ performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.
KW  - bicameralism
KW  - consensus democracy
KW  - death penalty
KW  - democratic performance
KW  - effective district magnitude
KW  - executive-parties dimension
KW  - turnout
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395717710566
SN  - 0263-3957
SN  - 1467-9256
VL  - 39
IS  - 1
SP  - 113
EP  - 130
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kuhlmann, Sabine
A1  - Seyfried, Markus
A1  - Brajnik, Irena Baclija
T1  - Mayors and administrative reforms
JF  - Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy
N2  - In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors’ perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.
KW  - New public management
KW  - Local administrative systems
KW  - Administrative reform
KW  - Public-private partnerships
Y1  - 2017
SN  - 978-3-319-67410-0
SN  - 978-3-319-67409-4
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13
SP  - 387
EP  - 409
PB  - Palgrave
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Esguerra, Alejandro
A1  - Beck, Silke
A1  - Lidskog, Rolf
T1  - Stakeholder Engagement in the Making
BT  - IPBES Legitimization Politics
JF  - Global environmental politics
N2  - A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1162/GLEP_a_00390
SN  - 1526-3800
SN  - 1536-0091
VL  - 17
SP  - 59
EP  - 76
PB  - MIT Press
CY  - Cambridge
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
T1  - Die Sanktionsausschüsse zwischen Macht und Regeln
T1  - Sanctions Committees Caught between Power and Rules
JF  - Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift für die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen
N2  - Sanktionen sind ein wichtiges Instrument des UN-Sicherheitsrats zur Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Viele zentrale Entscheidungen, wie etwa die Listung und Entlistung terrorverdächtiger Personen, werden fernab der Öffentlichkeit in Sanktionsausschüssen getroffen. Die Einsetzung dieser Ausschüsse hat die Entscheidungsdynamiken im Rat erheblich verändert.
N2  - Sanctions are an important instrument of the United Nations Security Council to maintain international peace and security. The Council, however, transfers many decisions, such as the listing and delisting of individuals suspected of supporting terrorism, to its subsidiary sanctions
committees, mostly beyond public scrutiny. The article explores, how the creation of sanctions committees has changed decision-making dynamics, how committee members can be committed to rules and what this might imply for Germany’s future role on the Council.
KW  - Al-Qaida
KW  - Iran
KW  - Sanktionen
KW  - Sicherheitsrat
KW  - Sudan
KW  - UN Security Council
KW  - Terrorismus
KW  - sanctions committee
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 0042-384X
SN  - 2366-6773
VL  - 66
IS  - 2
SP  - 62
EP  - 66
PB  - BWV
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Yilmaz, Zafer
T1  - Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey
BT  - radical imagination, affirmative resistance, and the new politics of desire and dignity
JF  - Mediterranean Quarterly
N2  - The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.
KW  - Erdogan
KW  - Turkish politics
KW  - democracy
KW  - authoritarianism
KW  - AKP
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-7003168
SN  - 1047-4552
SN  - 1527-1935
VL  - 29
IS  - 3
SP  - 55
EP  - 77
PB  - Duke Univ. Press
CY  - Durham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Wenzel, Bertolt
T1  - Rational instrument or symbolic signal?
BT  - Explaining coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission
JF  - Public Policy and Administration
N2  - This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.
KW  - Coordination structures
KW  - European Commission
KW  - fisheries policy
KW  - marine governance
KW  - organizational reform
KW  - organization theory
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/0952076716683764
SN  - 0952-0767
SN  - 1749-4192
VL  - 33
IS  - 2
SP  - 149
EP  - 169
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.
T1  - Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs
JF  - the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS
N2  - Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 978-3-319-60579-1
SN  - 978-3-319-60578-4
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8
SP  - 203
EP  - 225
PB  - Palgrave
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Hustedt, Thurid
T1  - Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles
JF  - Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 978-1-78643-169-1
SN  - 978-1-78643-168-4
SP  - 72
EP  - 90
PB  - Edward Elgar Publishing  LTD
CY  - Cheltenham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp
A1  - Hickmann, Thomas
A1  - Stehle, Fee
T1  - The Role of Cities in South Africa’s Energy Gridlock
JF  - Case Studies in the Environment
N2  - South Africa’s energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities’ municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa’s energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country’s energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political–economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1525/cse.2018.001297
SN  - 2473-9510
VL  - 2
IS  - 1
SP  - 1
EP  - 7
PB  - University of California Press
CY  - Oakland
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Scheller, Henrik
T1  - German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?
JF  - Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives
N2  - Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 978-1-55339-535-5
SN  - 978-1-55339-536-2
SP  - 255
EP  - 279
PB  - McGill-Queens University Press
CY  - Montreal
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Tran, C. T.
A1  - Mai, N. T.
A1  - Nguyen, V. T.
A1  - Nguyen, H. X.
A1  - Meharg, A.
A1  - Carey, M.
A1  - Dultz, S.
A1  - Marone, F.
A1  - Cichy, Sarah Bettina
A1  - Nguyen, Minh N.
T1  - Phytolith-associated potassium in fern
BT  - characterization, dissolution properties and implications for slash-and-burn agriculture
JF  - Soil use and Management
N2  - In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.
KW  - Potassium
KW  - phytolith
KW  - fern
KW  - Dicranopteris linearis
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1111/sum.12409
SN  - 0266-0032
SN  - 1475-2743
VL  - 34
IS  - 1
SP  - 28
EP  - 36
PB  - Wiley
CY  - Hoboken
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Reiners, Nina
T1  - Kontroversen um die Reform der UN-Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane
T1  - Controversies Over Reform of UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies
JF  - Vereinte Nationen
N2  - Das UN-Menschenrechtssystem steht unter gewaltigem Druck. In den aktuellen Diskussionen um die Reform der Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane offenbart sich eine Kluft zwischen Staaten in der Generalversammlung und Ausschussmitgliedern mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren.
N2  - The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) initiated a development towards a legally binding human rights treaty system. Ratification of the nine human rights treaties is universal and continuing. Recently, the treaty-based system has come under a lot of pressure. States not only lack commitment to their reporting obligations under human rights law and their financial contributions to the system, but openly question the working methods of the treaty bodies and their cooperation with civil society actors. As a result, the current reform process, to be concluded in 2020, also presents an opportunity to reevaluate the role of civil society actors for the development of human rights law.
KW  - Hochkommissariat für Menschenrechte (OHCHR)
KW  - Menschen- rechtserklärungen/-übereinkommen
KW  - human rights
KW  - Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 0042-384X
SN  - 2366-6773
VL  - 66
IS  - 6
SP  - 266
EP  - 271
PB  - BWV, Berliner Wiss.-Verl.
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kersting, Norbert
A1  - Kuhlmann, Sabine
T1  - Sub-municipal Units in Germany
BT  - Municipal and Metropolitan Districts
JF  - Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts
N2  - Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German Länder. In Berlin, Hamburg and München Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other Länder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.
Y1  - 2018
SN  - 978-3-319-64725-8
SN  - 978-3-319-64724-1
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5
SP  - 93
EP  - 118
PB  - Palgrave
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kuhlmann, Sabine
A1  - Bogumil, Jörg
T1  - Performance measurement and benchmarking as “reflexive institutions” for local governments
BT  - Germany, Sweden and England compared
JF  - International journal of public sector management
N2  - Purpose 
The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. 
Design/methodology/approach 
These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. 
Findings 
The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. 
Originality/value 
It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.
KW  - Benchmarking
KW  - Administration
KW  - Local government reform
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004
SN  - 0951-3558
SN  - 1758-6666
VL  - 31
IS  - 4
SP  - 543
EP  - 562
PB  - Emerald Group Publishing Limited
CY  - Bingley
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Ganghof, Steffen
A1  - Eppner, Sebastian
T1  - Faire Repräsentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide?
Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems


Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government
T1  - Fair representation versus clear decisions
On the reform of the electoral system and form of government
JF  - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft
N2  - The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015.
N2  - Die Fragmentierung europäischer Parteiensysteme und damit verbundene Schwierigkeiten bei der Koalitionsbildung haben zu einer Neuauflage altbekannter Debatten über unterschiedliche Wahlsysteme geführt. Einige Autoren sehen dabei bestimmte Wahlsysteme als optimalen Kompromiss zwischen den Prinzipien der Mehrheits- und der Verhältniswahl an. Wir argumentieren, dass diese Optimalitätsargumente eine konzeptionelle Schlagseite zugunsten „majoritärer“ Demokratiekonzeptionen haben. Eine anspruchsvolle „proportionale“ Demokratiekonzeption umfasst die Ziele mechanischer Proportionalität, multidimensionaler Repräsentation und wechselnder Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten. Diese Ziele lassen sich allerdings im parlamentarischen Regierungssystem nicht mit den Zielen der Mehrheitswahl vereinbaren. Der Grund ist, dass die relevanten Hürden des Wahlsystems gleichzeitig für die parlamentarische Repräsentation und die Teilnahme am Misstrauensvotum gelten. Erstere ist entscheidend für die proportionale, letztere für die majoritäre Konzeption der Demokratie. Sind wir bereit diese beiden Hürden zu entkoppeln – und somit das Regierungssystem zu verändern – ergibt sich eine Vielfalt neuer Reformoptionen. Wir illustrieren diese Punkte mit Daten für 29 demokratische Systeme im Zeitraum von 1995 bis 2015.
KW  - Forms of government
KW  - Types of democracy
KW  - Electoral systems
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7
SN  - 1865-2646
SN  - 1865-2654
VL  - 13
IS  - 3
SP  - 375
EP  - 397
PB  - Springer
CY  - Wiesbaden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Leib, Julia
T1  - The security and justice approach in liberia’s peace process
BT  - mechanistic evidence and local perception
JF  - Peace economics, peace science, and public policy
N2  - From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.
KW  - Liberia
KW  - peace process
KW  - peacekeeping
KW  - process tracing
KW  - survey
KW  - transitional justice
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2019-0033
SN  - 1554-8597
VL  - 25
IS  - 4
PB  - de Gruyter
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Gehring, Thomas
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
T1  - Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices
BT  - precedent pressure, ratchet effect, and council action regarding intrastate conflicts
JF  - Review of International Studies
N2  - Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P).
KW  - Security Council
KW  - International Practices
KW  - Constitutive Mechanism
KW  - Responsibility to Protect
KW  - Precedent
KW  - Ratchet Effect
Y1  - 2018
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210518000268
SN  - 0260-2105
SN  - 1469-9044
VL  - 45
IS  - 1
SP  - 120
EP  - 140
PB  - Univ.
CY  - Cambridge
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Liese, Andrea Margit
A1  - Reiners, Nina
T1  - The Eye of the Beholder?
BT  - The Contestation of Values and International Law ; Comment on Tiyanjana Maluwa
JF  - The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?
Y1  - 2019
SN  - 0191879398
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021
SP  - 335
EP  - 343
PB  - Oxford University Press
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Seyfried, Markus
A1  - Reith, Florian
T1  - The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research
JF  - Quality in higher education
N2  - Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each ‘sin’ illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.
KW  - Quality management
KW  - higher education
KW  - governance
KW  - trade-offs
KW  - teaching
KW  - research
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943
SN  - 1353-8322
SN  - 1470-1081
VL  - 25
IS  - 3
SP  - 289
EP  - 303
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Mielke, Jahel
T1  - Signals for 2 degrees C
BT  - the influence of policies, market factors and civil society actions on investment decisions for green infrastructure
JF  - Journal of Sustainable Finance & Investment
N2  - The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.
KW  - Green infrastructure investment
KW  - policy signals
KW  - green finance
KW  - climate change
KW  - institutional investors
Y1  - 2019
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809
SN  - 2043-0795
SN  - 2043-0809
VL  - 9
IS  - 2
SP  - 87
EP  - 115
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Gehring, Thomas
A1  - Dorsch, Christian
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
T1  - Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making
BT  - the power of informal institutional rules in the United Nations Security Council’s activities on terrorism
JF  - Journal of international relations and development
N2  - We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.
KW  - decision-making
KW  - doctrine
KW  - international organisations
KW  - precedent
KW  - Security Council
KW  - terrorism
Y1  - 2017
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5
SN  - 1581-1980
SN  - 1408-6980
VL  - 22
IS  - 1
SP  - 107
EP  - 135
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Basingstoke
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Brüning, Christina
T1  - Heterogenität
JF  - Wörterbuch Politikunterricht
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-7344-0953-0
SP  - 107
EP  - 110
PB  - Wochenschau
CY  - Frankfurt
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
T1  - Einführung
JF  - Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-658-30304-4
SN  - 978-3-658-30305-1
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1
SP  - 1
EP  - 5
PB  - Springer
CY  - Wiesbaden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
T1  - Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind – Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten
JF  - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
N2  - Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das Stück zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen können umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie anknüpfen. In dem Beitrag wird zunächst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind“ nachgegangen, vom Römischen Reich über die Französische Revolution, die totalitären Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im Stück thematisierten Verhältnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gefüge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer Überlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der Möglichkeit von Bildung und politischer Mündigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten“, Bullshit und Lügen diskutiert.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-658-30305-1
SN  - 978-3-658-30304-4
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1
SP  - 122
EP  - 137
PB  - Springer
CY  - Wiesbaden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Droll, Max
T1  - Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht
JF  - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
N2  - Eine relevante und höchst aktuelle Überschneidung fachübergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Phänomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing“ einer breiten Öffentlichkeit, die weit über fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erläutert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und für ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — häufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts ermöglicht die Entwicklung und Förderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erläutert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben für den Politikunterricht.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-658-30305-1
SN  - 978-3-658-30304-4
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13
SP  - 171
EP  - 180
PB  - Springer
CY  - Wiesbaden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Ruhe, Constantin
A1  - Leib, Julia
A1  - Weidmann, Nils B.
A1  - Bussmann, Margit
T1  - Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland
BT  - ein Kommentar zur Evaluation durch den Wissenschaftsrat
BT  - a comment on the evaluation by the german science council
JF  - Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung
N2  - Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und ergänzt die aktuelle Diskussion über die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erläutern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarität, Internationalität und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung für interdisziplinäre und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch für die Politikberatung ist. Zukünftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen berücksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu stärken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung“ der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.
N2  - This article reflects on and adds to the ongoing discussion of the German Science Council’s recommendations for the further development of peace and conflict research. We focus on the gaps in empirical-analytical research methodology identified by the German Science Council and elaborate how they affect interdisciplinary cooperation, international visibility and policy-oriented research within the German peace and conflict research community. We follow the analysis of the Science Council’s report and argue that a diversified training in as well as knowledge of empirical research methodology is of central importance for interdisciplinary and international cooperation as well as comprehensive policy-oriented research. Future initiatives within the peace and conflict research community should strive to reflect the methodological diversity of our research community and put a special emphasis on training in empirical-analytical research methodology, in order to strengthen the methodological expertise in this realm. Our article originates from a discussion within the working group on “Empirical Research Methods in Peace and Conflict Research” of the German Association for Peace and Conflict Studies’ (Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung e.V.—AFK).
T2  - Empirical-analytical peace and conflict research in Germany
KW  - Forschungsmethoden
KW  - Wissenschaftsrat
KW  - Interdisziplinarität
KW  - Internationalisierung
KW  - Politikberatung
KW  - Nachwuchsförderung
KW  - Methodenpluralismus
KW  - Research methods
KW  - German science council
KW  - Interdisciplinary research
KW  - International cooperation
KW  - Policy recommendations
KW  - Promoting young researchers
KW  - Methodological pluralism
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8
SN  - 2524-6976
SN  - 2192-1741
VL  - 9
IS  - 2
SP  - 443
EP  - 454
PB  - Springer
CY  - Wiesbaden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Leib, Julia
A1  - Ruppel, Samantha
T1  - The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms
JF  - European Political Science
N2  - How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students’ learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.
KW  - Active learning
KW  - Education
KW  - Negotiation
KW  - Simulations
KW  - UN
KW  - International relations
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3
SN  - 1682-0983
SN  - 1680-4333
VL  - 19
IS  - 3
SP  - 336
EP  - 351
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1  - Die Manosphere
BT  - die Rolle von digitalen Gemeinschaften und regressiven Bewegungsdynamiken für on- und offline Antifeminismus
JF  - Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen
N2  - Die sogenannte Manosphere – eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich hauptsächlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beiträge und Ideologien auszeichnet – ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschlägen in der letzten Zeit verstärkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang häufig vernachlässigte Rolle digitaler Räume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewalttätige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage für die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewalttätigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.
N2  - The Manosphere – a digital community ranging across different platforms, whose members are united by a shared misogynist, antifeminist ideology – has gained public attention in the wake of several male supremacist terrorist attacks. This article discusses the growing, yet under-researched, relevance of digital antifeminist networks for mobilization, socialization and activism in the context of regressive misogynist ideologies from a social movement perspective. At the example of manosphere-related parts of the social media platform Reddit, I illustrate the interplay between the technological infrastructure of the platform with the growing formation of a regressive and potentially violent online culture and community. These dynamics of a toxic technoculture, in turn, crucially enable particular radical and violent antifeminist and misogynist repertoires on- and offline.
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041
SN  - 2192-4848
SN  - 2365-9890
VL  - 33
IS  - 2
SP  - 491
EP  - 505
PB  - de Gruyter
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1  - Gender in the United Nations’ agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism
JF  - International feminist journal of politics
N2  - The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a “holistic” approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a “holistic” P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN’s security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security–development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.
KW  - Counterterrorism
KW  - gender mainstreaming
KW  - security–development nexus
KW  - discourse
KW  - United Nations
KW  - feminism
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967
SN  - 1461-6742
SN  - 1468-4470
VL  - 22
IS  - 5
SP  - 720
EP  - 741
PB  - Taylor & Francis
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression
JF  - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule
N2  - This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3
SN  - 2198-7289
SP  - 43
EP  - 75
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
ED  - Achour, Sabine
ED  - Gill, Thomas
T1  - Fluchtpunkt Berlin - über die Zeiten hinweg
JF  - Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-7344-1128-1
SP  - 88
EP  - 101
PB  - Wochenschau Verlag
CY  - Frankfurt
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Pschichholz, Christin
T1  - The First World Warasa Caesura?
BT  - Demographic Concepts, Population Policy, and Genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg Spheres
JF  - The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-428-18146-9
SN  - 978-3-428-58146-7
SP  - 7
EP  - 12
PB  - Duncker & Humblot
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?
JF  - The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule
N2  - Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4
SN  - 2198-7289
SP  - 77
EP  - 120
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Tanneberg, Dag
T1  - Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d’état?
JF  - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?
N2  - Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression’s time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d’état. The chapter’s conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.
KW  - contentious politics
KW  - human rights
KW  - state repression
KW  - political stability
KW  - policy substitutes
KW  - dictatorship
KW  - political repression
KW  - political campaigns
KW  - authoritarian rule
KW  - democracy
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-35477-0
SN  - 978-3-030-35476-3
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5
SN  - 2198-7289
SP  - 121
EP  - 162
PB  - Springer Nature
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Hickmann, Thomas
A1  - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp
T1  - New alliances in global environmental governance
BT  - how intergovernmental treaty secretariats interact with non-state actors to address transboundary environmental problems
JF  - International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics
N2  - The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.
KW  - global environmental governance
KW  - institutional interplay
KW  - intergovernmental treaty secretariats
KW  - orchestration
KW  - Rio Conventions
KW  - non-state actors
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5
SN  - 1567-9764
SN  - 1573-1553
VL  - 20
IS  - 3
SP  - 459
EP  - 481
PB  - Springer
CY  - Dordrecht [u.a.]
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Neuhof, Julia
A1  - Girnus, Luisa
T1  - Sprachbildung im Fach Politische Bildung – Ein unbespieltes Feld?
JF  - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
N2  - Der Diskurs über Sprachbildung beziehungsweise sprachsensiblen Fachunterricht im Bereich der Politischen Bildung ist bislang noch verhalten. Beiträge zu diesem Thema orientieren sich zumeist an der praktischen Umsetzung herangetragener bildungspolitischer Forderungen und übernehmen in der Regel Konzepte für den Fachunterricht im Allgemeinen mit dem Versuch diese für die Politische Bildung zu adaptieren. Eine Theorieentwicklung aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive findet derzeit kaum statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den bisherigen Diskurs mit Blick auf die Politikdidaktik vor, um im Anschluss Impulse für eine Konzeptionalisierung sprachsensiblen Unterrichts aus Perspektive der Politischen Bildung zu geben.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-658-30304-4
SN  - 978-3-658-30305-1
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_9
SP  - 109
EP  - 121
PB  - Springer
CY  - Wiesbaden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Girnus, Luisa
T1  - Worüber sprechen wir eigentlich? Zur Explizität von Legitimationsargumenten in politischen Lehr-Lernarrangements
JF  - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung
N2  - Die tagespolitische Auseinandersetzung stellt sich als eine Für- und Gegenrede zu politischen Problemen, Herausforderungen oder Handlungsinitiativen dar: Verschiedene Akteure äußern sich kritisch oder befürwortend zu vollzogenen oder geplanten politischen Maßnahmen wie auch – ebenso kritisch oder befürwortend – zu getätigten Äußerungen anderer politischer und medialer Akteure. Insgesamt werden dabei eine Vielzahl von Argumenten mit unterschiedlicher Reichweite und Intensität ausgetauscht, aufgegriffen und verworfen. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass solche sprachlich verfassten Auseinandersetzungen Legitimationsdiskurse sind, in denen Legitimität anhand normativer Werte verhandelt wird. Dort genutzte Wertkategorien bleiben jedoch deutungsoffen und oft implizit. Um politisches Lernen zu fördern, erweist sich eine gemeinsame Bearbeitung solcher Legitimationsdiskurse als gewinnbringend. Zentral dafür ist, dass Legitimationsargumente in Lehr-Lernarrangements explizit und verhandelbar werden.
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-658-30304-4
SN  - 978-3-658-30305-1
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_15
SP  - 195
EP  - 207
PB  - Wiesbaden
CY  - Springer
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
T1  - „Aber gehn Sie ins Theater, ich rat es Ihnen!“
BT  - das Theater als außerschulischer politischer Lernort
JF  - Politisches Lernen
N2  - In der Ausgabe Politisches Lernen 1-2|2019 setzte sich Kurt P. Tudyka mit dem Verhältnis von Theater und Politik auseinander. Er gelangte zu dem ernüchternden Resümee: „Der Anspruch, Theater sei die Schule der Nation, – soweit er überhaupt noch besteht –, müsste aufgegeben werden.“ (S. 32) In Tudykas Einführung hieß es bereits: „Eine politisierende Wirkung auf das Publikum wird bestritten.“ (S. 30) Vor diesem Hintergrund könnte bei Lehrerinnen und Lehrern der Politischen Bildung der Eindruck entstehen, ein Besuch im Theater mit Schülerinnen und Schülern sei didaktisch nicht sinnvoll. Dagegen wird im folgenden Beitrag die Auffassung vertreten, dass ein Theaterbesuch mit den Lernenden durchaus mit Erkenntnisgewinnen, seien sie politisch oder über das Politische hinausweisend, verbunden sein kann. Der Beitrag stellt eine gekürzte Fassung des Textes „Theater und politische Bildung“ dar, der in Markus Gloe / Tonio Oeftering (Hrsg.): Politische Bildung meets Kulturelle Bildung, Baden-Baden (Nomos) 2020, erscheinen wird.
Y1  - 2020
UR  - https://www.budrich-journals.de/index.php/pl/article/view/38713/32951
SN  - 0937-2946
SN  - 2750-1965
VL  - 38
IS  - 1+2
SP  - 32
EP  - 35
PB  - Barbara Budrich
CY  - Leverkusen-Opladen
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Gholiagha, Sassan
A1  - Holzscheiter, Anna
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Activating norm collisions
BT  - interface conflicts in international drug control
JF  - Global constitutionalism
N2  - This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue’s interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open – which we term activation – depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.
KW  - norm collisions
KW  - contestation
KW  - discourse
KW  - agency
KW  - international
KW  - drug control
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1017/S2045381719000388
SN  - 2045-3817
SN  - 2045-3825
VL  - 9
IS  - 2
SP  - 290
EP  - 317
PB  - Cambridge University Press
CY  - Cambridge
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kuhlmann, Sabine
A1  - Seyfried, Markus
T1  - Comparatice methods B
BT  - comparative mezhods in public administration - the value of looking around
JF  - Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-1-78990-347-8
SP  - 181
EP  - 196
PB  - Edward Elgar Publishing
CY  - Cheltenham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
T1  - 1960er: Aufwind für die Politische Bildung
BT  - zwischen Affirmation und Kritik
JF  - Geschichte der politischen Bildung
N2  - Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an jüdischen Einrichtungen in Köln und anderswo für Entsetzen und Empörung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum für die jüngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam geführte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren für die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten Hälfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende“.
Y1  - 2020
UR  - https://profession-politischebildung.de/grundlagen/geschichte/affirmation-kritik/
PB  - Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.
CY  - Bonn
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
T1  - Zur Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung
JF  - Wie geht gute politische Bildung?
N2  - Eigentlich leben wir heute im Holozän, dem Erdzeitalter, das mit dem Ende der letzten großen Eiszeit vor etwa 12.000 Jahren seinen Ausgang nahm. Doch seit geraumer Zeit ist in Wissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit die Rede vom Anthropozän als der vom Menschen bestimmten gegenwärtigen Epoche. Mit der Begriffsschöpfung soll der gravierende Einfluss des Menschen auf die Umwelt zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, der sich nicht zuletzt in der Versauerung der Meere, im Artensterben und Klimawandel äußert. Doch wie spiegelt sich diese Erkenntnis in der Politischen Bildung wider?
Y1  - 2020
UR  - https://profession-politischebildung.de/grundlagen/bildungsbereiche/mensch-tier/
PB  - Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.
CY  - Bonn
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Autorität in den internationalen Beziehungen
JF  - Zeitschrift für internationale Beziehungen
N2  - Der Beitrag setzt sich würdigend und kritisch mit Michael Zürns Arbeiten zur internationalen Autorität auseinander. Dessen potenziell autoritatives Autoritätskonzept weist mehrere Vorzüge auf: Erstens bietet es eine Erklärung für ein Paradox. Warum sollten souveräne Staaten die Kompetenz Externer anerkennen, ihnen Ratschläge zu geben bzw. Forderungen an sie zu richten, und zudem noch bereit sein, diesen zu folgen? Zweitens konkretisiert es die u.a. bei Hannah Arendt angelegte Idee der fraglosen Anerkennung, indem es Autoritätsadressaten zugesteht, bestimmte Qualitäten der Autorität zu prüfen. Drittens entkoppelt es Legitimität und Autorität, ohne die Legitimationsbedürftigkeit von Autorität zu opfern. Dies anerkennend plädiert der Beitrag aber dafür, die Legitimationsbedürftigkeit internationaler Autorität nicht auf formal institutionalisierte Beziehungen zu reduzieren, sondern diese auch weiterhin auf informellere, d.h. der Praxis entstammende, Anerkennung und Folgebereitschaft innerhalb von Autoritätsbeziehungen zu beziehen. Die überzeugende begründungstheoretische Fundierung von Autorität sollte zudem nicht dazu verführen, Sozialisationsprozesse in Autoritätsbeziehungen zu übersehen, zumal deren Legitimität kritisch hinterfragbar ist.
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.5771/0946-7165-2020-1-97
SN  - 0946-7165
SN  - 2942-1233
VL  - 27
IS  - 1
SP  - 97
EP  - 109
PB  - Nomos
CY  - Baden-Baden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Poensgen, Daniel
A1  - Steinitz, Benjamin
T1  - Alltagsprägende Erfahrungen sichtbar machen
BT  - Antisemitismus-Montoring in Deutschland und der Aufbau des Meldenetzwerkes RIAS
JF  - Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-7582-0358-9
SP  - 173
EP  - 197
PB  - Olms
CY  - Hildesheim
ET  - 2. unveränderte
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Holthaus, Leonie
A1  - Stockmann, Nils
T1  - Who makes the world?
BT  - Academics and (un)cancelling the future
JF  - New perspectives
N2  - In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.
KW  - multiplicity
KW  - policy
KW  - scholar-practitioners
KW  - transdisciplinarity
KW  - un-cancelling the future
KW  - world-makers
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/2336825X20935246
SN  - 2336-825X
SN  - 2336-8268
VL  - 28
IS  - 3
SP  - 413
EP  - 427
PB  - Sage Publications
CY  - Thousand Oaks, CA
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kuhlmann, Sabine
T1  - Rezension zu: Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England / Hrsg.: Andrej Christian Lindholst, Morten Balle Hansen. - Cham : Springer, 2020. - XXII, 345 p. - ISBN 978-3-030-32478-0
JF  - Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England
Y1  - 2020
SN  - 978-3-030-32478-0
PB  - Springer
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie
T1  - Towards a new definition of health security
BT  - a three-part rationale for the twenty-first century
JF  - Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice
N2  - In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges.
KW  - health security
KW  - citizenship
KW  - borders
KW  - state security
KW  - responsibility
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119
SN  - 1744-1692
SN  - 1744-1706
VL  - 15
IS  - 1
SP  - 1
EP  - 12
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon, Oxfordshire
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
A1  - Heinzel, Mirko Noa
A1  - Kempken, Mathies
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Mind the gap?
BT  - comparing de facto and de jure expert authority of international public administrations in financial and agricultural policy
JF  - Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice
N2  - Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs’ addressees
KW  - international public administration
KW  - comparative
KW  - expert authority
KW  - de jure authority
KW  - de facto authority
KW  - international organisations
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866
SN  - 1387-6988
SN  - 1572-5448
VL  - 24
IS  - 3
SP  - 230
EP  - 253
PB  - Taylor & Francis
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
T1  - Urteilskompetenz
JF  - Wörterbuch Politikunterricht
Y1  - 2020
UR  - https://elibrary.utb.de/doi/book/10.46499/9783734409547
SN  - 978-3-7344-0954-7
SN  - 978-3-7344-0953-0
SP  - 232
EP  - 235
PB  - Wochenschau
CY  - Frankfurt
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Heinzel, Mirko Noa
A1  - Richter, Jonas
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
A1  - Feil, Hauke
A1  - Herold, Jana
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Birds of a feather?
BT  - the determinants of impartiality perceptions of the IMF and the World Bank
JF  - Review of international political economy
N2  - The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.
KW  - Impartiality
KW  - bias
KW  - International Financial Institutions
KW  - International
KW  - Monetary Fund
KW  - World Bank
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711
SN  - 0969-2290
SN  - 1466-4526
VL  - 28
IS  - 5
SP  - 1249
EP  - 1273
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Franzke, Jochen
T1  - Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.
BT  - Herausforderungen eines föderalen politisch-administrativen Systems
JF  - Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej
JF  - Yearbook of European integration
KW  - CORONA-Krise
KW  - Deutschland
KW  - Föderalismus
KW  - Krisenmanagement
KW  - Öffentliche Verwaltung
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.21
SN  - 1899-6256
VL  - 14
SP  - 325
EP  - 342
PB  - Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
CY  - Poznań
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Griscom, Bronson W.
A1  - Busch, Jonah
A1  - Cook-Patton, Susan C.
A1  - Ellis, Peter W.
A1  - Funk, Jason
A1  - Leavitt, Sara M.
A1  - Lomax, Guy
A1  - Turner, Will R.
A1  - Chapman, Melissa
A1  - Streck, Charlotte
T1  - National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics
JF  - Biological sciences
N2  - Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.
KW  - natural climate solutions
KW  - climate mitigation
KW  - protection
KW  - land management
KW  - restoration
KW  - Paris Agreement
Y1  - 2020
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0126
SN  - 0962-8436
SN  - 1471-2970
VL  - 375
IS  - 1794
SP  - 1
EP  - 11
PB  - The Royal Society Publishing
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Franzke, Jochen
A1  - de la Fuente, José M. Ruano
T1  - New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe
JF  - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2  - In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.
KW  - Migration
KW  - Policy
KW  - Integration
KW  - Local authorities
KW  - Coordination
KW  - Civil society
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN  - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1
SN  - 2523-8248
SN  - 2523-8256
SP  - 1
EP  - 9
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Franzke, Jochen
T1  - Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants
JF  - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2  - The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany’s transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.
KW  - Germany
KW  - Federalism
KW  - Integration
KW  - Coordination
KW  - Municipalities
KW  - Local autonomy
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN  - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7
SN  - 2523-8248
SN  - 2523-8256
SP  - 107
EP  - 121
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Franzke, Jochen
T1  - Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe
JF  - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2  - This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.
KW  - Migration
KW  - Media
KW  - Public opinion
KW  - Eurobarometer
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN  - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17
SN  - 2523-8248
SN  - 2523-8256
SP  - 311
EP  - 333
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Franzke, Jochen
A1  - de la Fuente, José M. Ruano
T1  - Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe
JF  - Local Integration of Migrants Policy
N2  - As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.
KW  - Integration strategy
KW  - Local authorities
KW  - National state communication
KW  - Integration
KW  - Migrants
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-3-030-50978-1
SN  - 978-3-030-50979-8
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18
SN  - 2523-8248
SN  - 2523-8256
SP  - 335
EP  - 344
PB  - Palgrave Macmillan
CY  - Cham
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Dörfler, Thomas
A1  - Gehring, Thomas
T1  - Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations
JF  - European journal of international relations
N2  - We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/1354066120987889
SN  - 1354-0661
SN  - 1460-3713
VL  - 27
IS  - 3
SP  - 753
EP  - 778
PB  - Sage
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Reiners, Nina
T1  - Despite or Because of Contestation?
BT  - how water became a human right
JF  - Human Rights Quarterly
N2  - Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2021.0021
SN  - 1085-794X
SN  - 0275-0392
VL  - 43
IS  - 2
SP  - 329
EP  - 343
PB  - Johns Hopkins Univ.
CY  - New York
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fuhr, Harald
T1  - The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions
JF  - Third world quarterly
N2  - Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60% and the top 10 countries for some 78% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.
KW  - Climate change
KW  - international development
KW  - energy
KW  - environmental policy
KW  - Global South
KW  - transition policy
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901
SN  - 0143-6597
SN  - 1360-2241
VL  - 42
IS  - 11
SP  - 2724
EP  - 2746
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
A1  - Feil, Hauke
A1  - Heinzel, Mirko Noa
A1  - Herold, Jana
A1  - Kempken, Mathies
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies
BT  - the importance of country-specificity
JF  - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration
N2  - Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.
KW  - financial policy
KW  - international administration
KW  - international
KW  - organizations
KW  - multi-level government
KW  - regime complexity
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/00208523211013385
SN  - 0020-8523
SN  - 1461-7226
VL  - 87
IS  - 4
SP  - 775
EP  - 793
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - Los Angeles, Calif.
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fleischer, Julia
A1  - Carstens, Nora
T1  - Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning
BT  - inside the digital transformation in Germany
JF  - Public Management Review
N2  - The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.
KW  - boundary spanning
KW  - collaboration
KW  - digitalization
KW  - inter-governmental relations
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803
SN  - 1470-1065
SN  - 1461-667X
VL  - 24
IS  - 8
SP  - 1208
EP  - 1225
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Liese, Andrea
A1  - Herold, Jana
A1  - Feil, Hauke
A1  - Busch, Per-Olof
T1  - The heart of bureaucratic power
BT  - Explaining international bureaucracies’ expert authority
JF  - Review of international studies : RIS
N2  - Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.
KW  - Expert Authority
KW  - International Bureaucracies
KW  - International
KW  - Organisations
KW  - Neutrality
KW  - Performance
KW  - Survey
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1017/S026021052100005X
SN  - 0260-2105
SN  - 1469-9044
VL  - 47
IS  - 3
SP  - 353
EP  - 376
PB  - Cambridge Univ. Press
CY  - Cambridge
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Debre, Maria Josepha
A1  - Dijkstra, Hylke
T1  - COVID-19 and policy responses by international organizations
BT  - crisis of liberal international order or window of opportunity?
JF  - Global policy : gp / Durham University ; Hertie School of Governance ; LSE, Public Policy Group
N2  - The liberal international order is being challenged and international organizations (IOs) are a main target of contestation. COVID-19 seems to exacerbate the situation with many states pursuing domestic strategies at the expense of multilateral cooperation. At the same time, IOs have traditionally benefited from cross-border crises. This article analyzes the policy responses of IOs to the exogenous COVID-19 shock by asking why some IOs use this crisis as an opportunity to expand their scope and policy instruments? It provides a cross-sectional analysis using original data on the responses of 75 IOs to COVID-19 during the first wave between March and June 2020. It finds that the bureaucratic capacity of IOs is significant when it comes to using the crisis as an opportunity. It also finds some evidence that the number of COVID-19 cases among the member states affects policy responses and that general purpose IOs have benefited more.
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12975
SN  - 1758-5880
SN  - 1758-5899
VL  - 12
IS  - 4
SP  - 443
EP  - 454
PB  - Wiley-Blackwell
CY  - Oxford [u.a.]
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Heinzel, Mirko Noa
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK
BT  - a survey experiment
JF  - West European politics
N2  - During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens’ behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens’ support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.
KW  - COVID-19
KW  - expertise
KW  - authority
KW  - survey experiment
KW  - institutions
KW  - crises
KW  - governance
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630
SN  - 0140-2382
SN  - 1743-9655
SP  - 1258
EP  - 1282
PB  - Taylor & Francis
CY  - Abingdon
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Mackert, Jürgen
T1  - Introduction
JF  - The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts
JF  - a `master-race democracy` : mythos and lies of Western liberal civilization
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-0-367-74538-7
SN  - 978-1-003-15838-7
SP  - 1
EP  - 13
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Leib, Julia
A1  - Ruppel, Samantha
T1  - The dance of peace and justice
BT  - local perceptions of international peacebuilding in West Africa
JF  - International peacekeeping
N2  - This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.
KW  - Peacebuilding
KW  - transitional justice
KW  - Liberia
KW  - Sierra Leone
KW  - civil war
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726
SN  - 1353-3312
SN  - 1743-906X
IS  - 5
SP  - 783
EP  - 812
PB  - Taylor & Francis
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Juchler, Ingo
T1  - Aporien des Rechts
BT  - Ferdinand von Schirachs Theaterstücke in der politischen Bildung
JF  - Zeitschrift für Menschenrechte
KW  - Menschenrechte
KW  - Religionsfreiheit
KW  - Verschwindenlassen
KW  - Folter
KW  - Lieferkettengesetz
KW  - Ferdinand von Schirach
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-3-7344-1405-3
SN  - 1864-6492
SN  - 2749-4845
VL  - 15
IS  - 2
SP  - 196
EP  - 206
PB  - Wochenschau Verlag
CY  - Frankfurt am Main
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Botsch, Gideon
T1  - Taking nativism to the streets
BT  - historical perspectives on right-wing extremist protest campaigns against immigration in germany
JF  - Moving the social
N2  - In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns  against  immigration  took  place  in  the  streets  when  voters  were  turning  towards the populist radical right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In  sections  two  and  three,  I  will  retrace  how,  from  the  late  1960s  onward,  the  far  right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented  perspective,  I  will  focus  on  traditionalist  movements,  including  the  Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.
KW  - Antisemitism
KW  - racism
KW  - nativism
KW  - radical
KW  - right parties and movements
KW  - protest
KW  - violence
KW  - terrorism
KW  - Germany
KW  - nineteenth and twentieth century
KW  - history
Y1  - 2021
SN  - 978-3-8375-2491-8
U6  - https://doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62
SN  - 2197-0386
SN  - 2197-0394
VL  - 66
SP  - 43
EP  - 62
PB  - Institute for Social Movements
CY  - Bochum
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Botsch, Gideon
T1  - Ein nach rechts verzerrtes Bild?
BT  - antisemitische Vorfälle zwischen Polizeistatistik, Monitoring und Betroffenenperspektive
JF  - Neue Kriminalpolitik
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.5771/0934-9200-2021-4-456
SN  - 0934-9200
SN  - 2942-1624
VL  - 33
IS  - 4
SP  - 456
EP  - 473
PB  - Nomos
CY  - Baden-Baden
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Schuppert, Fabian
T1  - Zur Auferlegung systemischer Finanzrisiken
BT  - moralische Unzulässigkeit und staatliche Sorgfaltspflicht
JF  - Zeitschrift für politische Theorie
N2  - Obwohl seit der Finanzkrise 2008 systemische Finanzrisiken das Objekt zahlreicher wissenschaftlicher Studien waren, hat die Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen und Umständen die Auferlegung eines systemischen Finanzrisikos moralisch unzulässig ist, bisher kaum Beachtung gefunden. Ziel dieses Aufsatzes ist es, eine Reihe von normativen Kriterien für die Einschätzung der moralischen Unzulässigkeit von systemischen Risiken zu entwickeln. Darüber hinaus wird argumentiert, dass staatliche und andere relevante Institutionen zwei zentrale Pflichten hinsichtlich des Umgangs mit systemischen Finanzrisiken haben: eine Schutzpflicht gegenüber allen Bürger*innen und eine Sorgfaltspflicht, um die diesen Institutionen obliegenden Kontroll- und Aufsichtsfunktionen verantwortungsvoll auszuüben.
KW  - Systemisches Risiko
KW  - Nicht-Beherrschung
KW  - Republikanismus
KW  - Risikoauferlegung
KW  - Finanzrisiken
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.3224/zpth.v12i1.05
SN  - 1869-3016
SN  - 2196-2103
VL  - 12
IS  - 1
SP  - 67
EP  - 83
PB  - Barbara Budrich
CY  - Leverkusen-Opladen
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Sommerer, Thomas
A1  - Squatrito, Theresa
A1  - Tallberg, Jonas
A1  - Lundgren, Magnus
T1  - Decision-making in international organizations
BT  - institutional design and performance
JF  - The review of international organizations
N2  - International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.
KW  - international organizations
KW  - institutional design
KW  - decision-making
KW  - global governance
KW  - performance
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x
SN  - 1559-7431
SN  - 1559-744X
VL  - 17
IS  - 4
SP  - 815
EP  - 845
PB  - Springer
CY  - Boston
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Hänel, Hilkje Charlotte
A1  - Bratu, Christine
T1  - Varieties of hermeneutical injustice
BT  - a blueprint
JF  - Moral philosophy and politics
N2  - In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately.
KW  - hermeneutical injustice
KW  - epistemic injustice
KW  - social epistemology
KW  - discrimination
KW  - hermeneutical capability
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2020-0007
SN  - 2194-5616
SN  - 2194-5624
VL  - 8
IS  - 2
SP  - 331
EP  - 350
PB  - de Gruyter
CY  - Berlin
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Thiele, Lukas
A1  - Pruin, Andree
T1  - Does large-scale digital collaboration contribute to crisis management?
T1  - Digitale Massenkollaboration als Teil von staatlichem Krisenmanagement?
BT  - an analysis of projects from the #WirVsVirus hackathon implemented in Germany during the COVID-19 pandemic
BT  - eine Analyse von Projekten aus dem #WirVsVirus-Hackathon in Deutschland
JF  - der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management
N2  - In recent years, collaborative approaches to crisis management involving citizens have gained increasing attention. One example is the #WirVsVirus hackathon, which was conducted in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and had over 28,000 participants. Because research on large-scale, digital collaboration in crisis situations is scarce, consequences of their use in crisis management remain unclear. This article relies on the open governance paradigm as a lens for studying two projects emerging from the hackathon. Based on nine qualitative expert interviews, we ask how digital open governance affects governance capacity and legitimacy in crisis management. Our findings suggest that digital open governance can contribute to governance capacity and legitimacy, as it mobilises large, diverse groups of citizens to quickly develop citizen-centric, ready-to-use solutions for crisisrelated problems. However, we also identified potential problems, including risks regarding legitimacy and accountability, difficulties with scalable solutions, and questionable long-term impacts.
N2  - Kollaborative, partizipative Instrumente zur Krisenbekämpfung haben in den letzten Jahren zunehmend an Aufmerksamkeit gewonnen. Ein Beispiel hierfür ist der #WirVsVirus-Hackathon, der als Reaktion auf die COVID-19-Pandemie durchgeführt wurde und über 28.000 Teilnehmer:innen erreichte. Bislang wurden die Auswirkungen solch groß angelegter, kollaborativer Ansätze zur Krisenbewältigung auf staatliches Krisenmanagement nur selten untersucht. Diese Studie analysiert den Hackathon und die daraus entstandenen Projekte aus der Perspektive des Open Governance-Paradigmas. Auf Grundlage von neun Experteninterviews untersuchen wir, wie sich digitale Open Governance auf die Regierungsfähigkeit und Legitimität in Krisenzeiten auswirkt. Unsere Analyse zeigt, dass digitale Open Governance zur Leistungsfähigkeit und Legitimität staatlichen Handelns in Krisenzeiten beitragen kann, da solche Projekte eine breite und diverse Teilnehmerschaft mobilisieren und in kurzer Zeit bürgerzentrierte, nutzbare Lösungen für krisenbezogene Probleme entwickeln können. Dem stehen allerdings Zweifel an der langfristigen Beständigkeit der Projekte, ihrer Skalierbarkeit, sowie Risiken hinsichtlich der Legitimität und Rechenschaftspflicht entgegen.
KW  - open governance
KW  - crisis management
KW  - capacity
KW  - legitimacy
KW  - hackathon
KW  - Open Governance
KW  - Krisenmanagement
KW  - Staatliche Leistungsfähigkeit
KW  - Legitimität
KW  - Hackathon
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.3224/dms.v14i2.07
SN  - 1865-7192
VL  - 14
IS  - 2-2021
SP  - 334
EP  - 350
PB  - Verlag Barbara Budrich
CY  - Leverkusen-Opladen
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Kuhlmann, Sabine
A1  - Hellstrom, Mikael
A1  - Ramberg, Ulf
A1  - Reiter, Renate
T1  - Tracing divergence in crisis governance
BT  - responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden compared
JF  - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration
N2  - This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures.

Points for practitioners
COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts.
KW  - administrative culture
KW  - containment
KW  - crisis
KW  - governance
KW  - multi-level system
KW  - policy advice
KW  - public health
KW  - window of opportunity
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852320979359
SN  - 0020-8523
SN  - 1461-7226
VL  - 87
IS  - 3
SP  - 556
EP  - 575
PB  - Sage Publ.
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1  - Gender at the crossroads
BT  - the role of gender in the UN’s global counterterrorism reform at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus
JF  - Critical studies on terrorism
N2  - Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN’s three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a “cross-cutting” theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN’s counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or “triple nexus”, from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities’ counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.
KW  - gender
KW  - institutions
KW  - feminism
KW  - United Nations
KW  - counterterrorism
KW  - triple nexus
KW  - discourse
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061
SN  - 1753-9153
SN  - 1753-9161
VL  - 15
IS  - 3
SP  - 533
EP  - 558
PB  - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY  - London [u.a.]
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Debre, Maria Josepha
T1  - Clubs of autocrats
BT  - regional organizations and authoritarian survival
JF  - The review of international organizations
N2  - While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.
KW  - regional organizations
KW  - authoritarian resilience
KW  - democratization
KW  - survival analysis
KW  - domestic politics
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y
SN  - 1559-7431
SN  - 1559-744X
VL  - 17
IS  - 3
SP  - 485
EP  - 511
PB  - Springer
CY  - Boston
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Baccini, Leonardo
A1  - Heinzel, Mirko
A1  - Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias
T1  - The social construction of global health priorities
BT  - an empirical analysis of contagion in bilateral health aid
JF  - International studies quarterly
N2  - Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab092
SN  - 0020-8833
SN  - 1468-2478
VL  - 66
IS  - 1
PB  - Oxford University Press
CY  - Oxford
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Heinzel, Mirko Noa
A1  - Liese, Andrea
T1  - Managing performance and winning trust
BT  - how World Bank staff shape recipient performance
JF  - The review of international organizations
N2  - World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.
KW  - World Bank
KW  - International bureaucrats
KW  - Recipient performance
KW  - Enforcement
KW  - Supervision
KW  - Country experience
KW  - Compliance
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4
SN  - 1559-744X
SN  - 1559-7431
N1  - Publisher correction verfügbar über DOI 10.1007/s11558-022-09465-1
SP  - 625
EP  - 653
PB  - Springer
CY  - Boston
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Fischer, Caroline
A1  - Heuberger, Moritz
A1  - Heine, Moreen
T1  - The impact of digitalization in the public sector
BT  - a systematic literature review
JF  - Der moderne Staat
N2  - The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.
KW  - digital transformation
KW  - e-government
KW  - impact evaluation
KW  - public value
KW  - public values
Y1  - 2021
U6  - https://doi.org/10.3224/dms.v14i1.13
SN  - 1865-7192
SN  - 2196-1395
VL  - 14
IS  - 1
SP  - 3
EP  - 23
PB  - Barbara Budrich
CY  - Leverkusen-Opladen
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Hartmann, Eddy
A1  - Lang, Felix
T1  - The crisis of social trust in non-violent routines
BT  - social mobilization of right-wing violence in Germany
JF  - The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-0-367-74536-3
SN  - 978-1-00-315837-0
SP  - 104
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Burkert, Rebecca
T1  - Moving mountains?
BT  - Palestinian clain making from
JF  - The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-0-367-74538-7
SN  - 978-1-003-15838-7
SP  - 110
EP  - 127
PB  - Routledge
CY  - London
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
ED  - Lian, Yuru
ED  - Krämer, Raimund
T1  - China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt
BT  - 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen
N2  - Vor 50 Jahren nahmen China und Deutschland diplomatische Beziehungen auf. Das ist der Anlass für diesen Sammelband. Er umfasst chinesische und deutsche Autoren und gibt dem deutschen Publikum profunde Einblicke in die aktuellen Entwicklungen in China und die chinesische Diplomatie auf den verschiedenen Feldern der Weltpolitik. Sie vermitteln chinesische Weltsichten, die hierzulande wahrgenommen und respektiert werden sollten. In einer Zeit, in der auch das Verhältnis zwischen China und Deutschland schwieriger ist, ist es wichtig, offen für das Andere zu sein.
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-3-949887-01-7
PB  - WeltTrends
CY  - Potsdam
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Crome, Erhard
T1  - Chinas Aufstieg und die BRICS-Gruppe
JF  - China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-3-949887-01-7
SP  - 171
EP  - 176
PB  - WeltTrends
CY  - Potsdam
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Lian, Yuru
A1  - Krämer, Raimund
T1  - Einleitung
JF  - China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-3-949887-01-7
SP  - 8
EP  - 11
PB  - WeltTrends
CY  - Potsdam
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Crome, Erhard
T1  - China in der Welt des 21. Jahrhunderts
JF  - China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-3-949887-01-7
SP  - 113
PB  - WeltTrends
CY  - Potsdam
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Baumgardt, Iris
T1  - Politisches Denken
JF  - Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-3-7425-0777-8
SP  - 180
EP  - 188
PB  - bpb, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung
CY  - Bonn
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Baumgardt, Iris
T1  - Berufswelt
JF  - Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-3-7425-0777-8
SP  - 292
EP  - 298
PB  - bpb, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung
CY  - Bonn
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Baumgardt, Iris
A1  - Lange, Dirk
T1  - Einleitung
JF  - Young citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule
Y1  - 2022
SN  - 978-3-7425-0777-8
SP  - 12
EP  - 15
PB  - bpb, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung
CY  - Bonn
ER  -