TY - CHAP A1 - Quitzow, Rainer A1 - Bersalli, Germán A1 - Lilliestam, Johan A1 - Prontera, Andrea ED - Rayner, Tim ED - Szulecki, Kacper ED - Jordan, Andrew J. ED - Oberthür, Sebastian T1 - Green recovery BT - catalyst for an enhanced EU role in climate and energy policy? T2 - Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics N2 - This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission’s role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level. KW - European Union KW - green recovery KW - climate finance KW - European Green Deal KW - just transition Y1 - 2023 SN - 978-1-78990-698-1 SN - 978-1-78990-697-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781789906981.00039 SP - 351 EP - 366 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ollier, Lana A1 - Metz, Florence A1 - Nuñez-Jimenez, Alejandro A1 - Späth, Leonhard A1 - Lilliestam, Johan T1 - The European 2030 climate and energy package BT - do domestic strategy adaptations precede EU policy change? JF - Policy sciences N2 - The European Union’s 2030 climate and energy package introduced fundamental changes compared to its 2020 predecessor. These changes included a stronger focus on the internal market and an increased emphasis on technology-neutral decarbonization while simultaneously de-emphasizing the renewables target. This article investigates whether changes in domestic policy strategies of leading member states in European climate policy preceded the observed changes in EU policy. Disaggregating strategic change into changes in different elements (goals, objectives, instrumental logic), allows us to go beyond analyzing the relative prioritization of different goals, and to analyze how policy requirements for reaching those goals were dynamically redefined over time. To this end, we introduce a new method, which based on insights from social network analysis, enables us to systematically trace those strategic chances. We find that shifts in national strategies of the investigated member states preceded the shift in EU policy. In particular, countries reframed their understanding of supply security, and pushed for the internal electricity market also as a security measure to balance fluctuating renewables. Hence, the increasing focus on markets and market integration in the European 2030 package echoed the increasingly central role of the internal market for electricity supply security in national strategies. These findings also highlight that countries dynamically redefined their goals relative to the different phases of the energy transition. KW - climate and energy policy KW - policy strategy KW - European Union KW - decarbonization KW - renewable energy Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11077-022-09447-5 SN - 0032-2687 SN - 1573-0891 VL - 55 IS - 1 SP - 161 EP - 184 PB - Springer Science+Business Media LLC CY - New York ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Meinel, Christoph A1 - Galbas, Michael A1 - Hagebölling, David T1 - Digital sovereignty: insights from Germany’s education sector T1 - Digitale Souveränität: Erkenntnisse aus dem deutschen Bildungssektor N2 - Digital technology offers significant political, economic, and societal opportunities. At the same time, the notion of digital sovereignty has become a leitmotif in German discourse: the state’s capacity to assume its responsibilities and safeguard society’s – and individuals’ – ability to shape the digital transformation in a self-determined way. The education sector is exemplary for the challenge faced by Germany, and indeed Europe, of harnessing the benefits of digital technology while navigating concerns around sovereignty. It encompasses education as a core public good, a rapidly growing field of business, and growing pools of highly sensitive personal data. The report describes pathways to mitigating the tension between digitalization and sovereignty at three different levels – state, economy, and individual – through the lens of concrete technical projects in the education sector: the HPI Schul-Cloud (state sovereignty), the MERLOT data spaces (economic sovereignty), and the openHPI platform (individual sovereignty). N2 - Digitale Technologien bieten erhebliche politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Chancen. Zugleich ist der Begriff digitale Souveränität zu einem Leitmotiv im deutschen Diskurs über digitale Technologien geworden: das heißt, die Fähigkeit des Staates, seine Verantwortung wahrzunehmen und die Befähigung der Gesellschaft – und des Einzelnen – sicherzustellen, die digitale Transformation selbstbestimmt zu gestalten. Exemplarisch für die Herausforderung in Deutschland und Europa, die Vorteile digitaler Technologien zu nutzen und gleichzeitig Souveränitätsbedenken zu berücksichtigen, steht der Bildungssektor. Er umfasst Bildung als zentrales öffentliches Gut, ein schnell aufkommendes Geschäftsfeld und wachsende Bestände an hochsensiblen personenbezogenen Daten. Davon ausgehend beschreibt der Bericht Wege zur Entschärfung des Spannungsverhältnisses zwischen Digitalisierung und Souveränität auf drei verschiedenen Ebenen – Staat, Wirtschaft und Individuum – anhand konkreter technischer Projekte im Bildungsbereich: die HPI Schul-Cloud (staatliche Souveränität), die MERLOT-Datenräume (wirtschaftliche Souveränität) und die openHPI-Plattform (individuelle Souveränität). T3 - Technische Berichte des Hasso-Plattner-Instituts für Digital Engineering an der Universität Potsdam - 157 KW - digitalization KW - digital sovereignty KW - digital education KW - HPI Schul-Cloud KW - MERLOT KW - openHPI KW - European Union KW - Digitalisierung KW - digitale Souveränität KW - digitale Bildung KW - HPI Schul-Cloud KW - MERLOT KW - openHPI KW - Europäische Union Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-597723 SN - 978-3-86956-561-3 SN - 1613-5652 SN - 2191-1665 IS - 157 SP - 1 EP - 27 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hecke, Steven van A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Wolfs, Wouter T1 - The politics of crisis management by regional and international organizations in fighting against a global pandemic BT - the member states at a crossroads JF - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration N2 - Despite new challenges like climate change and digitalization, global and regional organizations recently went through turbulent times due to a lack of support from several of their member states. Next to this crisis of multilateralism, the COVID-19 pandemic now seems to question the added value of international organizations for addressing global governance issues more specifically. This article analyses this double challenge that several organizations are facing and compares their ways of managing the crisis by looking at their institutional and political context, their governance structure, and their behaviour during the pandemic until June 2020. More specifically, it will explain the different and fragmented responses of the World Health Organization, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. With the aim of understanding the old and new problems that these international organizations are trying to solve, this article argues that the level of autonomy vis-a-vis the member states is crucial for understanding the politics of crisis management.
Points for practitioners
As intergovernmental bodies, international organizations require authorization by their member states. Since they also need funding for their operations, different degrees of autonomy also matter for reacting to emerging challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential for international organizations is limited, though through proactive and bold initiatives, they can seize the opportunity of the crisis and partly overcome institutional and political constraints. KW - autonomy KW - COVID-19 KW - crisis management KW - European Union KW - International KW - Monetary Fund KW - international organizations KW - multilateralism KW - World Bank KW - World Health Organization Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852320984516 SN - 0020-8523 SN - 1461-7226 VL - 87 IS - 3 SP - 672 EP - 690 PB - Sage CY - Los Angeles, Calif. [u.a.] ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ebers, Martin A1 - Hoch, Veronica R. S. A1 - Rosenkranz, Frank A1 - Ruschemeier, Hannah A1 - Steinrötter, Björn T1 - The European Commission’s proposal for an Artificial Intelligence Act BT - A critical assessment by members of the Robotics and AI Law Society (RAILS) JF - J : multidisciplinary scientific journal N2 - On 21 April 2021, the European Commission presented its long-awaited proposal for a Regulation “laying down harmonized rules on Artificial Intelligence”, the so-called “Artificial Intelligence Act” (AIA). This article takes a critical look at the proposed regulation. After an introduction (1), the paper analyzes the unclear preemptive effect of the AIA and EU competences (2), the scope of application (3), the prohibited uses of Artificial Intelligence (AI) (4), the provisions on high-risk AI systems (5), the obligations of providers and users (6), the requirements for AI systems with limited risks (7), the enforcement system (8), the relationship of the AIA with the existing legal framework (9), and the regulatory gaps (10). The last section draws some final conclusions (11). KW - artificial intelligence KW - machine learning KW - European Union KW - regulation KW - harmonization KW - Artificial Intelligence Act Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3390/j4040043 SN - 2571-8800 VL - 4 IS - 4 SP - 589 EP - 603 PB - MDPI CY - Basel ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bobzien, Licia A1 - Kalleitner, Fabian T1 - Attitudes towards European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic BT - evidence from a net-contributor country JF - European societies N2 - Whilst the Covid-19 pandemic affects all European countries, the ways in which these countries are prepared for the health and subsequent economic crisis varies considerably. Financial solidarity within the European Union (EU) could mitigate some of these inequalities but depends upon the support of the citizens of individual member states for such policies. This paper studies attitudes of the Austrian population - a net-contributor to the European budget - towards financial solidarity using two waves of the Austrian Corona Panel Project collected in May and June 2020. We find that individuals (i) who are less likely to consider the Covid-19 pandemic as a national economic threat, (ii) who believe that Austria benefits from supporting other countries, and (iii) who prefer the crisis to be organized more centrally at EU-level show higher support for European financial solidarity. Using fixed effects models, we further show that perceiving economic threats and preferring central crisis management also explain attitude dynamics within individuals over time. We conclude that cost-benefit perceptions are important determinants for individual support of European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic. KW - Covid-19 KW - financial solidarity KW - European Union KW - Austria Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2020.1836669 SN - 1461-6696 SN - 1469-8307 VL - 23 IS - Sup. 1 SP - S791 EP - S804 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Paasch, Jana T1 - Revisiting policy preferences and capacities in the EU BT - Multi-level policy implementation in the subnational authorities JF - Journal of common market studies : JCMS N2 - Research on multi-level implementation of EU legislation has almost exclusively focused on the national level, while little is known about the role of subnational authorities. Nevertheless, it is a prerequisite for the functioning of the European Union that all member states and their subnational authorities apply and enforce EU legislation in due time. I address this research gap and take a closer look at the legal transposition process in the German regional states. Using a novel data set comprising detailed information on about 700 subnational measures, I show that state-level variables, such as political preferences and ministerial resources, account for variation in the timing of legal transposition and repeatedly lead to subnational delay. To conclude, the paper addresses the role of subnational authorities in the EU multi-level system and points to their interest in shaping legal transposition in order to counterbalance their loss of competences to the national level. KW - European Union KW - transposition KW - EU directives KW - implementation measures KW - subnational authorities Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13286 SN - 0021-9886 SN - 1468-5965 VL - 60 IS - 3 SP - 783 EP - 800 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian T1 - Struggling over crisis T1 - Umkämpfte Krise BT - Discoursive Positionings and Academic Positions in the Field of German-Speaking Economists BT - Diskursive Positionierungen und akademische Positionen im Feld deutschsprachiger Volkswirt*innen JF - Historical Social Research N2 - If you put two economists in a room, you get two opinions, unless one of them is Lord Keynes, in which case you get three opinions.” Following the premise of this quotation attributed to Winston Churchill, varying perceptions of the European crisis by academic economists and their structural homology to economists’ positions in the field of economics are examined. The dataset analysed using specific multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) and hierarchical agglomerative clustering (HAC) comprises information on the careers of 480 German-speaking economists and on statements they made concerning crisis-related issues. It can be shown that the main structural differences in the composition and amount of scientific and academic capital held by economists as well as their age and degree of transnationalisation are linked to how they see the crisis: as a national sovereign debt crisis, as a European banking crisis, or as a crisis of European integration and institutions. KW - Economics KW - multiple correspondence analysis KW - Bourdieu KW - field KW - discourse KW - mixed methods KW - European Union KW - crisis Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.12759/hsr.43.2018.3.147-188 SN - 0172-6404 VL - 43 IS - 3 SP - 147 EP - 188 PB - GESIS, Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences CY - Cologne ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Davydchyk, Maria A1 - Mehlhausen, Thomas A1 - Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika T1 - The price of success, the benefit of setbacks BT - alternative futures of EU-Ukraine relations JF - Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies N2 - This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU’s neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU’s approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare. KW - European Union KW - Ukraine KW - Russia KW - European Neighbourhood Policy KW - Eastern Europe KW - Eurasian Economic Union Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004 SN - 0016-3287 SN - 1873-6378 VL - 97 SP - 35 EP - 46 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - THES A1 - Hanschmann, Raffael Tino T1 - Stalling the engine? EU climate politics after the ‘Great Recession’ T1 - Den Motor abgewürgt? EU-Klimapolitik nach der Großen Rezession BT - investigating the impact of economic shocks on EU climate policy-making in three case studies BT - eine Untersuchung des Einflusses von Wirtschaftskrisen auf Prozesse in der EU-Klimapolitik in drei Fallstudien N2 - This dissertation investigates the impact of the economic and fiscal crisis starting in 2008 on EU climate policy-making. While the overall number of adopted greenhouse gas emission reduction policies declined in the crisis aftermath, EU lawmakers decided to introduce new or tighten existing regulations in some important policy domains. Existing knowledge about the crisis impact on EU legislative decision-making cannot explain these inconsistencies. In response, this study develops an actor-centred conceptual framework based on rational choice institutionalism that provides a micro-level link to explain how economic crises translate into altered policy-making patterns. The core theoretical argument draws on redistributive conflicts, arguing that tensions between ‘beneficiaries’ and ‘losers’ of a regulatory initiative intensify during economic crises and spill over to the policy domain. To test this hypothesis and using social network analysis, this study analyses policy processes in three case studies: The introduction of carbon dioxide emission limits for passenger cars, the expansion of the EU Emissions Trading System to aviation, and the introduction of a regulatory framework for biofuels. The key finding is that an economic shock causes EU policy domains to polarise politically, resulting in intensified conflict and more difficult decision-making. The results also show that this process of political polarisation roots in the industry that is the subject of the regulation, and that intergovernmental bargaining among member states becomes more important, but also more difficult in times of crisis. N2 - Diese Dissertation untersucht den Einfluss der in 2008 beginnenden globalen Wirtschaftskrise auf die Prozesse der EU-Klimapolitik. Während die Zahl der verabschiedeten Gesetze zur Treibhausgasreduktion nach Krisenausbruch insgesamt sank, entschieden die EU-Gesetzgeber, in mehreren wichtigen Politikfeldern neue Regulierungen einzuführen oder existierende zu verschärfen. Bestehendes Wissen zum Einfluss der Krise auf EU-Gesetzgebungsprozesse kann diese Inkonsistenzen nicht erklären. Daher entwickelt diese Arbeit ein auf Rational-Choice-Institutionalismus basierendes konzeptionelles Gerüst, das auf der Mikro-Ebene eine kausale Verbindung zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und veränderten Politikprozessen herstellt. Das zentrale theoretische Argument beruht auf Verteilungskonflikten innerhalb der regulierten Wirtschaftsbranchen: Die Spannung zwischen „Nutznießern“ und „Verlierern“ einer geplanten Regulierung intensiviert sich in Krisenzeiten und setzt sich im politischen Raum fort. Diese Hypothese wird an drei Fallstudien mittels sozialer Netzwerkanalyse getestet. Die drei Fallstudien untersuchen politische Entscheidungsprozesse in den folgenden EU-Politikfeldern: Kohlenstoffdioxid-Emissionsgrenzen für PKW, die Ausweitung des Emissionshandels auf Flugverkehr und die Einführung eines Regulierungsrahmens für Biokraftstoffe. Die wichtigste Erkenntnis der Untersuchung ist, dass makroökonomische Schocks eine Polarisierung der politischen Interessen innerhalb eines Politikfeldes auslösen, dadurch Konflikte intensivieren und letztlich Entscheidungsfindungen erschweren. Die Ergebnisse zeigen zudem, dass dieser Polarisierungsprozess in der regulierten Wirtschaftsbranche wurzelt. Außerdem werden Verhandlungen zwischen den Regierungen der Mitgliedsstaaten in Krisenzeiten wichtiger, aber auch schwieriger.  KW - EU KW - European Union KW - policy-making KW - network analysis KW - policy preferences KW - economic crisis KW - crisis KW - climate KW - climate change KW - climate policy KW - climate politics KW - environmental policy KW - EU KW - Europäische Union KW - Politikgestaltung KW - Netzwerkanalyse KW - Politikpräferenzen KW - Wirtschaftskrise KW - Krise KW - Klima KW - Klimawandel KW - Klimapolitik KW - Umweltpolitik Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-440441 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian T1 - Europeanisation, stateness, and professions BT - what role do economic expertise and economic experts play in European political integration? T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - The article explores Europeanisation as an effect of European political integration, a process driven by struggles over the legitimate political and social order that is to prevail in Europe. Firstly, an analytic framework is constructed, drawing on insights from Pierre Bourdieu’s work on similar struggles over nation-stateness. Secondly, the mechanisms identified are used to assess the role played by economic experts and expertise in the process of European political integration. It is argued that concepts arising from economic disciplines, agents educated in economics, and practising economic professionals influence European political integration and have benefited from Europeanisation initiated by this process. Special emphasis is placed on strategies of integrating Europe by law or by market, on governing Europe using economic expertise, on the role played by economic academia in researching and objectifying Europe, and on staffing European institutions with economists. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 99 KW - field theory KW - economics KW - professions KW - European Union KW - neo-liberal governance KW - political integration Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412590 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 99 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Krahé, Barbara A1 - Berger, Anja A1 - Vanwesenbeeck, Ine A1 - Bianchi, Gabriel A1 - Chliaoutakis, Joannes A1 - Fernandez-Fuertes, Andres A. A1 - Fuertes, Antonio A1 - de Matos, Margarida Gaspar A1 - Hadjigeorgiou, Eleni A1 - Haller, Birgitt A1 - Hellemans, Sabine A1 - Izdebski, Zbigniew A1 - Kouta, Christiana A1 - Meijnckens, Dwayne A1 - Murauskiene, Liubove A1 - Papadakaki, Maria A1 - Ramiro, Lucia A1 - Reis, Marta A1 - Symons, Katrien A1 - Tomaszewska, Paulina A1 - Vicario-Molina, Isabel A1 - Zygadlo, Andrzej T1 - Prevalence and correlates of young people's sexual aggression perpetration and victimisation in 10 European countries: a multi-level analysis JF - Culture, health & sexuality : a journal for research, intervention and care N2 - Data are presented on young people's sexual victimisation and perpetration from 10 European countries (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Greece, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia and Spain) using a shared measurement tool (N = 3480 participants, aged between 18 and 27 years). Between 19.7 and 52.2% of female and between 10.1 and 55.8% of male respondents reported having experienced at least one incident of sexual victimisation since the age of consent. In two countries, victimisation rates were significantly higher for men than for women. Between 5.5 and 48.7% of male and 2.6 and 14.8% of female participants reported having engaged in a least one act of sexual aggression perpetration, with higher rates for men than for women in all countries. Victimisation rates correlated negatively with sexual assertiveness and positively with alcohol use in sexual encounters. Perpetration rates correlated positively with attitudes condoning physical dating violence and with alcohol use in men, and negatively with sexual assertiveness in women. At the country level, lower gender equality in economic power and in the work domain was related to higher male perpetration rates. Lower gender equality in political power and higher sexual assertiveness in women relative to men were linked to higher male victimisation rates. KW - young people KW - sexual aggression KW - multi-level correlates KW - European Union KW - sexual victimisation Y1 - 2015 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2014.989265 SN - 1369-1058 SN - 1464-5351 VL - 17 IS - 6 SP - 682 EP - 699 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tosun, Jale A1 - Schulze, Kai T1 - Compliance with EU biofuel targets in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe: Do interest groups matter? JF - Environment & planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government & policy N2 - The European Union requires its member states to establish national targets for the biofuel content of all diesel and petrol supplies for transport placed on the market. This study explores the adoption of this European Union policy across South-Eastern and Eastern Europe between 2003 and 2012. In theoretical terms, we are specifically interested in examining the role of interest groups for policy adoption. We argue that the oil industry in general and the producers of biofuels in particular will support the establishment of national biofuel targets because they expect economic gains. By contrast, we expect environmental groups with international and regional ties to oppose such targets because biofuels have come under attack for their potential environmental impact including deforestation, a loss in biodiversity, and food insecurity. Empirically, we concentrate on policy adoptions in 21 South-Eastern and Eastern European states with varied relations to the European Union and the Energy Community. Our analysis supports our main arguments in suggesting that a stronger presence of environmental groups decreases the chances of adopting national biofuel targets across our country sample while producer interests tend to increase adoptions. This finding holds true also when controlling for a country's European Union membership and accession perspective, membership in the Energy Community, and additional domestic-level factors. These results add more generally to our understanding about compliance with European Union policies and environmental governance. KW - Biofuels KW - Eastern Europe KW - Energy Community KW - European Union KW - lobbying KW - South-Eastern Europe Y1 - 2015 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0263774X15605923 SN - 0263-774X SN - 1472-3425 VL - 33 IS - 5 SP - 950 EP - 968 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Krahé, Barbara A1 - Tomaszewska, Paulina A1 - Kuyper, Lisette A1 - Vanwesenbeeck, Ine T1 - Prevalence of sexual aggression among young people in Europe: a review of the evidence from 27 EU countries JF - Aggression and violent behavior : a review journa N2 - Sexual aggression poses a serious threat to the sexual well-being of young people. This paper documents the available evidence on the prevalence of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization from 27 EU countries, established as part of the Youth Sexual Aggression and Victimization (Y-SAV) project. A total of N = 113 studies were identified through a systematic review of the literature and consultations with experts in each country. Despite differences in the number of available studies, methodology, and sample composition, the review shows substantial prevalence rates of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization across Europe. A wide variation was found, both within and between countries. The lifetime prevalence rates of female sexual victimization, excluding childhood sexual abuse, ranged from 9 to 83%, the rates of male sexual victimization ranged from 2 to 66%, the rates of male sexual aggression ranged from 0 to 80%, and the range of female sexual aggression ranged from 0.8 to 40%. One-year prevalence rates showed a similar variability. Conceptual and methodological problems in the database are discussed, and an outline is presented for a more harmonized approach to studying the scale of sexual aggression among young people in Europe. (c) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. KW - Sexual aggression KW - Sexual victimization KW - Adolescence KW - European Union Y1 - 2014 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2014.07.005 SN - 1359-1789 SN - 1873-6335 VL - 19 IS - 5 SP - 545 EP - 558 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - THES A1 - Patz, Ronny T1 - Information flows in the context of EU policy-making : affiliation networks and the post-2012 reform of the EU's Common Fisheries Policy T1 - Informationsflüsse im Kontext von EU-Entscheidungsprozessen : Affiliations-Netzwerke und die Reform der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik der EU für die Zeit nach 2012 N2 - Information flows in EU policy-making are heavily dependent on personal networks, both within the Brussels sphere but also reaching outside the narrow limits of the Belgian capital. These networks develop for example in the course of formal and informal meetings or at the sidelines of such meetings. A plethora of committees at European, transnational and regional level provides the basis for the establishment of pan-European networks. By studying affiliation to those committees, basic network structures can be uncovered. These affiliation network structures can then be used to predict EU information flows, assuming that certain positions within the network are advantageous for tapping into streams of information while others are too remote and peripheral to provide access to information early enough. This study has tested those assumptions for the case of the reform of the Common Fisheries Policy for the time after 2012. Through the analysis of an affiliation network based on participation in 10 different fisheries policy committees over two years (2009 and 2010), network data for an EU-wide network of about 1300 fisheries interest group representatives and more than 200 events was collected. The structure of this network showed a number of interesting patterns, such as – not surprisingly – a rather central role of Brussels-based committees but also close relations of very specific interests to the Brussels-cluster and stronger relations between geographically closer maritime regions. The analysis of information flows then focused on access to draft EU Commission documents containing the upcoming proposal for a new basic regulation of the Common Fisheries Policy. It was first documented that it would have been impossible to officially obtain this document and that personal networks were thus the most likely sources for fisheries policy actors to obtain access to these “leaks” in early 2011. A survey of a sample of 65 actors from the initial network supported these findings: Only a very small group had accessed the draft directly from the Commission. Most respondents who obtained access to the draft had received it from other actors, highlighting the networked flow of informal information in EU politics. Furthermore, the testing of the hypotheses connecting network positions and the level of informedness indicated that presence in or connections to the Brussels sphere had both advantages for overall access to the draft document and with regard to timing. Methodologically, challenges of both the network analysis and the analysis of information flows but also their relevance for the study of EU politics have been documented. In summary, this study has laid the foundation for a different way to study EU policy-making by connecting topical and methodological elements – such as affiliation network analysis and EU committee governance – which so far have not been considered together, thereby contributing in various ways to political science and EU studies. N2 - Informationsflüsse im Kontext von EU-Entscheidungsprozessen sind ohne persönliche Netzwerke kaum denkbar, sowohl solche innerhalb der Brüsseler Sphäre aber auch solche, die über die engen Grenzen der belgischen Hauptstadt hinausreichen. Solche Netzwerke entwickeln sich zum Beispiel im Laufe von offiziellen und inoffiziellen Treffen, oft auch am Rande solcher Ereignisse. Die Vielzahl von Ausschüssen auf europäischer, transnationaler und regionaler Ebene bildet daher die Grundlage für die Schaffung europäischer Netzwerkstrukturen. Indem wir die Teilnahme an solchen Ausschüssen untersuchen, ist es uns möglich, grundlegende Strukturmerkmale solcher Netzwerke aufzudecken. Solche Affiliationsnetzwerk-Strukturen können dann die Grundlage zur Vorhersage von europäischen Informationsflüssen bilden: Die Annahme ist, dass bestimmte Positionen in solchen Netzwerken vorteilhaft für den Zugang zu Informationsflüssen sind, während andere Positionen (zu) weit entfernt und zu peripher sind, um rechtzeitigen Zugriff auf relevante Informationen zu erhalten. Die vorliegende Studie testet diese Annahmen anhand der Reform der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik der Europäischen Union für die Zeit nach 2012 . Basierend auf Teilnahmedaten von 10 Fischereipolitik-Ausschüssen über den Zeitraum von zwei Jahren (2009 und 2010) wurde ein Affilationsnetzwerk aus mehr als 1300 Interessenvertretern und –vertreterinnen sowie über 200 Ereignissen erhoben. Die Struktur dieses Netzwerks zeigt eine Reihe von interessanten Mustern auf, zum Beispiel die zentrale Rolle von Brüssel-basierten Ausschüssen aber auch die enge Verknüpfung bestimmter Interessen mit dem Brüsseler Kern des Netzwerk sowie die enge Vernetzung geographisch benachbarter Meeresregionen. Die Analyse von EU-Informationsflüssen wurde dann Anhand des Zugangs von Akteuren aus dem erhobenen Netzwerk zu (nichtöffentlichen) Entwurfsfassungen des Kommissionsvorschlags für eine neue Gemeinsame Fischereipolitik durchgeführt. Zunächst wurde dokumentiert, dass der Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten auf offiziellen Wegen unmöglich war und dass daher Zugang durch erweiterte persönliche Netzwerke die wahrscheinlichste Erklärung für den Erhalt von „Leaks“ durch Fischereipolitik-Interessengruppen in der ersten Hälfte von 2011 war. Eine Umfrage unter 65 Akteuren aus der Gesamtpopulation des Gesamtnetzwerk unterstützte diese Vermutung: Nur eine kleine Gruppe hatte Zugang zu den nicht-öffentlichen Entwurfsdokumenten durch ihre direkten Beziehungen mit der EU-Kommission. Die meisten Teilnehmer der Umfrage hatte Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten durch Dritte erhalten, ein Nachweis, dass EU-Informationen sich tatsächlich in weiteren Netzwerkstrukturen verbreiten. Die Studie konnte auch zeigen, dass enge Affiliations-Beziehungen zur Brüsseler Sphäre ein relevanter Indikator für den (zeitnahen) Zugang zu nicht-öffentlichen EU-Dokumenten ist. Die Herausforderungen in der methodischen Erhebungen von europäischen Affiliationsnetzwerkdaten und von EU-Informationsflüssen werden dabei in der Studie ausführlich dokumentiert. Die Relevanz dieser Methoden zur Analyse von EU-Politik wird ebenfalls im Detail dargelegt. Zusammenfassend legt diese Doktorarbeit die Grundlage für eine neue Art, europäische und transnationale politische Prozesse in Europa zu untersuchen. Sie verbinden thematische und methodische Ansätze – zum Beispiel Affiliationsnetzwerkanalyse und die Untersuchung des EU-Ausschusswesens – die bislang in dieser Form noch nicht zusammengeführt wurden, und trägt dadurch auf verschiedenste Weise zur Weiterentwicklung der Politikwissenschaft und der Europastudien bei. KW - Netzwerkanalyse KW - Europäische Union KW - Informationsflüsse KW - Ausschüsse KW - Affiliationsnetzwerke KW - network analysis KW - European Union KW - information flow KW - committee governance KW - affiliation networks Y1 - 2013 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70732 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel T1 - Challenges to the external identity making in the European Union JF - WeltTrends-Papiere N2 - Inhalt: Introduction: The problem at hand Approaches to EU’s external identity making Mechanisms of external identity making Theoretical approaches to the EU’s external identity making The EU’s external identity promotion The ENP policy instruments Conclusions References KW - Polen KW - Europäische Union KW - Deutschland KW - Integration KW - Vertiefung KW - Poland KW - European Union KW - Germany KW - Integration KW - Consolidation Y1 - 2010 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62953 SN - 1864-0656 IS - 15 SP - 43 EP - 61 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - GEN A1 - Bielawski, Martina A1 - Jurišić, J. A1 - Lenz, T. A1 - Maxian Rusche, T. A1 - Nippert, C. T1 - Via : communis Europa ; Europe's architecture in 2020 N2 - Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020 KW - Europäische Union KW - Europaidentität KW - Außenpolitik KW - Verteidigungspolitik KW - European Union KW - European identity KW - foreign policy KW - defence policy Y1 - 2006 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48454 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Koasidis, Jannis T1 - Bridges to the east : Poland and the European foreign policy by 2020 N2 - Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020 KW - Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik KW - Europäische Union KW - Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik KW - Ostpolitik KW - Common Foreign and Security Policy KW - European Union KW - European Neighborhood Policy KW - Eastern policy Y1 - 2006 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48404 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Pedersen, Karin Hilmer A1 - Johannsen, Lars T1 - The real challenge for change : public administration in new EU member states N2 - Executive responsibility for EU policies is by tradition delegated to the member states and their internal administrative bodies. It is therefore of outmost importance that the new Central and East European members have the capacity to administer the acquis communitaire once they are full members of the EU. Based on a survey among current and former top-level decision-makers (ministers), this article argues that although there are significant implementation problems, efficiency gains can be made through administrative reform and not the least education aimed at changing the worldview and knowledge of the individual civil servant. However, there seem to be significant differences in how these countries tackle implementation problems and administrative reform. KW - Europäische Union KW - öffentliche Verwaltung KW - European Union KW - public administration Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46718 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Jorgensen, Knud Erik T1 - Three doctrines on European foreign policy N2 - Taking its departure from the debate on the Iraq war, the article examines three so-called „doctrines“ on European foreign policy. According to the first one, there is no such thing as an EU foreign policy. This may come as a surprise for policy-makers but is a common view among media commentators, analysts and some diplomats. The second doctrine holds that the EU’s foreign policy has been, is, and always will be a failure. Reasons for this gloomy view show considerable variations and are most likely unsustainable in the long run. The third approach is more optimistic, counting on the EU’s material volume, yet often ignoring the need to politically cash in if international clout is the quest. T2 - Drei Doktrinen zur europäischen Außenpolitik KW - Europäische Union KW - Außenpolitik KW - European Union KW - European Foreign Policy Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46318 ER - TY - THES A1 - Meyer, Eike T1 - Democracy promotion by the European Union in Morocco within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy N2 - The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy“, „conditionality“ and „positive instruments“. For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more “political”, although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself – e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP. N2 - Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit untersucht den Ansatz der Europäischen Union (EU) zur Demokratieförderung in Marokko. Die Arbeit folgt einem vergleichenden Ansatz und vergleicht die Strategie der EU, die unter der 2004 ins Leben gerufenen „Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik“ (ENP) verfolgt wird, mit der, die sich bis dahin unter der „Euro-Mediterranen Partnerschaft“ (EMP) herauskristallisiert hatte. Der Vergleich wird mit dem Ziel durchgeführt herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern es berechtigt ist, neue Triebkraft und neue Anstöße für Demokratisierung durch die ENP zu erwarten. In der Arbeit werden alle Instrumente der Demokratieförderung berücksichtigt, die in die Kategorien Diplomatie, Konditionalität und positive Unterstützungsleistungen fallen. Die durchgeführten Maßnahmen werden auf drei Ebenen verglichen: Auf der ersten Ebene wird untersucht, ob sich der Schwerpunkt verschoben hat zwischen indirekten Maßnahmen, die insbesondere darauf zielen, die sozioökonomischen Voraussetzungen für erfolgreiche Demokratisierung zu schaffen, und direkten Maßnahmen, die unmittelbar in politische Reformprozesse eingreifen. Auf einer zweiten Ebene wird gefragt, ob sich der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung auf einem Kontinuum zwischen Konsens und Zwang verschoben hat. Auf einer dritten Ebene schließlich wird untersucht, ob sich das Engagement generell intensiviert hat und der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung aktiver geworden ist. Die Analyse in dieser Arbeit führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass seit der Initiierung der ENP tatsächlich ein leicht direkterer und aktiverer Ansatz verfolgt wird, während sich an dem streng partnerschaftlichen und auf Konsens ausgerichteten Ansatz der EMP nicht signifikant etwas verändert hat. Es wird jedoch auch deutlich, dass politische Reformen von Instrumenten der Demokratieförderung zwar häufiger anvisiert werden. Die Reformen, die von der EU gefördert werden, sind jedoch ausschließlich Teil des von der marokkanischen Regierung eingeleiteten und begrenzten Reformprozesses. Reformen die eine signifikante Öffnung des politischen Raumes bewirken könnten, der für die autoritäre Monarchie reserviert ist, werden auch im Rahmen der ENP von der EU weder gefördert noch gefordert. KW - Demokratieförderung KW - Europäische Union KW - Marokko KW - Europäische Außenpolitik KW - Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik KW - Democracy Promotion KW - European Union KW - Morocco KW - European Foreign Policy KW - European Neighbourhood Policy Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19591 ER -