TY - JOUR A1 - Uth, Melanie A1 - Blestel, Élodie A1 - Sánchez Moreano, Santiago T1 - Labialization of final nasals T1 - Labialización de las nasales finales BT - estudio comparativo en tres regiones de español americano BT - a comparative study in three regions of a meric an spanish JF - Forma y función N2 - Comparamos la labialización no asimiladora de nasales finales en español en tres corpus de español americano (mexicano, colombiano y paraguayo). Si bien es conocida la labialización no asimiladora en español yucateco, es en gran parte desconocida en otras regiones de habla hispana, por lo que a menudo se atribuye a la influencia maya. Ahora bien, se han señalado casualmente hábitos de pronunciación similares tanto en Paraguay como en Colombia. Comparando empíricamente la labialización en tres corpus constituidos sobre la misma base metodológica, concluimos que la evidencia a favor del contacto lingüístico es como mucho sumamente indirecta. Independientemente de esto, encontramos que la diferencia más marcada es que la tasa de labialización parece ser determinada por la duración de la pausa subsiguiente en los datos de la península yucateca, mas no en aquellos de Colombia y Paraguay. Argumentamos que es cierto que el contacto puede eventualmente haber desencadenado el desarrollo de este rasgo en el español yucateco, puesto que el español actual casi no conoce nasales labiales finales, pero el maya sí. Sin embargo, el perfil lingüístico (hablantes monolingües vs. bilingües) no tiene ningún efecto en nuestros datos yucatecos y paraguayos, y en el total de nuestros datos tampoco encontramos evidencia en favor de la hipótesis que el contacto lingüístico hubiera jugado un rol (importante) en el desarrollo de las labiales nasales en las tres variedades. N2 - We compare the non-assimilative labialization of final nasals in Spanish in three corpora of American Spanish (Mexican, Colombian and Paraguayan). While non-assimilative labialization is known in Yucatecan Spanish, it is largely unknown in other Spanish-speaking regions, and is therefore often attributed to Mayan influence. However, similar pronunciation habits have coincidentally been reported in both Paraguay and Colombia. By empirically comparing labialization in three corpora produced on the same methodological basis, we conclude that the evidence in support of language contact is at best highly indirect. Regardless of this, we find that the most marked difference is that the rate of labialization seems to be determined by the length of the subsequent pause in the data from the Yucatecan peninsula, but not in those from Colombia and Paraguay. We argue that it is true that contact may have eventually triggered the development of this feature in Yucatecan Spanish, since contemporary Spanish has almost no labial final nasals, whereas Mayan does. However, linguistic profile (monolingual vs. bilingual speakers) has no effect on our Yucatecan and Paraguayan data, and in the totality of our data we also find no evidence to support the hypothesis that language contact would have played a (major) role in the development of labial nasals in the three varieties KW - labialización KW - nasales a final de palabra KW - español yucateco KW - español paragua-yo KW - español colombiano KW - labialization KW - word-final nasals KW - Yucatecan Spanish KW - Paraguayan Spanish KW - Colom-bian Spanish Y1 - 2023 UR - http://www.scielo.org.co/pdf/fyf/v37n1/2256-5469-fyf-37-01-e4644.pdf U6 - https://doi.org/10.15446/fyf.v37n1.104644 SN - 2256-5469 SN - 0120-338X VL - 37 IS - 1 SP - 1 EP - 25 PB - Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas CY - Bogotá ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Auhagen, Christopher Patrick A1 - Uth, Melanie T1 - Variation of relative complementizers in Yucatecan Spanish BT - A comparison of monolingual and bilingual speakers JF - Languages N2 - The starting point of this article is the occurrence of determiner-less and bare que relative complementizers like (en) que, ‘(in) that’, instead of (en) el que, ‘(in) which’, in Yucatecan Spanish (southeast Mexico). While reference grammars treat complementizers with a determiner as the standard option, previous diachronic research has shown that determiner-less complementizers actually predate relative complementizers with a determiner. Additionally, Yucatecan Spanish has been in long-standing contact with Yucatec Maya. Relative complementation in Yucatec Maya differs from that in Spanish (at least) in that the non-complex complementizer tu’ux (‘where’) is generally the only option for locative complementation. The paper explores monolingual and bilingual data from Yucatecan Spanish to discuss the question whether the determiner-less and bare que relative complementizers in our data constitute a historic remnant or a dialectal recast, possibly (but not necessarily) due to language contact. Although our pilot study may not answer these far-reaching questions, it does reveal two separate, but intertwined developments: (i) a generally increased rate of bare que relative complementation, across both monolingual speakers of Spanish and Spanish Maya bilinguals, compared to other Spanish varieties, and (ii) a preference for donde at the cost of other locative complementizer constructions in the bilingual group. Our analysis thus reveals intriguing differences between the complementizer preferences of monolingual and bilingual speakers, suggesting that different variational patterns caused by different (socio-)linguistic factors can co-develop in parallel in one and the [same] region. KW - relative complementation KW - variability KW - language contact KW - diachrony KW - Yucatecan Spanish Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3390/languages7040279 SN - 2226-471X VL - 7 IS - 4 PB - MDPI CY - Basel ER -