TY - JOUR A1 - Georgi, Doreen T1 - Patterns of movement reflexes as the result of the order of merge and agree JF - Linguistic Inquiry N2 - In this article, I analyze patterns of reflexes of A-movement found within and across languages: reflexes may occur in all or none of the clauses of the dependency, in the clause where the dependency terminates, or solely in clauses where it does not terminate. I argue that the variation can best be captured by the variable timing of Agree and two subtypes of internal Merge (final vs. intermediate movement steps) triggered by a single head: early movement feeds Agree and gives rise to a reflex; late movement has the opposite effect. Since the subtypes of movement can apply at different points relative to Agree, reflexes may occur only in some clauses of the dependency. KW - movement reflexes KW - Agree KW - Merge KW - opacity KW - order of operations KW - optionality Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1162/LING_a_00255 SN - 0024-3892 SN - 1530-9150 VL - 48 IS - 4 SP - 585 EP - 626 PB - MIT Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Amaechi, Mary Chimaobi A1 - Georgi, Doreen T1 - Quirks of subject (non-)extraction in Igbo JF - Glossa : a journal of general linguistics N2 - In this paper we present new data on a subject/non-subject extraction asymmetry in Igbo constituent questions. We provide evidence that the superficially morphological phenomenon reflects a deeper syntactic asymmetry: Unlike wh-non-subjects, wh-subjects cannot undergo local (A) over bar -movement to the left periphery (SpecFoc); rather, they have to stay in their canonical position SpecT. The same constraint also leads to the that-trace effect (absence of the complementizer) in the embedded clause of long subject wh-movement. We argue that what is responsible for the special status of wh-subjects is their high structural position. We provide an optimality-theoretic analysis of the asymmetry that is based on anti-locality: Local subject (A) over bar -movement is excluded because it is too short. Moreover, we address the nature of apparent wh-in-situ in Igbo. KW - extraction asymmetries KW - wh-movement KW - wh-in-situ KW - focus marking KW - that-trace effect Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.607 SN - 2397-1835 VL - 4 IS - 1 PB - Ubiquity Press CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Amaechi, Mary Chimaobi A1 - Georgi, Doreen T1 - On optional wh-/focus fronting in Igbo BT - a SYN-SEM-PHON interaction JF - Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft N2 - This paper discusses surface optionality in focus fronting in the Benue-Congo language Igbo. A focused XP can occur in-situ or ex-situ. We argue that the optionality does not have its origins in the syntax: in fact, exactly one focused XP has to move to the designated focus position in the left periphery in the syntax. The alternation between in-situ and ex-situ rather arises at PF: either the lowest or the topmost copy of the focus chain is pronounced. The choice is determined by semantic-pragmatic factors, i. e., we see an interaction between PF and LF. This constitutes a challenge for a strict version of the Y-model of grammar. KW - (A)over-bar-movement KW - focus realization KW - PF-optionality KW - Y-model KW - copy KW - pronounciation KW - Benue-Congo languages Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/zfs-2020-2017 SN - 0721-9067 SN - 1613-3706 VL - 39 IS - 3 SP - 299 EP - 327 PB - De Gruyter CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Salzmann, Martin A1 - Wierzba, Marta A1 - Georgi, Doreen T1 - Condition C in German A'-movement BT - tackling challenges in experimental research on reconstruction JF - Journal of linguistics : JL N2 - In recent experimental work, arguments for or against Condition C reconstruction in A'-movement have been based on low/high availability of coreference in sentences with and without A'-movement. We argue that this reasoning is problematic: It involves arbitrary thresholds, and the results are potentially confounded by the different surface orders of the compared structures and non-syntactic factors. We present three experiments with designs that do not require defining thresholds of 'low' or 'high' coreference values. Instead, we focus on grammatical contrasts (wh-movement vs. relativization, subject vs. object wh-movement) and aim to identify and reduce confounds. The results show that reconstruction for A'-movement of DPs is not very robust in German, contra previous findings. Our results are compatible with the view that the surface order and non-syntactic factors (e.g. plausibility, referential accessibility of an R-expression) heavily influence coreference possibilities. Thus, the data argue against a theory that includes both reconstruction and a hard Condition C constraint. There is a residual contrast between sentences with subject/object movement, which is compatible with an account without reconstruction (and an additional non-syntactic factor) or an account with reconstruction (and a soft Condition C constraint). KW - A'-movement KW - binding KW - Condition C KW - experimental syntax KW - German KW - reconstruction KW - relative clauses KW - wh-questions Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022226722000214 SN - 0022-2267 SN - 1469-7742 VL - 59 IS - 3 SP - 577 EP - 622 PB - Cambridge Univ. Press CY - London [u.a.] ER -