TY - CHAP A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Toward a theory of political repression T2 - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne? N2 - To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2 SN - 2198-7289 SP - 9 EP - 41 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Conclusion BT - How steadfast is the iron throne? T2 - Politics of repression under authoritarian rule N2 - Does political repression work for authoritarian rule? On the one hand, repression is a hallmark of authoritarian governance. It denotes any action governments take to increase the costs of collective action. Autocrats consciously apply repression to curb popular opposition within their territorial jurisdiction. They repress in order to protect their policies, personnel, or other interests against challenges from below. Repression is, thus, a means to the end of political survival in non-democratic contexts. A useful means lives up to its promises. Does repression do that? This project started on the suspicion that we do not yet know the answer. This concluding chapter recalls the key theoretical ideas developed along the way, highlights the main findings of the book, and concludes with opportunities for future research. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_6 SP - 163 EP - 176 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel ED - De Cesari, Chiara ED - Kaya, Ayhan T1 - Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland T2 - European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya N2 - The chapter explores aspects of ‘memory games’ in postcommunist Poland vis-à-vis the country’s authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform – the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429-45481-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429454813 SP - 239 EP - 256 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - London, New York ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hummel, Detlev T1 - International Project Finance in Eurosia- models and experience of institutional investors T2 - EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finace Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-947802-44-9 SP - 13 EP - 34 PB - WeltTrends CY - Potsdam ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Heinemann, Maik ED - Hummel, Detlev T1 - Geleitwort T2 - EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-947802-44-9 SP - 10 EP - 11 PB - WeltTrends CY - Potsdam ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Lederer, Markus A1 - Höhne, Chris A1 - Stehle, Fee A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Fuhr, Harald ED - Wurzel, Rüdiger K. W. ED - Andersen, Mikael Skou ED - Tobin, Paul T1 - Multilevel climate governance in Brazil and Indonesia BT - domestic pioneership and leadership in the Global South T2 - Climate governance across the globe : Pioneers, leaders and followers N2 - Focusing on forest policy and urban climate politics in Brazil and Indonesia, the primary objective of this chapter is to identify domestic pioneers and leaders who, compared to other sectors, governmental levels or jurisdictions within the same nation-state, move ‘ahead of the troops’ (Liefferink and Wurzel, 2017: 2-3). The chapter focuses especially on the role of multilevel governance in bringing about pioneership and leadership and on the different types of that have emerged. It also explores whether and, if so, to what extent domestic pioneers and leaders attract followers and whether there are signs of sustained domestic leadership. The chapter identifies the actors that constitute pioneers and leaders and assesses the processes which lead to their emergence. The chapter authors take up Wurzel et al.’s (2019) call to open up the black box of the nation-state. But instead of stressing the role of non-state actors, the chapter authors focus on vertical interactions among different governmental levels within nation states. The main argument put forward is that international and transnational processes, incentives, and ideas often trigger the development of domestic pioneership and leadership. Such processes, however, cannot be understood properly if domestic politics and dynamics across governmental levels within the nation-state are not taken into account. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-1-003-01424-9 SN - 978-0-367-65047-6 SN - 978-0-367-43436-6 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003014249 SP - 101 EP - 119 PB - Routledge CY - Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hosli, Madeleine A1 - Dörfler, Thomas ED - Hosli, Madeleine O. ED - Selleslaghs, Joren T1 - The United Nations Security Council BT - History, Current Composition, and Reform Proposals T2 - The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects N2 - The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council’s setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council’s membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for. KW - Institutional change KW - Security council KW - Security council reform KW - Informal reform KW - Global order KW - Changing nature of armed conflict Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-3-030-21603-0 SN - 978-3-030-21602-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15 SP - 299 EP - 320 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Göldner, Oliver T1 - Wettbewerbsfähigkeit von europäischen Banken im internationalen Vergleich T2 - EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-947802-44-9 SP - 145 EP - 174 PB - WeltTrends CY - Potsdam ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Bunnenberg, Philipp T1 - ETFs vs. aktives Fondsmanagement und Moral Hazard durch Closet Indexing T2 - EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-947802-44-9 SP - 175 EP - 189 PB - WeltTrends CY - Potsdam ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Schubert, Michael T1 - FinTech models and solutions for banking and captal markets T2 - EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-947802-44-9 SP - 217 EP - 228 PB - WeltTrends CY - Potsdam ER -