TY - JOUR A1 - Endriss, Cornelia A1 - Hinterwimmer, Stefan T1 - The influence of tense in adverbial quantification JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632 N2 - We argue that there is a crucial difference between determiner and adverbial quantification. Following Herburger [2000] and von Fintel [1994], we assume that determiner quantifiers quantify over individuals and adverbial quantifiers over eventualities. While it is usually assumed that the semantics of sentences with determiner quantifiers and those with adverbial quantifiers basically come out the same, we will show by way of new data that quantification over events is more restricted than quantification over individuals. This is because eventualities in contrast to individuals have to be located in time which is done using contextual information according to a pragmatic resolution strategy. If the contextual information and the tense information given in the respective sentence contradict each other, the sentence is uninterpretable. We conclude that this is the reason why in these cases adverbial quantification, i.e. quantification over eventualities, is impossible whereas quantification over individuals is fine. KW - Adverbial Quantification KW - Covert Variables KW - Domain Restriction KW - Quantificational Variability Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8409 SN - 1866-4725 SN - 1614-4708 IS - 1 SP - 121 EP - 151 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Endriss, Cornelia A1 - Hinterwimmer, Stefan T1 - Quantificational Variability Effects with plural definites BT - quantification over individuals or situations? N2 - In this paper we compare the behaviour of adverbs of frequency (de Swart 1993) like usually with the behaviour of adverbs of quantity like for the most part in sentences that contain plural definites. We show that sentences containing the former type of Q-adverb evidence that Quantificational Variability Effects (Berman 1991) come about as an indirect effect of quantification over situations: in order for quantificational variability readings to arise, these sentences have to obey two newly observed constraints that clearly set them apart from sentences containing corresponding quantificational DPs, and that can plausibly be explained under the assumption that quantification over (the atomic parts of) complex situations is involved. Concerning sentences with the latter type of Q-adverb, on the other hand, such evidence is lacking: with respect to the constraints just mentioned, they behave like sentences that contain corresponding quantificational DPs. We take this as evidence that Q-adverbs like for the most part do not quantify over the atomic parts of sum eventualities in the cases under discussion (as claimed by Nakanishi and Romero (2004)), but rather over the atomic parts of the respective sum individuals. KW - Adverbial Quantification KW - Situations KW - Tense Semantics KW - Adverbs of Frequency KW - Adverbs of Quantity Y1 - 2006 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19512 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hinterwimmer, Stefan T1 - The interpretation of Universally Quantified DPs and singular definites in adverbially quantified sentences N2 - This paper deals with the conditions under which singular definites, on the one hand, and universally quantified DPs, on the other hand, receive interpretations according to which the sets denoted by the NP-complements of the respective determiner vary with the situations quantified over by a Q-adverb. I show that in both cases such interpretations depend on the availability of situation predicates that are compatible with the presuppositions associated with the respective determiner, as co-variation in both cases comes about via the binding of a covert situation variable that is contained within the NP-complement of the respective determiner. Secondly, I offer an account for the observation that the availability of a co-varying interpretation is more constrained in the case of universally quantified DPs than in the case of singular definites, as far as word order is concerned. This is shown to follow from the fact that co-varying definites in contrast to universally quantified DPs are inherently focus-marked. KW - adverbial quantification KW - definites KW - universal quantifiers KW - situation variables KW - reconstruction Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19401 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Götze, Michael A1 - Weskott, Thomas A1 - Endriss, Cornelia A1 - Fiedler, Ines A1 - Hinterwimmer, Stefan A1 - Petrova, Svetlana A1 - Schwarz, Anne A1 - Skopeteas, Stavros A1 - Stoel, Ruben T1 - Information structure JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS N2 - The guidelines for Information Structure include instructions for the annotation of Information Status (or ‘givenness’), Topic, and Focus, building upon a basic syntactic annotation of nominal phrases and sentences. A procedure for the annotation of these features is proposed. Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-22277 SN - 1614-4708 SN - 1866-4725 IS - 7 SP - 147 EP - 187 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Endriss, Cornelia A1 - Hinterwimmer, Stefan T1 - Direct and indirect aboutness topics N2 - We propose a definition of aboutness topicality that not only encompasses individual denoting DPs, but also indefinites. We concentrate on the interpretative effects of marking indefinites as topics: they either receive widest scope in their clause, or they are interpreted in the restrictor of an overt or covert Q-adverb. We show that in the first case they are direct aboutness topics insofar as they are the subject of a predication expressed by the comment, while in the second case they are indirect aboutness topics: they define the subject of a higher-order predication – namely the set of situations that the respective Q-adverb quantifies over. KW - Aboutness Topics KW - Indefinites KW - Wide Scope KW - Left-Dislocation KW - Quantificational Variability Effects Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19640 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Endriss, Cornelia A1 - Hinterwimmer, Stefan A1 - Skopeteas, Stavros T1 - Semantics JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS N2 - The guidelines for semantics comprise a number of layers related to quantificational structures as well as some crucial semantic properties of NPs with respect to information structure: definiteness, countability, and animacy. Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-22265 SN - 1614-4708 SN - 1866-4725 IS - 7 SP - 135 EP - 145 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Endriss, Cornelia A1 - Hinterwimmer, Stefan T1 - Direct and indirect abountness topics Y1 - 2007 SN - 978-3-939469-88-9 ER -