TY - JOUR A1 - Allefeld, Carsten A1 - Frisch, Stefan A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - Detection of early cognitive processing by event-related phase synchronization analysis N2 - In order to investigate the temporal characteristics of cognitive processing, we apply multivariate phase synchronization analysis to event-related potentials. The experimental design combines a semantic incongruity in a sentence context with a physical mismatch (color change). In the ERP average, these result in an N400 component and a P300-like positivity, respectively. Synchronization analysis shows an effect of global desynchronization in the theta band around 288 ms after stimulus presentation for the semantic incongruity, while the physical mismatch elicits an increase of global synchronization in the alpha band around 204 ms. Both of these effects clearly precede those in the ERP aver-age. Moreover, the delay between synchronization effect and ERP component correlates with the complexity Of the cognitive processes. (C) 2005 Lippincott Williams Wilkins Y1 - 2005 SN - 0959-4965 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Frisch, Stefan A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias A1 - Wegner, H. T1 - The interaction of morphological case and word order constraints : Cross-linguistic ERP evidence from German, Russian and Finnish Y1 - 2005 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Frisch, Stefan A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - The resolution of case conflicts from a neurophysiological perspective N2 - We present two ERP experiments examining the resolution of language processing conflicts involving the multidimensional linguistic feature case, which determines processing in both syntactic and interpretive respects. Ungrammatical German structures with two identically case-marked arguments (double subject or double object constructions) were tested. In earlier studies, double subject constructions have been shown to elicit a biphasic pattern consisting of an N400 effect (a marker of thematic integration problems) followed by a P600 effect (a marker of syntactic ill-formedness). Here, we compare double nominative (subject case) constructions with double datives (indirect object case; Experiment 1) and double accusatives (direct object case; Experiment 2). All types of double case ungrammaticalities elicited a biphasic N400-P600 response. However, double datives differed from double nominatives in that they elicited a larger P600, suggesting that the ill-formedness is more salient in structures with two dative arguments. Double accusatives, by contrast, elicited a stronger N400 in comparison to double nominatives, suggesting that they induce more severe semantic-thematic integration problems. The results demonstrate that the human language comprehension system is sensitive to fine grained linguistic distinctions between different cases and utilizes these in its attempts to solve processing conflicts. (c) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved Y1 - 2005 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Frisch, Stefan A1 - Beim Graben, Peter A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - Parallelizing grammatical functions : P600 and P345 reflect different cost of reanalysis N2 - It is well-known from psycholinguistic literature that the human language processing system exhibits preferences when sentence constituents are ambiguous with respect to their grammatical function. Generally, many theories assume that an interpretation towards the subject is preferred in such cases. Later disambiguations which contradict such a preference induce enhanced processing difficulty (i.e. reanalysis) which reflects itself in late positive deflections (P345/P600) in event-related brain potentials (ERPs). In the case of phoric elements such as pronouns, a second strategy is known according to which an ambiguous pronoun preferentially receives the grammatical function that its antecedent has (parallel function strategy). In an ERP study, we show that this strategy can in principle override the general subject preference strategy (known for both pronominal and nonpronominal constituents) and induce an object preference, in case that the pronoun's antecedent is itself an object. Interestingly, the revision of a subject preference leads to a P600 component, whereas the revision of an object preference induces an earlier positivity (P345). In order to show that the latter component is indeed a positivity and not an N400-like negativity in the same time range, we apply an additional analysis based on symbolic dynamics which allows to determine the polarity of an ERP effect on purely methodological grounds. With respect to the two positivities, we argue that the latency differences reflect qualitative differences in the reanalysis processes Y1 - 2004 SN - 0218-1274 ER - TY - THES A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - Kasusphänomene in der Sprachverarbeitung : eine Studie zur Verarbeitung von kasusmarkierten und Relativsatzkonstruktionen im Deutschen Y1 - 1996 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Beim Graben, Peter A1 - Saddy, Douglas A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias A1 - Kurths, Jürgen T1 - Symbolic dynamics of event-related brain potentials Y1 - 2000 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Saddy, Douglas A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias A1 - Beim Graben, Peter T1 - Cylinder Entropies and Case resolution Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Saddy, Douglas A1 - Beim Graben, Peter A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - Cortical Dynamics of Language Processes Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Saddy, Douglas A1 - Beim Graben, Peter A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - Measuring entropy during language processing Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bornkessel-Schlesewsky, Ina D. A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - Is it a bird? Is it a mammal? BT - Perspectives on the learnability/trainability of new grammatical constructions JF - Of trees and birds. A Festschrift for Gisbert Fanselow KW - Festschrift KW - Informationsstruktur KW - Linguistik KW - Morphologie KW - Syntax KW - festschrift KW - information structure KW - linguistics KW - morphology KW - syntax Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-432534 SN - 978-3-86956-457-9 SP - 275 EP - 286 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER -