TY - GEN A1 - Husain, Samar A1 - Yadav, Himanshu T1 - Target Complexity Modulates Syntactic Priming During Comprehension T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Syntactic priming is known to facilitate comprehension of the target sentence if the syntactic structure of the target sentence aligns with the structure of the prime (Branigan et al., 2005; Tooley and Traxler, 2010). Such a processing facilitation is understood to be constrained due to factors such as lexical overlap between the prime and the target, frequency of the prime structure, etc. Syntactic priming in SOV languages is also understood to be influenced by similar constraints (Arai, 2012). Sentence comprehension in SOV languages is known to be incremental and predictive. Such a top-down parsing process involves establishing various syntactic relations based on the linguistic cues of a sentence and the role of preverbal case-markers in achieving this is known to be critical. Given the evidence of syntactic priming during comprehension in these languages, this aspect of the comprehension process and its effect on syntactic priming becomes important. In this work, we show that syntactic priming during comprehension is affected by the probability of using the prime structure while parsing the target sentence. If the prime structure has a low probability given the sentential cues (e.g., nominal case-markers) in the target sentence, then the chances of persisting with the prime structure in the target reduces. Our work demonstrates the role of structural complexity of the target with regard to syntactic priming during comprehension and highlights that syntactic priming is modulated by an overarching preference of the parser to avoid rare structures T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 619 KW - syntactic priming KW - top-down parsing KW - sentence comprehension KW - SOV language KW - Hindi Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-460394 SN - 1866-8364 IS - 619 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Husain, Samar A1 - Yadav, Himanshu T1 - Target Complexity Modulates Syntactic Priming During Comprehension JF - Frontiers in Psychology N2 - Syntactic priming is known to facilitate comprehension of the target sentence if the syntactic structure of the target sentence aligns with the structure of the prime (Branigan et al., 2005; Tooley and Traxler, 2010). Such a processing facilitation is understood to be constrained due to factors such as lexical overlap between the prime and the target, frequency of the prime structure, etc. Syntactic priming in SOV languages is also understood to be influenced by similar constraints (Arai, 2012). Sentence comprehension in SOV languages is known to be incremental and predictive. Such a top-down parsing process involves establishing various syntactic relations based on the linguistic cues of a sentence and the role of preverbal case-markers in achieving this is known to be critical. Given the evidence of syntactic priming during comprehension in these languages, this aspect of the comprehension process and its effect on syntactic priming becomes important. In this work, we show that syntactic priming during comprehension is affected by the probability of using the prime structure while parsing the target sentence. If the prime structure has a low probability given the sentential cues (e.g., nominal case-markers) in the target sentence, then the chances of persisting with the prime structure in the target reduces. Our work demonstrates the role of structural complexity of the target with regard to syntactic priming during comprehension and highlights that syntactic priming is modulated by an overarching preference of the parser to avoid rare structures KW - syntactic priming KW - top-down parsing KW - sentence comprehension KW - SOV language KW - Hindi Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.00454 SN - 1664-1078 VL - 11 PB - Frontiers Research Foundation CY - Lausanne ER - TY - GEN A1 - Lago, Sol A1 - Namyst, Anna A1 - Jäger, Lena Ann A1 - Lau, Ellen T1 - Antecedent access mechanisms in pronoun processing BT - evidence from the N400 T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Previous cross-modal priming studies showed that lexical decisions to words after a pronoun were facilitated when these words were semantically related to the pronoun’s antecedent. These studies suggested that semantic priming effectively measured antecedent retrieval during coreference. We examined whether these effects extended to implicit reading comprehension using the N400 response. The results of three experiments did not yield strong evidence of semantic facilitation due to coreference. Further, the comparison with two additional experiments showed that N400 facilitation effects were reduced in sentences (vs. word pair paradigms) and were modulated by the case morphology of the prime word. We propose that priming effects in cross-modal experiments may have resulted from task-related strategies. More generally, the impact of sentence context and morphological information on priming effects suggests that they may depend on the extent to which the upcoming input is predicted, rather than automatic spreading activation between semantically related words. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 568 KW - coreference KW - semantic priming KW - event-related potentials KW - sentence comprehension KW - N400 Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-433237 SN - 1866-8364 IS - 568 SP - 641 EP - 661 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Vasishth, Shravan A1 - Kentner, Gerrit ED - Crocker, Matthew W. T1 - Prosodic focus marking in silent reading BT - effects of discourse context and rhythm JF - Frontiers in psychology N2 - Understanding a sentence and integrating it into the discourse depends upon the identification of its focus, which, in spoken German, is marked by accentuation. In the case of written language, which lacks explicit cues to accent, readers have to draw on other kinds of information to determine the focus. We study the joint or interactive effects of two kinds of information that have no direct representation in print but have each been shown to be influential in the reader’s text comprehension: (i) the (low-level)rhythmic-prosodic structure that is based on the distribution of lexically stressed syllables, and (ii) the (high-level) discourse context that is grounded in the memory of previous linguistic content. Systematically manipulating these factors, we examine the way readers resolve a syntactic ambiguity involving the scopally ambiguous focus operator auch (engl. “too”) in both oral (Experiment 1) and silent reading (Experiment 2). The results of both experiments attest that discourse context and local linguistic rhythm conspire to guide the syntactic and, oncomitantly, the focus-structural analysis of ambiguous sentences. We argue that reading comprehension requires the (implicit) assignment of accents according to the focus structure and that, by establishing a prominence profile, the implicit prosodic rhythm directly affects accent assignment. KW - linguistic rhythm KW - eye tracking KW - sentence comprehension KW - syntactic parsing KW - implicit prosody Y1 - 2016 UR - https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00319/full U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00319 VL - 2016 IS - 7 SP - 1 EP - 19 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Kentner, Gerrit A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Prosodic focus marking in silent reading BT - effects of discourse context and rhythm T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Understanding a sentence and integrating it into the discourse depends upon the identification of its focus, which, in spoken German, is marked by accentuation. In the case of written language, which lacks explicit cues to accent, readers have to draw on other kinds of information to determine the focus. We study the joint or interactive effects of two kinds of information that have no direct representation in print but have each been shown to be influential in the reader's text comprehension: (i) the (low-level) rhythmic-prosodic structure that is based on the distribution of lexically stressed syllables, and (ii) the (high-level) discourse context that is grounded in the memory of previous linguistic content. Systematically manipulating these factors, we examine the way readers resolve a syntactic ambiguity involving the scopally ambiguous focus operator auch (engl. "too") in both oral (Experiment 1) and silent reading (Experiment 2). The results of both experiments attest that discourse context and local linguistic rhythm conspire to guide the syntactic and, concomitantly, the focus-structural analysis of ambiguous sentences. We argue that reading comprehension requires the (implicit) assignment of accents according to the focus structure and that, by establishing a prominence profile, the implicit prosodic rhythm directly affects accent assignment. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 467 KW - linguistic rhythm KW - focus KW - accent KW - reading KW - implicit prosody KW - syntactic parsing KW - sentence comprehension KW - eye tracking Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-407976 IS - 467 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Arslan, Seçkin A1 - Gür, Eren A1 - Felser, Claudia T1 - Predicting the sources of impaired wh-question comprehension in non-fluent aphasia BT - a cross-linguistic machine learning study on Turkish and German T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - This study investigates the comprehension of wh-questions in individuals with aphasia (IWA) speaking Turkish, a non-wh-movement language, and German, a wh-movement language. We examined six German-speaking and 11 Turkish-speaking IWA using picture-pointing tasks. Findings from our experiments show that the Turkish IWA responded more accurately to both object who and object which questions than to subject questions, while the German IWA performed better for subject which questions than in all other conditions. Using random forest models, a machine learning technique used in tree-structured classification, on the individual data revealed that both the Turkish and German IWA’s response accuracy is largely predicted by the presence of overt and unambiguous case marking. We discuss our results with regard to different theoretical approaches to the comprehension of wh-questions in aphasia. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 464 KW - Non-fluent aphasia KW - random forest algorithm KW - sentence comprehension KW - wh-in-situ KW - wh-questions KW - wh-movement Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-412717 IS - 464 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Paape, Dario L. J. F. A1 - Hemforth, Barbara A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Processing of ellipsis with garden-path antecedents in French and German BT - Evidence from eye tracking T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - In a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading times were shorter at the ellipsis site when the antecedent was a temporarily ambiguous garden-path structure. As a post-hoc explanation of this finding, Paape assumed that the antecedent’s memory representation was reactivated during syntactic reanalysis, making it easier to retrieve. In two eye tracking experiments, we subjected the reactivation hypothesis to further empirical scrutiny. Experiment 1, carried out in French, showed no evidence in favor in the reactivation hypothesis. Instead, results for one out of the three types of garden-path sentences that were tested suggest that subjects sometimes failed to resolve the temporary ambiguity in the antecedent clause, and subsequently failed to resolve the ellipsis. The results of Experiment 2, a conceptual replication of Paape’s (Paape, 2016) original study carried out in German, are compatible with the reactivation hypothesis, but leave open the possibility that the observed speedup for ambiguous antecedents may be due to occasional retrievals of an incorrect structure. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 452 KW - verb-phrase ellipsis KW - lingering misinterpretation KW - sentence comprehension KW - memory KW - ambiguities KW - activation KW - hypothesis KW - discourse KW - clauses Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-414062 IS - 452 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Paape, Dario L. J. F. A1 - Hemforth, Barbara A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Processing of ellipsis with garden-path antecedents in French and German BT - Evidence from eye tracking JF - PLoS ONE N2 - In a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading times were shorter at the ellipsis site when the antecedent was a temporarily ambiguous garden-path structure. As a post-hoc explanation of this finding, Paape assumed that the antecedent’s memory representation was reactivated during syntactic reanalysis, making it easier to retrieve. In two eye tracking experiments, we subjected the reactivation hypothesis to further empirical scrutiny. Experiment 1, carried out in French, showed no evidence in favor in the reactivation hypothesis. Instead, results for one out of the three types of garden-path sentences that were tested suggest that subjects sometimes failed to resolve the temporary ambiguity in the antecedent clause, and subsequently failed to resolve the ellipsis. The results of Experiment 2, a conceptual replication of Paape’s (Paape, 2016) original study carried out in German, are compatible with the reactivation hypothesis, but leave open the possibility that the observed speedup for ambiguous antecedents may be due to occasional retrievals of an incorrect structure. KW - verb-phrase ellipsis KW - lingering misinterpretation KW - sentence comprehension KW - memory KW - ambiguities KW - activation KW - hypothesis KW - discourse KW - clauses Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0198620 SN - 1932-6203 VL - 13 IS - 6 SP - 1 EP - 46 PB - PLOS CY - San Francisco ER -