TY - CHAP
A1 - Quitzow, Rainer
A1 - Bersalli, Germán
A1 - Lilliestam, Johan
A1 - Prontera, Andrea
ED - Rayner, Tim
ED - Szulecki, Kacper
ED - Jordan, Andrew J.
ED - Oberthür, Sebastian
T1 - Green recovery
BT - catalyst for an enhanced EU role in climate and energy policy?
T2 - Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics
N2 - This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission’s role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level.
KW - European Union
KW - green recovery
KW - climate finance
KW - European Green Deal
KW - just transition
Y1 - 2023
SN - 978-1-78990-698-1
SN - 978-1-78990-697-4
U6 - https://doi.org/10.4337/9781789906981.00039
SP - 351
EP - 366
PB - Edward Elgar Publishing
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Sohst, Rhea Ravenna
A1 - Acostamadiedo, Eduardo
A1 - Tjaden, Jasper
T1 - Reducing uncertainty in Delphi surveys
BT - a case study on immigration to the EU
JF - Demographic research
N2 - Background: Following the rapid increase of asylum seekers arriving in the European Union in 2015/16, policymakers have invested heavily in improving their foresight and forecasting capabilities. A common method to elicit expert predictions are Delphi surveys. This approach has attracted concern in the literature, given the high uncertainty in experts’ predictions. However, there exists limited guidance on specific design choices for future-related Delphi surveys.
Objective: We test whether or not small adjustments to the Delphi survey can increase certainty (i.e., reduce variation) in expert predictions on immigration to the EU in 2030.
Methods: Based on a two-round Delphi survey with 178 migration experts, we compare variation and subjective confidence in expert predictions and assess whether additional context information (type of migration flow, sociopolitical context) promotes convergence among experts (i.e., less variation) and confidence in their own estimates.
Results: We find that additional context information does not reduce variation and does not increase confidence in expert predictions on migration.
Conclusions: The results reaffirm recent concerns regarding the limited scope for reducing uncertainty by manipulating the survey setup. Persistent uncertainty may be a result of the complexity of migration processes and limited agreement among migration experts regarding key drivers.
Contribution: We caution policymakers and academics on the use of Delphi surveys for eliciting expert predictions on immigration, even when conducted based on a large pool of experts and using specific scenarios. The potential of alternative approaches such as prediction markets should be further explored.
KW - European Union
KW - immigration
KW - international migration
KW - migration flows
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.4054/DemRes.2023.49.36
SN - 2363-7064
SN - 1435-9871
VL - 49
SP - 983
EP - 1020
PB - Max Planck Inst. for Demographic Research
CY - Rostock
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Meinel, Christoph
A1 - Galbas, Michael
A1 - Hagebölling, David
T1 - Digital sovereignty: insights from Germany’s education sector
T1 - Digitale Souveränität: Erkenntnisse aus dem deutschen Bildungssektor
N2 - Digital technology offers significant political, economic, and societal opportunities. At the same time, the notion of digital sovereignty has become a leitmotif in German discourse: the state’s capacity to assume its responsibilities and safeguard society’s – and individuals’ – ability to shape the digital transformation in a self-determined way. The education sector is exemplary for the challenge faced by Germany, and indeed Europe, of harnessing the benefits of digital technology while navigating concerns around sovereignty. It encompasses education as a core public good, a rapidly growing field of business, and growing pools of highly sensitive personal data. The report describes pathways to mitigating the tension between digitalization and sovereignty at three different levels – state, economy, and individual – through the lens of concrete technical projects in the education sector: the HPI Schul-Cloud (state sovereignty), the MERLOT data spaces (economic sovereignty), and the openHPI platform (individual sovereignty).
N2 - Digitale Technologien bieten erhebliche politische, wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Chancen. Zugleich ist der Begriff digitale Souveränität zu einem Leitmotiv im deutschen Diskurs über digitale Technologien geworden: das heißt, die Fähigkeit des Staates, seine Verantwortung wahrzunehmen und die Befähigung der Gesellschaft – und des Einzelnen – sicherzustellen, die digitale Transformation selbstbestimmt zu gestalten. Exemplarisch für die Herausforderung in Deutschland und Europa, die Vorteile digitaler Technologien zu nutzen und gleichzeitig Souveränitätsbedenken zu berücksichtigen, steht der Bildungssektor. Er umfasst Bildung als zentrales öffentliches Gut, ein schnell aufkommendes Geschäftsfeld und wachsende Bestände an hochsensiblen personenbezogenen Daten. Davon ausgehend beschreibt der Bericht Wege zur Entschärfung des Spannungsverhältnisses zwischen Digitalisierung und Souveränität auf drei verschiedenen Ebenen – Staat, Wirtschaft und Individuum – anhand konkreter technischer Projekte im Bildungsbereich: die HPI Schul-Cloud (staatliche Souveränität), die MERLOT-Datenräume (wirtschaftliche Souveränität) und die openHPI-Plattform (individuelle Souveränität).
T3 - Technische Berichte des Hasso-Plattner-Instituts für Digital Engineering an der Universität Potsdam - 157
KW - digitalization
KW - digital sovereignty
KW - digital education
KW - HPI Schul-Cloud
KW - MERLOT
KW - openHPI
KW - European Union
KW - Digitalisierung
KW - digitale Souveränität
KW - digitale Bildung
KW - HPI Schul-Cloud
KW - MERLOT
KW - openHPI
KW - Europäische Union
Y1 - 2023
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-597723
SN - 978-3-86956-561-3
SN - 1613-5652
SN - 2191-1665
IS - 157
SP - 1
EP - 27
PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Paasch, Jana
T1 - Revisiting policy preferences and capacities in the EU
BT - Multi-level policy implementation in the subnational authorities
JF - Journal of common market studies : JCMS
N2 - Research on multi-level implementation of EU legislation has almost exclusively focused on the national level, while little is known about the role of subnational authorities. Nevertheless, it is a prerequisite for the functioning of the European Union that all member states and their subnational authorities apply and enforce EU legislation in due time. I address this research gap and take a closer look at the legal transposition process in the German regional states. Using a novel data set comprising detailed information on about 700 subnational measures, I show that state-level variables, such as political preferences and ministerial resources, account for variation in the timing of legal transposition and repeatedly lead to subnational delay. To conclude, the paper addresses the role of subnational authorities in the EU multi-level system and points to their interest in shaping legal transposition in order to counterbalance their loss of competences to the national level.
KW - European Union
KW - transposition
KW - EU directives
KW - implementation measures
KW - subnational authorities
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13286
SN - 0021-9886
SN - 1468-5965
VL - 60
IS - 3
SP - 783
EP - 800
PB - Wiley-Blackwell
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Ollier, Lana
A1 - Metz, Florence
A1 - Nuñez-Jimenez, Alejandro
A1 - Späth, Leonhard
A1 - Lilliestam, Johan
T1 - The European 2030 climate and energy package
BT - do domestic strategy adaptations precede EU policy change?
JF - Policy sciences
N2 - The European Union’s 2030 climate and energy package introduced fundamental changes compared to its 2020 predecessor. These changes included a stronger focus on the internal market and an increased emphasis on technology-neutral decarbonization while simultaneously de-emphasizing the renewables target. This article investigates whether changes in domestic policy strategies of leading member states in European climate policy preceded the observed changes in EU policy. Disaggregating strategic change into changes in different elements (goals, objectives, instrumental logic), allows us to go beyond analyzing the relative prioritization of different goals, and to analyze how policy requirements for reaching those goals were dynamically redefined over time. To this end, we introduce a new method, which based on insights from social network analysis, enables us to systematically trace those strategic chances. We find that shifts in national strategies of the investigated member states preceded the shift in EU policy. In particular, countries reframed their understanding of supply security, and pushed for the internal electricity market also as a security measure to balance fluctuating renewables. Hence, the increasing focus on markets and market integration in the European 2030 package echoed the increasingly central role of the internal market for electricity supply security in national strategies. These findings also highlight that countries dynamically redefined their goals relative to the different phases of the energy transition.
KW - climate and energy policy
KW - policy strategy
KW - European Union
KW - decarbonization
KW - renewable energy
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11077-022-09447-5
SN - 0032-2687
SN - 1573-0891
VL - 55
IS - 1
SP - 161
EP - 184
PB - Springer Science+Business Media LLC
CY - New York
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Hecke, Steven van
A1 - Fuhr, Harald
A1 - Wolfs, Wouter
T1 - The politics of crisis management by regional and international organizations in fighting against a global pandemic
BT - the member states at a crossroads
JF - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration
N2 - Despite new challenges like climate change and digitalization, global and regional organizations recently went through turbulent times due to a lack of support from several of their member states. Next to this crisis of multilateralism, the COVID-19 pandemic now seems to question the added value of international organizations for addressing global governance issues more specifically. This article analyses this double challenge that several organizations are facing and compares their ways of managing the crisis by looking at their institutional and political context, their governance structure, and their behaviour during the pandemic until June 2020. More specifically, it will explain the different and fragmented responses of the World Health Organization, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. With the aim of understanding the old and new problems that these international organizations are trying to solve, this article argues that the level of autonomy vis-a-vis the member states is crucial for understanding the politics of crisis management.
Points for practitioners
As intergovernmental bodies, international organizations require authorization by their member states. Since they also need funding for their operations, different degrees of autonomy also matter for reacting to emerging challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential for international organizations is limited, though through proactive and bold initiatives, they can seize the opportunity of the crisis and partly overcome institutional and political constraints.
KW - autonomy
KW - COVID-19
KW - crisis management
KW - European Union
KW - International
KW - Monetary Fund
KW - international organizations
KW - multilateralism
KW - World Bank
KW - World Health Organization
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852320984516
SN - 0020-8523
SN - 1461-7226
VL - 87
IS - 3
SP - 672
EP - 690
PB - Sage
CY - Los Angeles, Calif. [u.a.]
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Ebers, Martin
A1 - Hoch, Veronica R. S.
A1 - Rosenkranz, Frank
A1 - Ruschemeier, Hannah
A1 - Steinrötter, Björn
T1 - The European Commission’s proposal for an Artificial Intelligence Act
BT - a critical assessment by members of the Robotics and AI Law Society (RAILS)
JF - J : multidisciplinary scientific journal
N2 - On 21 April 2021, the European Commission presented its long-awaited proposal for a Regulation “laying down harmonized rules on Artificial Intelligence”, the so-called “Artificial Intelligence Act” (AIA). This article takes a critical look at the proposed regulation. After an introduction (1), the paper analyzes the unclear preemptive effect of the AIA and EU competences (2), the scope of application (3), the prohibited uses of Artificial Intelligence (AI) (4), the provisions on high-risk AI systems (5), the obligations of providers and users (6), the requirements for AI systems with limited risks (7), the enforcement system (8), the relationship of the AIA with the existing legal framework (9), and the regulatory gaps (10). The last section draws some final conclusions (11).
KW - artificial intelligence
KW - machine learning
KW - European Union
KW - regulation
KW - harmonization
KW - Artificial Intelligence Act
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.3390/j4040043
SN - 2571-8800
VL - 4
IS - 4
SP - 589
EP - 603
PB - MDPI
CY - Basel
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Bobzien, Licia
A1 - Kalleitner, Fabian
T1 - Attitudes towards European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic
BT - evidence from a net-contributor country
JF - European societies
N2 - Whilst the Covid-19 pandemic affects all European countries, the ways in which these countries are prepared for the health and subsequent economic crisis varies considerably. Financial solidarity within the European Union (EU) could mitigate some of these inequalities but depends upon the support of the citizens of individual member states for such policies. This paper studies attitudes of the Austrian population - a net-contributor to the European budget - towards financial solidarity using two waves of the Austrian Corona Panel Project collected in May and June 2020. We find that individuals (i) who are less likely to consider the Covid-19 pandemic as a national economic threat, (ii) who believe that Austria benefits from supporting other countries, and (iii) who prefer the crisis to be organized more centrally at EU-level show higher support for European financial solidarity. Using fixed effects models, we further show that perceiving economic threats and preferring central crisis management also explain attitude dynamics within individuals over time. We conclude that cost-benefit perceptions are important determinants for individual support of European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic.
KW - Covid-19
KW - financial solidarity
KW - European Union
KW - Austria
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2020.1836669
SN - 1461-6696
SN - 1469-8307
VL - 23
IS - Sup. 1
SP - S791
EP - S804
PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Abingdon
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Hanschmann, Raffael Tino
T1 - Stalling the engine? EU climate politics after the ‘Great Recession’
T1 - Den Motor abgewürgt? EU-Klimapolitik nach der Großen Rezession
BT - investigating the impact of economic shocks on EU climate policy-making in three case studies
BT - eine Untersuchung des Einflusses von Wirtschaftskrisen auf Prozesse in der EU-Klimapolitik in drei Fallstudien
N2 - This dissertation investigates the impact of the economic and fiscal crisis starting in 2008 on EU climate policy-making. While the overall number of adopted greenhouse gas emission reduction policies declined in the crisis aftermath, EU lawmakers decided to introduce new or tighten existing regulations in some important policy domains. Existing knowledge about the crisis impact on EU legislative decision-making cannot explain these inconsistencies. In response, this study develops an actor-centred conceptual framework based on rational choice institutionalism that provides a micro-level link to explain how economic crises translate into altered policy-making patterns. The core theoretical argument draws on redistributive conflicts, arguing that tensions between ‘beneficiaries’ and ‘losers’ of a regulatory initiative intensify during economic crises and spill over to the policy domain. To test this hypothesis and using social network analysis, this study analyses policy processes in three case studies: The introduction of carbon dioxide emission limits for passenger cars, the expansion of the EU Emissions Trading System to aviation, and the introduction of a regulatory framework for biofuels. The key finding is that an economic shock causes EU policy domains to polarise politically, resulting in intensified conflict and more difficult decision-making. The results also show that this process of political polarisation roots in the industry that is the subject of the regulation, and that intergovernmental bargaining among member states becomes more important, but also more difficult in times of crisis.
N2 - Diese Dissertation untersucht den Einfluss der in 2008 beginnenden globalen Wirtschaftskrise auf die Prozesse der EU-Klimapolitik. Während die Zahl der verabschiedeten Gesetze zur Treibhausgasreduktion nach Krisenausbruch insgesamt sank, entschieden die EU-Gesetzgeber, in mehreren wichtigen Politikfeldern neue Regulierungen einzuführen oder existierende zu verschärfen. Bestehendes Wissen zum Einfluss der Krise auf EU-Gesetzgebungsprozesse kann diese Inkonsistenzen nicht erklären. Daher entwickelt diese Arbeit ein auf Rational-Choice-Institutionalismus basierendes konzeptionelles Gerüst, das auf der Mikro-Ebene eine kausale Verbindung zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und veränderten Politikprozessen herstellt. Das zentrale theoretische Argument beruht auf Verteilungskonflikten innerhalb der regulierten Wirtschaftsbranchen: Die Spannung zwischen „Nutznießern“ und „Verlierern“ einer geplanten Regulierung intensiviert sich in Krisenzeiten und setzt sich im politischen Raum fort. Diese Hypothese wird an drei Fallstudien mittels sozialer Netzwerkanalyse getestet. Die drei Fallstudien untersuchen politische Entscheidungsprozesse in den folgenden EU-Politikfeldern: Kohlenstoffdioxid-Emissionsgrenzen für PKW, die Ausweitung des Emissionshandels auf Flugverkehr und die Einführung eines Regulierungsrahmens für Biokraftstoffe. Die wichtigste Erkenntnis der Untersuchung ist, dass makroökonomische Schocks eine Polarisierung der politischen Interessen innerhalb eines Politikfeldes auslösen, dadurch Konflikte intensivieren und letztlich Entscheidungsfindungen erschweren. Die Ergebnisse zeigen zudem, dass dieser Polarisierungsprozess in der regulierten Wirtschaftsbranche wurzelt. Außerdem werden Verhandlungen zwischen den Regierungen der Mitgliedsstaaten in Krisenzeiten wichtiger, aber auch schwieriger.
KW - EU
KW - European Union
KW - policy-making
KW - network analysis
KW - policy preferences
KW - economic crisis
KW - crisis
KW - climate
KW - climate change
KW - climate policy
KW - climate politics
KW - environmental policy
KW - EU
KW - Europäische Union
KW - Politikgestaltung
KW - Netzwerkanalyse
KW - Politikpräferenzen
KW - Wirtschaftskrise
KW - Krise
KW - Klima
KW - Klimawandel
KW - Klimapolitik
KW - Umweltpolitik
Y1 - 2019
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-440441
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian
T1 - Struggling over crisis
T1 - Umkämpfte Krise
BT - Discoursive Positionings and Academic Positions in the Field of German-Speaking Economists
BT - Diskursive Positionierungen und akademische Positionen im Feld deutschsprachiger Volkswirt*innen
JF - Historical Social Research
N2 - If you put two economists in a room, you get two opinions, unless one of them is Lord Keynes, in which case you get three opinions.” Following the premise of this quotation attributed to Winston Churchill, varying perceptions of the European crisis by academic economists and their structural homology to economists’ positions in the field of economics are examined. The dataset analysed using specific multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) and hierarchical agglomerative clustering (HAC) comprises information on the careers of 480 German-speaking economists and on statements they made concerning crisis-related issues. It can be shown that the main structural differences in the composition and amount of scientific and academic capital held by economists as well as their age and degree of transnationalisation are linked to how they see the crisis: as a national sovereign debt crisis, as a European banking crisis, or as a crisis of European integration and institutions.
KW - Economics
KW - multiple correspondence analysis
KW - Bourdieu
KW - field
KW - discourse
KW - mixed methods
KW - European Union
KW - crisis
Y1 - 2018
U6 - https://doi.org/10.12759/hsr.43.2018.3.147-188
SN - 0172-6404
VL - 43
IS - 3
SP - 147
EP - 188
PB - GESIS, Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences
CY - Cologne
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Davydchyk, Maria
A1 - Mehlhausen, Thomas
A1 - Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika
T1 - The price of success, the benefit of setbacks
BT - alternative futures of EU-Ukraine relations
JF - Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies
N2 - This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU’s neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU’s approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.
KW - European Union
KW - Ukraine
KW - Russia
KW - European Neighbourhood Policy
KW - Eastern Europe
KW - Eurasian Economic Union
Y1 - 2017
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004
SN - 0016-3287
SN - 1873-6378
VL - 97
SP - 35
EP - 46
PB - Elsevier
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian
T1 - Europeanisation, stateness, and professions
BT - what role do economic expertise and economic experts play in European political integration?
T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2 - The article explores Europeanisation as an effect of European political integration, a process driven by struggles over the legitimate political and social order that is to prevail in Europe. Firstly, an analytic framework is constructed, drawing on insights from Pierre Bourdieu’s work on similar struggles over nation-stateness. Secondly, the mechanisms identified are used to assess the role played by economic experts and expertise in the process of European political integration. It is argued that concepts arising from economic disciplines, agents educated in economics, and practising economic professionals influence European political integration and have benefited from Europeanisation initiated by this process. Special emphasis is placed on strategies of integrating Europe by law or by market, on governing Europe using economic expertise, on the role played by economic academia in researching and objectifying Europe, and on staffing European institutions with economists.
T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 99
KW - field theory
KW - economics
KW - professions
KW - European Union
KW - neo-liberal governance
KW - political integration
Y1 - 2018
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412590
SN - 1867-5808
IS - 99
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Tosun, Jale
A1 - Schulze, Kai
T1 - Compliance with EU biofuel targets in South-Eastern and Eastern Europe: Do interest groups matter?
JF - Environment & planning : international journal of urban and regional research ; C, Government & policy
N2 - The European Union requires its member states to establish national targets for the biofuel content of all diesel and petrol supplies for transport placed on the market. This study explores the adoption of this European Union policy across South-Eastern and Eastern Europe between 2003 and 2012. In theoretical terms, we are specifically interested in examining the role of interest groups for policy adoption. We argue that the oil industry in general and the producers of biofuels in particular will support the establishment of national biofuel targets because they expect economic gains. By contrast, we expect environmental groups with international and regional ties to oppose such targets because biofuels have come under attack for their potential environmental impact including deforestation, a loss in biodiversity, and food insecurity. Empirically, we concentrate on policy adoptions in 21 South-Eastern and Eastern European states with varied relations to the European Union and the Energy Community. Our analysis supports our main arguments in suggesting that a stronger presence of environmental groups decreases the chances of adopting national biofuel targets across our country sample while producer interests tend to increase adoptions. This finding holds true also when controlling for a country's European Union membership and accession perspective, membership in the Energy Community, and additional domestic-level factors. These results add more generally to our understanding about compliance with European Union policies and environmental governance.
KW - Biofuels
KW - Eastern Europe
KW - Energy Community
KW - European Union
KW - lobbying
KW - South-Eastern Europe
Y1 - 2015
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0263774X15605923
SN - 0263-774X
SN - 1472-3425
VL - 33
IS - 5
SP - 950
EP - 968
PB - Sage Publ.
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Krahé, Barbara
A1 - Berger, Anja
A1 - Vanwesenbeeck, Ine
A1 - Bianchi, Gabriel
A1 - Chliaoutakis, Joannes
A1 - Fernandez-Fuertes, Andres A.
A1 - Fuertes, Antonio
A1 - de Matos, Margarida Gaspar
A1 - Hadjigeorgiou, Eleni
A1 - Haller, Birgitt
A1 - Hellemans, Sabine
A1 - Izdebski, Zbigniew
A1 - Kouta, Christiana
A1 - Meijnckens, Dwayne
A1 - Murauskiene, Liubove
A1 - Papadakaki, Maria
A1 - Ramiro, Lucia
A1 - Reis, Marta
A1 - Symons, Katrien
A1 - Tomaszewska, Paulina
A1 - Vicario-Molina, Isabel
A1 - Zygadlo, Andrzej
T1 - Prevalence and correlates of young people's sexual aggression perpetration and victimisation in 10 European countries: a multi-level analysis
JF - Culture, health & sexuality : a journal for research, intervention and care
N2 - Data are presented on young people's sexual victimisation and perpetration from 10 European countries (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Greece, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Slovakia and Spain) using a shared measurement tool (N = 3480 participants, aged between 18 and 27 years). Between 19.7 and 52.2% of female and between 10.1 and 55.8% of male respondents reported having experienced at least one incident of sexual victimisation since the age of consent. In two countries, victimisation rates were significantly higher for men than for women. Between 5.5 and 48.7% of male and 2.6 and 14.8% of female participants reported having engaged in a least one act of sexual aggression perpetration, with higher rates for men than for women in all countries. Victimisation rates correlated negatively with sexual assertiveness and positively with alcohol use in sexual encounters. Perpetration rates correlated positively with attitudes condoning physical dating violence and with alcohol use in men, and negatively with sexual assertiveness in women. At the country level, lower gender equality in economic power and in the work domain was related to higher male perpetration rates. Lower gender equality in political power and higher sexual assertiveness in women relative to men were linked to higher male victimisation rates.
KW - young people
KW - sexual aggression
KW - multi-level correlates
KW - European Union
KW - sexual victimisation
Y1 - 2015
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13691058.2014.989265
SN - 1369-1058
SN - 1464-5351
VL - 17
IS - 6
SP - 682
EP - 699
PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Abingdon
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Krahé, Barbara
A1 - Tomaszewska, Paulina
A1 - Kuyper, Lisette
A1 - Vanwesenbeeck, Ine
T1 - Prevalence of sexual aggression among young people in Europe: a review of the evidence from 27 EU countries
JF - Aggression and violent behavior : a review journa
N2 - Sexual aggression poses a serious threat to the sexual well-being of young people. This paper documents the available evidence on the prevalence of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization from 27 EU countries, established as part of the Youth Sexual Aggression and Victimization (Y-SAV) project. A total of N = 113 studies were identified through a systematic review of the literature and consultations with experts in each country. Despite differences in the number of available studies, methodology, and sample composition, the review shows substantial prevalence rates of sexual aggression perpetration and victimization across Europe. A wide variation was found, both within and between countries. The lifetime prevalence rates of female sexual victimization, excluding childhood sexual abuse, ranged from 9 to 83%, the rates of male sexual victimization ranged from 2 to 66%, the rates of male sexual aggression ranged from 0 to 80%, and the range of female sexual aggression ranged from 0.8 to 40%. One-year prevalence rates showed a similar variability. Conceptual and methodological problems in the database are discussed, and an outline is presented for a more harmonized approach to studying the scale of sexual aggression among young people in Europe. (c) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
KW - Sexual aggression
KW - Sexual victimization
KW - Adolescence
KW - European Union
Y1 - 2014
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2014.07.005
SN - 1359-1789
SN - 1873-6335
VL - 19
IS - 5
SP - 545
EP - 558
PB - Elsevier
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Patz, Ronny
T1 - Information flows in the context of EU policy-making : affiliation networks and the post-2012 reform of the EU's Common Fisheries Policy
T1 - Informationsflüsse im Kontext von EU-Entscheidungsprozessen : Affiliations-Netzwerke und die Reform der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik der EU für die Zeit nach 2012
N2 - Information flows in EU policy-making are heavily dependent on personal networks, both within the Brussels sphere but also reaching outside the narrow limits of the Belgian capital. These networks develop for example in the course of formal and informal meetings or at the sidelines of such meetings. A plethora of committees at European, transnational and regional level provides the basis for the establishment of pan-European networks. By studying affiliation to those committees, basic network structures can be uncovered. These affiliation network structures can then be used to predict EU information flows, assuming that certain positions within the network are advantageous for tapping into streams of information while others are too remote and peripheral to provide access to information early enough. This study has tested those assumptions for the case of the reform of the Common Fisheries Policy for the time after 2012. Through the analysis of an affiliation network based on participation in 10 different fisheries policy committees over two years (2009 and 2010), network data for an EU-wide network of about 1300 fisheries interest group representatives and more than 200 events was collected. The structure of this network showed a number of interesting patterns, such as – not surprisingly – a rather central role of Brussels-based committees but also close relations of very specific interests to the Brussels-cluster and stronger relations between geographically closer maritime regions. The analysis of information flows then focused on access to draft EU Commission documents containing the upcoming proposal for a new basic regulation of the Common Fisheries Policy. It was first documented that it would have been impossible to officially obtain this document and that personal networks were thus the most likely sources for fisheries policy actors to obtain access to these “leaks” in early 2011. A survey of a sample of 65 actors from the initial network supported these findings: Only a very small group had accessed the draft directly from the Commission. Most respondents who obtained access to the draft had received it from other actors, highlighting the networked flow of informal information in EU politics. Furthermore, the testing of the hypotheses connecting network positions and the level of informedness indicated that presence in or connections to the Brussels sphere had both advantages for overall access to the draft document and with regard to timing. Methodologically, challenges of both the network analysis and the analysis of information flows but also their relevance for the study of EU politics have been documented. In summary, this study has laid the foundation for a different way to study EU policy-making by connecting topical and methodological elements – such as affiliation network analysis and EU committee governance – which so far have not been considered together, thereby contributing in various ways to political science and EU studies.
N2 - Informationsflüsse im Kontext von EU-Entscheidungsprozessen sind ohne persönliche Netzwerke kaum denkbar, sowohl solche innerhalb der Brüsseler Sphäre aber auch solche, die über die engen Grenzen der belgischen Hauptstadt hinausreichen. Solche Netzwerke entwickeln sich zum Beispiel im Laufe von offiziellen und inoffiziellen Treffen, oft auch am Rande solcher Ereignisse. Die Vielzahl von Ausschüssen auf europäischer, transnationaler und regionaler Ebene bildet daher die Grundlage für die Schaffung europäischer Netzwerkstrukturen. Indem wir die Teilnahme an solchen Ausschüssen untersuchen, ist es uns möglich, grundlegende Strukturmerkmale solcher Netzwerke aufzudecken. Solche Affiliationsnetzwerk-Strukturen können dann die Grundlage zur Vorhersage von europäischen Informationsflüssen bilden: Die Annahme ist, dass bestimmte Positionen in solchen Netzwerken vorteilhaft für den Zugang zu Informationsflüssen sind, während andere Positionen (zu) weit entfernt und zu peripher sind, um rechtzeitigen Zugriff auf relevante Informationen zu erhalten. Die vorliegende Studie testet diese Annahmen anhand der Reform der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik der Europäischen Union für die Zeit nach 2012 . Basierend auf Teilnahmedaten von 10 Fischereipolitik-Ausschüssen über den Zeitraum von zwei Jahren (2009 und 2010) wurde ein Affilationsnetzwerk aus mehr als 1300 Interessenvertretern und –vertreterinnen sowie über 200 Ereignissen erhoben. Die Struktur dieses Netzwerks zeigt eine Reihe von interessanten Mustern auf, zum Beispiel die zentrale Rolle von Brüssel-basierten Ausschüssen aber auch die enge Verknüpfung bestimmter Interessen mit dem Brüsseler Kern des Netzwerk sowie die enge Vernetzung geographisch benachbarter Meeresregionen. Die Analyse von EU-Informationsflüssen wurde dann Anhand des Zugangs von Akteuren aus dem erhobenen Netzwerk zu (nichtöffentlichen) Entwurfsfassungen des Kommissionsvorschlags für eine neue Gemeinsame Fischereipolitik durchgeführt. Zunächst wurde dokumentiert, dass der Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten auf offiziellen Wegen unmöglich war und dass daher Zugang durch erweiterte persönliche Netzwerke die wahrscheinlichste Erklärung für den Erhalt von „Leaks“ durch Fischereipolitik-Interessengruppen in der ersten Hälfte von 2011 war. Eine Umfrage unter 65 Akteuren aus der Gesamtpopulation des Gesamtnetzwerk unterstützte diese Vermutung: Nur eine kleine Gruppe hatte Zugang zu den nicht-öffentlichen Entwurfsdokumenten durch ihre direkten Beziehungen mit der EU-Kommission. Die meisten Teilnehmer der Umfrage hatte Zugang zu diesen Dokumenten durch Dritte erhalten, ein Nachweis, dass EU-Informationen sich tatsächlich in weiteren Netzwerkstrukturen verbreiten. Die Studie konnte auch zeigen, dass enge Affiliations-Beziehungen zur Brüsseler Sphäre ein relevanter Indikator für den (zeitnahen) Zugang zu nicht-öffentlichen EU-Dokumenten ist. Die Herausforderungen in der methodischen Erhebungen von europäischen Affiliationsnetzwerkdaten und von EU-Informationsflüssen werden dabei in der Studie ausführlich dokumentiert. Die Relevanz dieser Methoden zur Analyse von EU-Politik wird ebenfalls im Detail dargelegt. Zusammenfassend legt diese Doktorarbeit die Grundlage für eine neue Art, europäische und transnationale politische Prozesse in Europa zu untersuchen. Sie verbinden thematische und methodische Ansätze – zum Beispiel Affiliationsnetzwerkanalyse und die Untersuchung des EU-Ausschusswesens – die bislang in dieser Form noch nicht zusammengeführt wurden, und trägt dadurch auf verschiedenste Weise zur Weiterentwicklung der Politikwissenschaft und der Europastudien bei.
KW - Netzwerkanalyse
KW - Europäische Union
KW - Informationsflüsse
KW - Ausschüsse
KW - Affiliationsnetzwerke
KW - network analysis
KW - European Union
KW - information flow
KW - committee governance
KW - affiliation networks
Y1 - 2013
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-70732
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel
T1 - Challenges to the external identity making in the European Union
JF - WeltTrends-Papiere
N2 - Inhalt: Introduction: The problem at hand Approaches to EU’s external identity making Mechanisms of external identity making Theoretical approaches to the EU’s external identity making The EU’s external identity promotion The ENP policy instruments Conclusions References
KW - Polen
KW - Europäische Union
KW - Deutschland
KW - Integration
KW - Vertiefung
KW - Poland
KW - European Union
KW - Germany
KW - Integration
KW - Consolidation
Y1 - 2010
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62953
SN - 1864-0656
IS - 15
SP - 43
EP - 61
PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Meyer, Eike
T1 - Democracy promotion by the European Union in Morocco within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy
N2 - The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories „diplomacy“, „conditionality“ and „positive instruments“. For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more “political”, although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself – e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP.
N2 - Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit untersucht den Ansatz der Europäischen Union (EU) zur Demokratieförderung in Marokko. Die Arbeit folgt einem vergleichenden Ansatz und vergleicht die Strategie der EU, die unter der 2004 ins Leben gerufenen „Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik“ (ENP) verfolgt wird, mit der, die sich bis dahin unter der „Euro-Mediterranen Partnerschaft“ (EMP) herauskristallisiert hatte. Der Vergleich wird mit dem Ziel durchgeführt herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern es berechtigt ist, neue Triebkraft und neue Anstöße für Demokratisierung durch die ENP zu erwarten. In der Arbeit werden alle Instrumente der Demokratieförderung berücksichtigt, die in die Kategorien Diplomatie, Konditionalität und positive Unterstützungsleistungen fallen. Die durchgeführten Maßnahmen werden auf drei Ebenen verglichen: Auf der ersten Ebene wird untersucht, ob sich der Schwerpunkt verschoben hat zwischen indirekten Maßnahmen, die insbesondere darauf zielen, die sozioökonomischen Voraussetzungen für erfolgreiche Demokratisierung zu schaffen, und direkten Maßnahmen, die unmittelbar in politische Reformprozesse eingreifen. Auf einer zweiten Ebene wird gefragt, ob sich der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung auf einem Kontinuum zwischen Konsens und Zwang verschoben hat. Auf einer dritten Ebene schließlich wird untersucht, ob sich das Engagement generell intensiviert hat und der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung aktiver geworden ist. Die Analyse in dieser Arbeit führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass seit der Initiierung der ENP tatsächlich ein leicht direkterer und aktiverer Ansatz verfolgt wird, während sich an dem streng partnerschaftlichen und auf Konsens ausgerichteten Ansatz der EMP nicht signifikant etwas verändert hat. Es wird jedoch auch deutlich, dass politische Reformen von Instrumenten der Demokratieförderung zwar häufiger anvisiert werden. Die Reformen, die von der EU gefördert werden, sind jedoch ausschließlich Teil des von der marokkanischen Regierung eingeleiteten und begrenzten Reformprozesses. Reformen die eine signifikante Öffnung des politischen Raumes bewirken könnten, der für die autoritäre Monarchie reserviert ist, werden auch im Rahmen der ENP von der EU weder gefördert noch gefordert.
KW - Demokratieförderung
KW - Europäische Union
KW - Marokko
KW - Europäische Außenpolitik
KW - Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik
KW - Democracy Promotion
KW - European Union
KW - Morocco
KW - European Foreign Policy
KW - European Neighbourhood Policy
Y1 - 2007
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19591
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Koasidis, Jannis
T1 - Bridges to the east : Poland and the European foreign policy by 2020
N2 - Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020
KW - Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik
KW - Europäische Union
KW - Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik
KW - Ostpolitik
KW - Common Foreign and Security Policy
KW - European Union
KW - European Neighborhood Policy
KW - Eastern policy
Y1 - 2006
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48404
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Bielawski, Martina
A1 - Jurišić, J.
A1 - Lenz, T.
A1 - Maxian Rusche, T.
A1 - Nippert, C.
T1 - Via : communis Europa ; Europe's architecture in 2020
N2 - Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020
KW - Europäische Union
KW - Europaidentität
KW - Außenpolitik
KW - Verteidigungspolitik
KW - European Union
KW - European identity
KW - foreign policy
KW - defence policy
Y1 - 2006
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48454
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Jorgensen, Knud Erik
T1 - Three doctrines on European foreign policy
N2 - Taking its departure from the debate on the Iraq war, the article examines three so-called „doctrines“ on European foreign policy. According to the first one, there is no such thing as an EU foreign policy. This may come as a surprise for policy-makers but is a common view among media commentators, analysts and some diplomats. The second doctrine holds that the EU’s foreign policy has been, is, and always will be a failure. Reasons for this gloomy view show considerable variations and are most likely unsustainable in the long run. The third approach is more optimistic, counting on the EU’s material volume, yet often ignoring the need to politically cash in if international clout is the quest.
T2 - Drei Doktrinen zur europäischen Außenpolitik
KW - Europäische Union
KW - Außenpolitik
KW - European Union
KW - European Foreign Policy
Y1 - 2004
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46318
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Pedersen, Karin Hilmer
A1 - Johannsen, Lars
T1 - The real challenge for change : public administration in new EU member states
N2 - Executive responsibility for EU policies is by tradition delegated to the member states and their internal administrative bodies. It is therefore of outmost importance that the new Central and East European members have the capacity to administer the acquis communitaire once they are full members of the EU. Based on a survey among current and former top-level decision-makers (ministers), this article argues that although there are significant implementation problems, efficiency gains can be made through administrative reform and not the least education aimed at changing the worldview and knowledge of the individual civil servant. However, there seem to be significant differences in how these countries tackle implementation problems and administrative reform.
KW - Europäische Union
KW - öffentliche Verwaltung
KW - European Union
KW - public administration
Y1 - 2004
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46718
ER -