TY - JOUR A1 - Kügler, Frank T1 - Do we know the answer? BT - variation in yes-no-question intonation JF - Linguistics in Potsdam N2 - Content: 1. Introduction 2. The corpus 2.1 Subjects 2.2 Recordings 2.3 Data processing 2.4 Materials 3. Intonation in Upper Saxon German yes-no-questions 4. Intonational variation and information structure 5. Conclusions and discussion Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32424 SN - 1616-7392 SN - 1864-1857 IS - 21 SP - 9 EP - 29 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Frisch, Stefan T1 - Case as a trigger for reanalysis BT - some arguments from the processing of double case ungrammaticalities in German JF - Linguistics in Potsdam N2 - In the recent literature there is a hypothesis that the human parser uses number and case information in different ways to resolve an initially incorrect case assignment. This paper investigates what role morphological case information plays during the parser’s detection of an ungrammaticality or its recognition that a reanalysis is necessary. First, we compare double nominative with double accusative ungrammaticalities in a word by word, speeded grammaticality task and in this way show that only double nominatives lead to a so-called ”illusion of grammaticality” (a low rate of ungrammaticality detection). This illusion was found to disappear when the second argument was realized by a pronoun rather than by a full definite determiner phrase, i.e. when the saliency of the second argument was increased. Thus, the accuracy in recognizing an ungrammaticality induced by the case feature of the second argument is dependent on the type of this argument. Furthermore, we found that the accuracy in detecting such case ungrammaticalities is distance sensitive insofar as a shorter distance leads to a higher accuracy. The results are taken as support for an ”expectationdriven” parse strategy in which the way the parser uses the information of a current input item depends on the expectation resulting from the parse carried out so far. By contrast, ”input-driven” parse strategies, such as the diagnosis model (Fodor & Inoue, 1999) are unable to explain the data presented here. Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32431 SN - 1616-7392 SN - 1864-1857 IS - 21 SP - 31 EP - 60 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias A1 - Frisch, Stefan T1 - Nominative case as a multidimensional default JF - Linguistics in Potsdam N2 - The present paper addresses a current view in the psycholinguistic literature that case exhibits processing properties distinct from those of other morphological features such as number (cf. Fodor & Inoue, 2000; Meng & Bader, 2000a/b). In a speeded-acceptability judgement experiment, we show that the low performance previously found for case in contrast to number violations is limited to nominative case, whereas violations involving accusative and dative are judged more accurately. The data thus do not support the proposal that case per se is associated with special properties (in contrast to other features such as number) in reanalysis processes. Rather, there are significant judgement differences between the object cases accusative and dative on the one hand and the subject nominative case on the other. This may be explained by the fact that nominative has a specific status in German (and many other languages) as a default case. Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32447 SN - 1616-7392 IS - 21 SP - 61 EP - 72 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fischer, Susann T1 - Partitive vs. Genitive in Russian and Polish BT - an empirical study on case alternation in the object domain JF - Linguistics in Potsdam N2 - The present paper addresses a current view in the psycholinguistic literature that case exhibits processing properties distinct from those of other morphological features such as number (cf. Fodor & Inoue, 2000; Meng & Bader, 2000a/b). In a speeded-acceptability judgement experiment, we show that the low performance previously found for case in contrast to number violations is limited to nominative case, whereas violations involving accusative and dative are judged more accurately. The data thus do not support the proposal that case per se is associated with special properties (in contrast to other features such as number) in reanalysis processes. Rather, there are significant judgement differences between the object cases accusative and dative on the one hand and the subject nominative case on the other. This may be explained by the fact that nominative has a specific status in German (and many other languages) as a default case. Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32457 SN - 1616-7392 IS - 21 SP - 73 EP - 89 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Vogel, Ralf A1 - Zugck, Marco T1 - Counting Markedness BT - a corpus investigation on German free relative constructions JF - Linguistics in Potsdam N2 - This paper reports the results of a corpus investigation on case conflicts in German argument free relative constructions. We investigate how corpus frequencies reflect the relative markedness of free relative and correlative constructions, the relative markedness of different case conflict configurations, and the relative markedness of different conflict resolution strategies. Section 1 introduces the conception of markedness as used in Optimality Theory. Section 2 introduces the facts about German free relative clauses, and section 3 presents the results of the corpus study. By and large, markedness and frequency go hand in hand. However, configurations at the highest end of the markedness scale rarely show up in corpus data, and for the configuration at the lowest end we found an unexpected outcome: the more marked structure is preferred. Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32476 SN - 1864-1857 SN - 1616-7392 VL - 21 SP - 105 EP - 122 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Vogel, Ralf A1 - Frisch, Stefan T1 - The resolution of case conflicts BT - a pilot study JF - Linguistics in Potsdam N2 - This paper reports the results of a pilot study on the resolution of case conflicts in German free relative constructions. Section 1 gives a brief introduction into the phenomenon, section 2 presents the experiment and its results, section 3 ends the paper with a brief more general discussion. Y1 - 2003 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32466 SN - 1616-7392 SN - 1864-1857 VL - 21 SP - 91 EP - 103 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dipper, Stefanie A1 - Götze, Michael A1 - Stede, Manfred A1 - Wegst, Tillmann T1 - ANNIS BT - a linguistic database for exploring information structure JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632 N2 - In this paper, we discuss the design and implementation of our first version of the database "ANNIS" ("ANNotation of Information Structure"). For research based on empirical data, ANNIS provides a uniform environment for storing this data together with its linguistic annotations. A central database promotes standardized annotation, which facilitates interpretation and comparison of the data. ANNIS is used through a standard web browser and offers tier-based visualization of data and annotations, as well as search facilities that allow for cross-level and cross-sentential queries. The paper motivates the design of the system, characterizes its user interface, and provides an initial technical evaluation of ANNIS with respect to data size and query processing. Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8432 SN - 1866-4725 SN - 1614-4708 IS - 1 SP - 245 EP - 279 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Höhle, Barbara A1 - Weissenborn, Jürgen A1 - Kiefer, Dorothea A1 - Schulz, Antje A1 - Schmitz, Michaela T1 - Functional elements in infants’ speech processing : the role of determiners in the syntactic categorization of lexical elements N2 - How do children determine the syntactic category of novel words? In this article we present the results of 2 experiments that investigated whether German children between 12 and 16 months of age can use distributional knowledge that determiners precede nouns and subject pronouns precede verbs to syntactically categorize adjacent novel words. Evidence from the head-turn preference paradigm shows that, although 12- to 13-month-olds cannot do this, 14- to 16-month-olds are able to use a determiner to categorize a following novel word as a noun. In contrast, no categorization effect was found for a novel word following a subject pronoun. To understand this difference we analyzed adult child-directed speech. This analysis showed that there are in fact stronger co-occurrence relations between determiners and nouns than between subject pronouns and verbs. Thus, in German determiners may be more reliable cues to the syntactic category of an adjacent novel word than are subject pronouns. We propose that the capacity to syntactically categorize novel words, demonstrated here for the first time in children this young, mediates between the recognition of the specific morphosyntactic frame in which a novel word appears and the word-to-world mapping that is needed to build up a semantic representation for the novel word. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - paper 023 Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-16285 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Cyclic phonology-syntax-interaction BT - movement to first position in German JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632 N2 - This paper investigates the nature of the attraction of XPs to clauseinitial position in German (and other languages). It argues that there are two different types of preposing. First, an XP can move when it is attracted by an EPP-like feature of Comp. Comp can, however, also attract elements that bear the formal marker of some semantic or pragmatic (information theoretic) function. This second type of movement is driven by the attraction of a formal property of the moved element. It has often been misanalysed as “operator” movement in the past. Japanese wh-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the wh-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of Multiple Spell-Out in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a wh-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and wh-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out. KW - topicalization KW - focus movement KW - operator movement KW - A-bar-movement Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8264 SN - 1866-4725 SN - 1614-4708 IS - 1 SP - 1 EP - 42 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ishihara, Shinichiro T1 - Prosody by phase BT - evidence from focus intonation wh-scope correspondence in Japanese JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632 N2 - Japanese wh-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the wh-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of Multiple Spell-Out in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a wh-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and wh-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out. KW - Japanese KW - wh-question KW - prosody KW - focus intonation KW - wh-scope KW - cyclicity KW - phase KW - Multiple Spell-Out Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8391 SN - 1866-4725 SN - 1614-4708 IS - 1 SP - 77 EP - 119 ER -