TY - JOUR
A1 - Rockström, Johan
A1 - Kotzé, Louis
A1 - Milutinović, Svetlana
A1 - Biermann, Frank
A1 - Brovkin, Victor
A1 - Donges, Jonathan
A1 - Ebbesson, Jonas
A1 - French, Duncan
A1 - Gupta, Joyeeta
A1 - Kim, Rakhyun
A1 - Lenton, Timothy
A1 - Lenzi, Dominic
A1 - Nakicenovic, Nebojsa
A1 - Neumann, Barbara
A1 - Schuppert, Fabian
A1 - Winkelmann, Ricarda
A1 - Bosselmann, Klaus
A1 - Folke, Carl
A1 - Lucht, Wolfgang
A1 - Schlosberg, David
A1 - Richardson, Katherine
A1 - Steffen, Will
T1 - The planetary commons
BT - a new paradigm for safeguarding earth-regulating systems in the Anthropocene
JF - Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America
N2 - The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue trajectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons framework by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.
KW - anthropocene
KW - earth system governance
KW - global commons
KW - international law
KW - planetary boundaries
Y1 - 2024
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2301531121
SN - 1091-6490
SN - 1877-2014
VL - 121
IS - 5
PB - National Academy of Sciences
CY - Washington, DC
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Dapprich, Jan Philipp
A1 - Cockshott, William Paul
T1 - Input-output planning and information
JF - Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization
N2 - In this paper, we show how socialist planning can be based on input-output data. We argue that the information required for this can be obtained by a central planning agency and thus dismiss Hayek’s information argument against socialism. We further show how economic planning can be made responsive to consumer demand through a feedback control mechanism. Output targets of products would be adjusted in response to observed consumer demand or based on predictions about future demand. Planners can use machine learning to make more accurate forecasts. The valuation of goods plays an important role in the feedback control mechanism. The values of goods can either be measured by the labour time necessary for their production (labour values) or through shadow prices based on linear programming.
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2022.10.043
SN - 0167-2681
IS - 205
SP - 412
EP - 422
PB - Elsevier
CY - Amsterdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Lambert, Karras
A1 - Fegley, Tate
A1 - Candela, Rosolino
A1 - Boettke, Peter
A1 - Phelan, Steven
A1 - Wenzel, Nikolai G.
A1 - Dapprich, Jan Philipp
T1 - Reply and Counter-Reply
BT - on cybersocialism
JF - Journal of economic behavior & organization
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2023.03.026
SN - 0167-2681
IS - 212
SP - 300
EP - 310
PB - Elsevier
CY - Amsterdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Ganghof, Steffen
T1 - Justifying types of representative democracy
BT - a response
JF - Critical review of international social and political philosophy
N2 - This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.
KW - political equality
KW - semi-parliamentarism
KW - presidentialism
KW - institutional design
KW - executive personalism
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665
SN - 1369-8230
SN - 1743-8772
SP - 1
EP - 12
PB - Routledge
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Tsebelis, George
A1 - Thies, Michael
A1 - Cheibub, José Antonio
A1 - Dixon, Rosalind
A1 - Bogéa, Daniel
A1 - Ganghof, Steffen
T1 - Review symposium
BT - beyond presidentialism and parliamentarism
JF - European political science
N2 - Steffen Ganghof’s Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that “in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not” (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, José Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bogéa review Steffen Ganghof’s book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A&M University in 2022. We thank Prof José Cheibub (Texas A&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium.
KW - semi-parliamentary government
KW - presidentialism
KW - parliamentary government
KW - separation of powers
KW - legislatures
KW - executives
KW - parliamentary democracy
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9
SN - 1680-4333
SN - 1682-0983
PB - Palgrave Macmillan
CY - Basingstoke
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
A1 - Pruin, Andree
T1 - Organizational reputation in executive politics
BT - citizen-oriented units in the German federal bureaucracy
JF - International review of administrative sciences
N2 - In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a “laboratorization” of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-à-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-à-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.
KW - citizen participation
KW - government policymaking
KW - organizational reputation
Y1 - 0023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/00208523221132228
SN - 0020-8523
SN - 1461-7226
PB - Sage
CY - Los Angeles, Calif.
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
A1 - Wanckel, Camilla
T1 - Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector
BT - the mediating role of job autonomy
JF - Review of Public Personnel Administration
N2 - Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers “digital overload” that decreases government employees’ job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees’ freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector.
KW - digital transformation
KW - digital overload
KW - job autonomy
KW - job satisfaction
KW - civil service survey
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0734371X221148403
SN - 0734-371X
SN - 1552-759X
PB - Sage
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
A1 - Wanckel, Camilla
T1 - Creativity in policy capacity
BT - organizational and individual determinants
JF - Public administration review
N2 - Creativity is a crucial part of policy capacity in governments. Existing studies on creative behavior in the public sector assess employees' openness to new ideas and creative solutions, and they confirm the relevance of organizational and individual determinants for pro-creativity attitudes. Yet we lack systemic evidence on the explicit level of work-related creativity among policy officials in government organizations. At the same time, novel technologies and particularly social networking services change the working environment of policy officials radically, alter organizational features, and may also yield crucial individual effects. Our study analyses “policy creativity” of policy officials in three European governments. We demonstrate the importance of organizational and individual features, including the stress triggered by using social networking services. Our study captures officials' creativity explicitly and adds to debates on creativity and innovation in the public sector as well as the micro-level foundations of the digital transformation in the public sector.
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/puar.13676
SN - 0033-3352
SN - 1540-6210
PB - Wiley-Blackwell
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
A1 - Bezes, Philippe
A1 - Yesilkagit, Kutsal
T1 - Political time in public bureaucracies
BT - explaining variation of structural duration in European governments
JF - Public administration review
N2 - Structural duration conveys stability but also resilience in central government and is therefore a key issue in the debate on the structure and organization of government. This paper discusses three core variants of structural duration to study the explanatory relevance of politics. We compare these durations across ministerialunits in four European democracies (Germany, France, The Netherlands, and Norway) from 1980 to 2013, totaling over 17,000 units. Our empirical analyses show that cabinets’ ideological turnover and extremism are the most significant predictors of all variants of duration, whereas polarization in parliament as well as new prime ministers without office experience yield the predicted significant negative effects for most models. We discuss these findings and avenues for futureresearch that acknowledge the definition and measures for structural change as well as temporal aspects of the empirical phenomenon more explicitly.
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/puar.13740
SN - 0033-3352
SN - 1540-6210
VL - 83
IS - 6
SP - 1813
EP - 1832
PB - Wiley-Blackwell
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Lundgren, Magnus
A1 - Squatrito, Theresa
A1 - Sommerer, Thomas
A1 - Tallberg, Jonas
T1 - Introducing the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD)
JF - The review of international organizations
N2 - There is a growing recognition that international organizations (IOs) formulate and adopt policy in a wide range of areas. IOs have emerged as key venues for states seeking joint solutions to contemporary challenges such as climate change or COVID-19, and to establish frameworks to bolster trade, development, security, and more. In this capacity, IOs produce both extraordinary and routine policy output with a multitude of purposes, ranging from policies of historic significance like admitting new members to the more mundane tasks of administering IO staff. This article introduces the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD), which covers close to 37,000 individual policy acts of 13 multi-issue IOs in the 1980–2015 period. The dataset fills a gap in the growing body of literature on the comparative study of IOs, providing researchers with a fine-grained perspective on the structure of IO policy output and data for comparisons across time, policy areas, and organizations. This article describes the construction and coverage of the dataset and identifies key temporal and cross-sectional patterns revealed by the data. In a concise illustration of the dataset’s utility, we apply models of punctuated equilibria in a comparative study of the relationship between institutional features and broad policy agenda dynamics. Overall, the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset offers a unique resource for researchers to analyze IO policy output in a granular manner and to explore questions of responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy of IOs.
KW - international organizations
KW - policy
KW - policy agendas
KW - decision-making
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-023-09492-6
SN - 1559-7431
SN - 1559-744X
VL - 19
SP - 117
EP - 146
PB - Springer
CY - Boston
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Lundgren, Magnus
A1 - Tallberg, Jonas
A1 - Sommerer, Thomas
A1 - Squatrito, Theresa
T1 - When are international organizations responsive to policy problems?
JF - International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association
N2 - When are international organizations (IOs) responsive to the policy problems that motivated their establishment? While it is a conventional assumption that IOs exist to address transnational challenges, the question of whether and when IO policy-making is responsive to shifts in underlying problems has not been systematically explored. This study investigates the responsiveness of IOs from a large-n, comparative approach. Theoretically, we develop three alternative models of IO responsiveness, emphasizing severeness, dependence, and power differentials. Empirically, we focus on the domain of security, examining the responsiveness of eight multi-issue IOs to armed conflict between 1980 and 2015, using a novel and expansive dataset on IO policy decisions. Our findings suggest, first, that IOs are responsive to security problems and, second, that responsiveness is not primarily driven by dependence or power differentials but by problem severity. An in-depth study of the responsiveness of the UN Security Council using more granular data confirms these findings. As the first comparative study of whether and when IO policy adapts to problem severity, the article has implications for debates about IO responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy.
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqad045
SN - 0020-8833
SN - 1468-2478
VL - 67
IS - 3
PB - Oxford University Press
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Duit, Andreas
A1 - Lim, Sijeong
A1 - Sommerer, Thomas
T1 - The state and the environment
BT - environmental policy and performance in 37 countries 1970–2010
JF - Politics & policy
N2 - The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970–2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making.
KW - comparative environmental politics
KW - ecological modernization
KW - environmental degradation
KW - environmental policy effects
KW - environmental policy performance
KW - national ecological footprint
KW - policy output
KW - regulation
KW - state
KW - treadmill of production
KW - política ambiental comparada
KW - modernización ecológica
KW - huella ecológica
KW - regulación estatal
Y1 - 2023
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12561
SN - 1555-5623
SN - 1747-1346
VL - 51
IS - 6
SP - 1046
EP - 1068
PB - Wiley-Blackwell
CY - Hoboken, NJ
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Tallberg, Jonas
A1 - Bäckstrand, Karin
A1 - Aart Scholte, Jan
A1 - Sommerer, Thomas
T1 - SNS Democracy Council 2023
BT - global governance: fit for purpose?
N2 - Transboundary problems such as climate change, military conflicts, trade barriers, and refugee flows require increased collaboration across borders. This is to a large extent possible using existing international organizations. In such a case, however, they need to be considerably strengthened – while current trends take us in the opposite direction, according to the researchers in the SNS Democracy Council 2023.
KW - democracy
KW - globalization
KW - international trade
Y1 - 2023
UR - https://snsse.cdn.triggerfish.cloud/uploads/2023/04/sns-democracy-council-2023-global-governance--fit-for-purpose.pdf
SN - 978-91-89754-06-5
PB - SNS Förlag
CY - Stockholm
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Cockshott, William Paul
A1 - Cottrell, Allin
A1 - Dapprich, Jan Philipp
T1 - Economic planning in an age of climate crisis
N2 - Faced with an accelerating climate crisis caused by burning fossil fuels we have to change the way the economy works. We can no longer go on with a system that just maximises private profit without consideration for its effects. Instead we have to conciously plan how to change to a fossil fuel free society.
The need is urgent.
The transformation will be vast.
Nothing similar has been done in the West since the days of wartime mobilisation.
This book explains the basic science of climate change before looking at the transformations needed to our energy and basic industries. It looks at the previous successful history of deliberate planning practiced in the UK from 1939 to the 1960s and how, using modern computing techniques it will be possible to organise resources so as to effect the change.
Y1 - 2022
SN - 979-8-36012-556-3
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Kazepov, Yuri
A1 - Verwiebe, Roland
T1 - Is Vienna still a just city?
BT - the challenges of transitions
JF - Vienna
Y1 - 2022
SN - 978-0-367-68011-4
SN - 978-1-003-13382-7
SN - 978-0-367-68013-8
U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003133827-1
SP - 1
EP - 14
PB - Routledge
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Riederer, Bernhard Edwin
A1 - Verwiebe, Roland
A1 - Ahn, Byeongsun
T1 - Professionalisation, polarisation or both?
BT - economic restructuring and new divisions of labour
JF - Vienna
Y1 - 2022
SN - 978-0-367-68011-4
SN - 978-1-003-13382-7
SN - 978-0-367-68013-8
U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003133827-10
SP - 99
EP - 114
PB - Routledge
CY - Berlin
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Paasch, Jana
T1 - Revisiting policy preferences and capacities in the EU
BT - Multi-level policy implementation in the subnational authorities
JF - Journal of common market studies : JCMS
N2 - Research on multi-level implementation of EU legislation has almost exclusively focused on the national level, while little is known about the role of subnational authorities. Nevertheless, it is a prerequisite for the functioning of the European Union that all member states and their subnational authorities apply and enforce EU legislation in due time. I address this research gap and take a closer look at the legal transposition process in the German regional states. Using a novel data set comprising detailed information on about 700 subnational measures, I show that state-level variables, such as political preferences and ministerial resources, account for variation in the timing of legal transposition and repeatedly lead to subnational delay. To conclude, the paper addresses the role of subnational authorities in the EU multi-level system and points to their interest in shaping legal transposition in order to counterbalance their loss of competences to the national level.
KW - European Union
KW - transposition
KW - EU directives
KW - implementation measures
KW - subnational authorities
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13286
SN - 0021-9886
SN - 1468-5965
VL - 60
IS - 3
SP - 783
EP - 800
PB - Wiley-Blackwell
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Danielsen, Ole Andreas
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
T1 - The effects of political design and organizational dynamics on structural disaggregation and integration in Norway 1947-2019
JF - Governance : an international journal of policy and administration
N2 - In countries with long-standing agency traditions, the creation of new agencies rarely comes as a large-scale reform but rather as one structural choice of many possible, most notably a ministerial division. In order to make sense of these choices, the article discusses the role of political design-focusing on the role of political motivations, such as ideological turnover, replacement risks and ideological stands toward administrative efficiency-and organizational dynamics-focusing on the role of administrative legacies and existing organizational palettes. The article utilizes data on organizational creations in the Norwegian central state between 1947 and 2019, in order to explore how political design and organizational dynamics help us understand the creation of agencies relative to ministry divisions over time. We find that political motives matter a great deal for the structural choices made by consecutive Norwegian governments, but that structural path dependencies may also be at play.
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/gove.12669
SN - 1468-0491
VL - 36
IS - 1
SP - 299
EP - 320
PB - Wiley-Blackwell
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Munnes, Stefan
A1 - Harsch, Corinna
A1 - Knobloch, Marcel
A1 - Vogel, Johannes S.
A1 - Hipp, Lena
A1 - Schilling, Erik
T1 - Examining Sentiment in Complex Texts. A Comparison of Different Computational Approaches
JF - Frontiers in Big Data
N2 - Can we rely on computational methods to accurately analyze complex texts? To answer this question, we compared different dictionary and scaling methods used in predicting the sentiment of German literature reviews to the "gold standard " of human-coded sentiments. Literature reviews constitute a challenging text corpus for computational analysis as they not only contain different text levels-for example, a summary of the work and the reviewer's appraisal-but are also characterized by subtle and ambiguous language elements. To take the nuanced sentiments of literature reviews into account, we worked with a metric rather than a dichotomous scale for sentiment analysis. The results of our analyses show that the predicted sentiments of prefabricated dictionaries, which are computationally efficient and require minimal adaption, have a low to medium correlation with the human-coded sentiments (r between 0.32 and 0.39). The accuracy of self-created dictionaries using word embeddings (both pre-trained and self-trained) was considerably lower (r between 0.10 and 0.28). Given the high coding intensity and contingency on seed selection as well as the degree of data pre-processing of word embeddings that we found with our data, we would not recommend them for complex texts without further adaptation. While fully automated approaches appear not to work in accurately predicting text sentiments with complex texts such as ours, we found relatively high correlations with a semiautomated approach (r of around 0.6)-which, however, requires intensive human coding efforts for the training dataset. In addition to illustrating the benefits and limits of computational approaches in analyzing complex text corpora and the potential of metric rather than binary scales of text sentiment, we also provide a practical guide for researchers to select an appropriate method and degree of pre-processing when working with complex texts.
KW - sentiment analysis
KW - German literature
KW - dictionary
KW - word embeddings
KW - automated text analysis
KW - computer-assisted text analysis
KW - scaling method
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fdata.2022.886362
SN - 2624-909X
VL - 5
PB - Frontiers Media
CY - Lausanne
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Lilliestam, Johan
A1 - Patt, Anthony
A1 - Bersalli, Germán
T1 - On the quality of emission reductions
BT - observed effects of carbon pricing on investments, innovation, and operational shifts. A response to van den Bergh and Savin (2021)
JF - Environmental and Resource Economics
N2 - To meet the Paris Agreement targets, carbon emissions from the energy system must be eliminated by mid-century, implying vast investment and systemic change challenges ahead. In an article in WIREs Climate Change, we reviewed the empirical evidence for effects of carbon pricing systems on technological change towards full decarbonisation, finding weak or no effects. In response, van den Bergh and Savin (2021) criticised our review in an article in this journal, claiming that it is "unfair", incomplete and flawed in various ways. Here, we respond to this critique by elaborating on the conceptual roots of our argumentation based on the importance of short-term emission reductions and longer-term technological change, and by expanding the review. This verifies our original findings: existing carbon pricing schemes have sometimes reduced emissions, mainly through switching to lower-carbon fossil fuels and efficiency increases, and have triggered weak innovation increases. There is no evidence that carbon pricing systems have triggered zero-carbon investments, and scarce but consistent evidence that they have not. Our findings highlight the importance of adapting and improving climate policy assessment metrics beyond short-term emissions by also assessing the quality of emission reductions and the progress of underlying technological change.
KW - Carbon pricing
KW - Climate policy
KW - Decarbonisation
KW - Technological change
KW - Energy transition
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10640-022-00708-8
SN - 0924-6460
SN - 1573-1502
VL - 83
IS - 3
SP - 733
EP - 758
PB - Springer
CY - Dordrecht
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Tuttnauer, Or
A1 - Wegmann, Simone
T1 - Voting for Votes
BT - opposition parties' legislative activity and electoral outcomes
JF - American political science review
N2 - Scholars frequently expect parties to act strategically in parliament, hoping to affect their electoral fortunes. Voters assumingly assess parties by their activity and vote accordingly. However, the retrospective voting literature looks mostly at the government's outcomes, leaving the opposition understudied. We argue that, for opposition parties, legislative voting constitutes an effective vote-seeking activity as a signaling tool of their attitude toward the government. We suggest that conflictual voting behavior affects voters through two mechanisms: as a signal of opposition valence and as means of ideological differentiation from the government. We present both aggregate- and individual-level analyses, leveraging a dataset of 169 party observations from 10 democracies and linking it to the CSES survey data of 27,371 respondents. The findings provide support for the existence of both mechanisms. Parliamentary conflict on legislative votes has a general positive effect on opposition parties' electoral performance, conditional on systemic and party-specific factors.
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055422000338
SN - 0003-0554
SN - 1537-5943
VL - 116
IS - 4
SP - 1357
EP - 1374
PB - Cambridge Univ. Press
CY - New York
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Gorupec, Natalia
A1 - Brehmer, Nataliia
A1 - Tiberius, Victor
A1 - Kraus, Sascha
T1 - Tackling uncertain future scenarios with real options
BT - a review and research framework
JF - The Irish journal of management : incorporating IBAR
N2 - Real options are widely applied in strategic and operational decision-making, allowing for managerial flexibility in uncertain contexts. Increased scholarly interest has led to an extensive but fragmented research landscape. We aim to measure and systematize the research field quantitatively. To achieve this goal, we conduct bibliometric performance analyses and bibliographic coupling analyses with an in-depth content review. The results of the performance analyses show an increasing interest in real options since the beginning of the 2000s and identity the most influential journals and authors. The science mappings reveal six and seven research clusters over the last two decades. Based on an in-depth analysis of their themes, we develop a research framework comprising antecedents, application areas, internal and external contingencies, and uncertainty resolution through real option valuation or reasoning. We identify several gaps in that framework, which we propose to tackle in future research.
KW - Bibliometric analysis
KW - decision processes
KW - real options
KW - research
KW - framework
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.2478/ijm-2022-0003
SN - 1649-248X
SN - 2451-2834
VL - 41
IS - 1
SP - 69
EP - 88
PB - Orpen Press
CY - Dublin
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fruhstorfer, Anna
A1 - Hudson, Alexander
T1 - Costs and benefits of accepting presidential term limits
BT - should I stay or should I go?
JF - Democratization
N2 - As presidents approach the end of their constitutionally defined term in office, they face a number of difficulties, most importantly the deprivation of sources of power, personal enrichment, and protection from prosecution. This leads many of them to attempt to circumvent their term limits. Recent studies explain both the reasons for the extension or full abolition of term limits, and failed attempts to do so. Key explanations include electoral competition and the post-term fate of previous post holders. What we do not know yet is how compliance with term limits may be tied to the current president's expectations for their post-term fate. In particular, we do not know whether leaders who attempt to remove term limits and fail to do so jeopardize their post-term career as a result, and conversely, whether leaders who comply will have better outcomes in terms of security, prestige, and economic gain. Hence, we ask how the decision of a leader to comply or not comply with term limits is conditioned by the expectation of their post-term fate. To address this question, this article introduces new data on the career trajectories of term-limited presidents and its systematic effect on term limit compliance.
KW - Presidents
KW - head of state
KW - term limits
KW - executives
KW - corruption
KW - prestige
KW - institutional change
KW - constitutions
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2021.1960314
SN - 1351-0347
SN - 1743-890X
VL - 29
IS - 1
SP - 93
EP - 112
PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Abingdon
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
A1 - Bezes, Philippe
A1 - James, Oliver
A1 - Yesilkagit, Kutsal
T1 - The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe
JF - Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions
N2 - The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/gove.12670
SN - 0952-1895
SN - 1468-0491
VL - 36
IS - 1
SP - 255
EP - 274
PB - Wiley
CY - Hoboken
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Yesilkagit, Kutsal
A1 - Bezes, Philippe
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
T1 - What's in a name? The politics of name changes inside bureaucracy
JF - Public administration
N2 - In this article, we examine the effects of political change on name changes of units within central government ministries. We expect that changes regarding the policy position of a government will cause changes in the names of ministerial units. To this end we formulate hypotheses combining the politics of structural choice and theories of portfolio allocation to examine the effects of political changes at the cabinet level on the names of intra-ministerial units. We constructed a dataset containing more than 17,000 observations on name changes of ministerial units between 1980 and 2013 from the central governments of Germany, the Netherlands, and France. We regress a series of generalized estimating equations (GEE) with population averaging models for binary outcomes. Finding variations across the three political-bureaucratic systems, we overall report positive effects of governmental change and ideological positions on name changes within ministries.
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12827
SN - 0033-3298
SN - 1467-9299
VL - 100
IS - 4
SP - 1091
EP - 1106
PB - Wiley-Blackwell
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - BOOK
A1 - Sommerer, Thomas
A1 - Agné, Hans
A1 - Zelli, Fariborz
A1 - Bes, Bart Joachim
T1 - Global Legitimacy Crises
BT - decline and revival in multilateral governance
N2 - Global Legitimacy Crises addresses the consequences of legitimacy in global governance, in particular asking: when and how do legitimacy crises affect international organizations and their capacity to rule. The book starts with a new conceptualization of legitimacy crisis that looks at public challenges from a variety of actors. Based on this conceptualization, it applies a mixed-methods approach to identify and examine legitimacy crises, starting with a quantitative analysis of mass media data on challenges of a sample of 32 IOs. It shows that some, but not all organizations have experienced legitimacy crises, spread over several decades from 1985 to 2020. Following this, the book presents a qualitative study to further examine legitimacy crises of two selected case studies: the WTO and the UNFCCC. Whereas earlier research assumed that legitimacy crises have negative consequences, the book introduces a theoretical framework that privileges the activation inherent in a legitimacy crisis. It holds that this activation may not only harm an IO, but could also strengthen it, in terms of its material, institutional, and decision-making capacity. The following statistical analysis shows that whether a crisis has predominantly negative or positive effects depends on a variety of factors. These include the specific audience whose challenges define a certain crisis, and several institutional properties of the targeted organization. The ensuing in-depth analysis of the WTO and the UNFCCC further reveals how legitimacy crises and both positive and negative consequences are interlinked, and that effects of crises are sometimes even visible beyond the organizational borders.
Y1 - 2022
SN - 978-0-19-194674-5
SN - 978-0-19-285632-6
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192856326.001.0001
PB - Oxford University Press
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Taheri, Mana
T1 - The impact of the socio-cultural context on Design Thinking education
N2 - The demand for learning Design Thinking (DT) as a path towards acquiring 21st-century skills has increased globally in the last decade. Because DT education originated in the Silicon Valley context of the d.school at Stanford, it is important to evaluate how the teaching of the methodology adapts to different cultural contexts.The thesis explores the impact of the socio-cultural context on DT education.
DT institutes in Cape Town, South Africa and Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, were visited to observe their programs and conduct 22 semistructured interviews with local educators regarding their adaption strategies. Grounded theory methodology was used to develop a model of Socio-Cultural Adaptation of Design Thinking Education that maps these strategies onto five dimensions: Planning, Process, People, Place, and Presentation. Based on this model, a list of recommendations is provided to help DT educators and practitioners in designing and delivering culturally inclusive DT education.
N2 - Die Interesse an Design Thinking (DT) als Weg zum Erwerb modernen Kompetenzen erfuhr in den letzten 10 Jahre einen starken Anstieg.Wegen des von Silicon Valley geprägten Ursprungs von DT Lehre an der d.school in Stanford ist es wichtig, die Adaption des Unterrichts an andere kulturelle Kontexte zu evaluieren. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht eben diesen Einfluß des soziokulturellen Kontext auf Design Thinking Lehre.
Dazu wurden DT Kurse an Instituten in Kapstadt, Südafrika und Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia begleitet und 22 semistrukturierte Interviews mit einheimischen Coaches zu Adaptionsstrategien geführt. Mit Hilfe von Grounded Theory wurde das Modell “Socio-Cultural Adaptions of Design Thinking” (Soziokulturelle Anpassungen von Design Thinking Lehre) entwickelt, welches diese Strategien anhand der folgenden fünf Dimensionen kategorisiert: Planung, Prozess, Personen, Raum und Präsentation. Basierend auf diesem Modell wurde eine Liste von Empfehlungen ausgearbeitet, welche Coaches bei dem Design und der Durchführung von kulturell einschließenden Design Thinking Kursen behilflich sein soll.
KW - Design Thinking
KW - Design Thinking education
KW - cultural diversity
KW - culturally responsive education
KW - Design Thinking
KW - Design Thinking Bildung
KW - kulturelle Diversität
KW - kultursensitive Bildung
Y1 - 2022
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-542599
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Bünning, Mareike
A1 - Hipp, Lena
T1 - How can we become more equal?
BT - public policies and parents’ work–family preferences in Germany
JF - Journal of European social policy
N2 - This study examines how public policies affect parents' preferences for a more egalitarian division of paid and unpaid work. Based on the assumption that individuals develop their preferences within a specific policy context, we examine how changes in three policies affect mothers' and fathers' work-family preferences: the availability of high-quality, affordable childcare; the right to return to a full-time job after having reduced hours to part-time and an increase in the number of 'partner months' in parental leave schemes. Analysing a unique probability sample of parents with young children in Germany from 2015 (N = 1756), we find that fathers would want to work slightly fewer hours if they had the right to return to a full-time position after working part-time, and mothers would want to work slightly more hours if childcare opportunities were improved. Full-time working parents, moreover, are found to prefer fewer hours independent of the policy setting, while non-employed parents would like to work at least some hours. Last but not least, our analyses show that increasing the number of partner months in the parental leave scheme considerably increases fathers' preferences for longer and mothers' preferences for shorter leave. Increasing the number of partner months in parental schemes hence has the greatest potential to increase gender equality.
KW - work-family policies
KW - parental leave
KW - childcare
KW - working time
KW - regulations
KW - parenthood
KW - working hours
KW - gender equality
KW - preferences
KW - capabilities framework
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/09589287211035701
SN - 0958-9287
SN - 1461-7269
VL - 32
IS - 2
SP - 182
EP - 196
PB - Sage Publ.
CY - London
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Seewann, Lena
A1 - Verwiebe, Roland
A1 - Buder, Claudia
A1 - Fritsch, Nina-Sophie
T1 - “Broadcast your gender.”
BT - A comparison of four text-based classification methods of German YouTube channels
T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2 - Social media platforms provide a large array of behavioral data relevant to social scientific research. However, key information such as sociodemographic characteristics of agents are often missing. This paper aims to compare four methods of classifying social attributes from text. Specifically, we are interested in estimating the gender of German social media creators. By using the example of a random sample of 200 YouTube channels, we compare several classification methods, namely (1) a survey among university staff, (2) a name dictionary method with the World Gender Name Dictionary as a reference list, (3) an algorithmic approach using the website gender-api.com, and (4) a Multinomial Naïve Bayes (MNB) machine learning technique. These different methods identify gender attributes based on YouTube channel names and descriptions in German but are adaptable to other languages. Our contribution will evaluate the share of identifiable channels, accuracy and meaningfulness of classification, as well as limits and benefits of each approach. We aim to address methodological challenges connected to classifying gender attributes for YouTube channels as well as related to reinforcing stereotypes and ethical implications.
T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 152
KW - text based classification methods
KW - gender
KW - YouTube
KW - machine learning
KW - authorship attribution
Y1 - 2022
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-566287
SN - 1867-5808
IS - 152
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Seewann, Lena
A1 - Verwiebe, Roland
A1 - Buder, Claudia
A1 - Fritsch, Nina-Sophie
T1 - “Broadcast your gender.”
BT - A comparison of four text-based classification methods of German YouTube channels
JF - Frontiers in Big Data
N2 - Social media platforms provide a large array of behavioral data relevant to social scientific research. However, key information such as sociodemographic characteristics of agents are often missing. This paper aims to compare four methods of classifying social attributes from text. Specifically, we are interested in estimating the gender of German social media creators. By using the example of a random sample of 200 YouTube channels, we compare several classification methods, namely (1) a survey among university staff, (2) a name dictionary method with the World Gender Name Dictionary as a reference list, (3) an algorithmic approach using the website gender-api.com, and (4) a Multinomial Naïve Bayes (MNB) machine learning technique. These different methods identify gender attributes based on YouTube channel names and descriptions in German but are adaptable to other languages. Our contribution will evaluate the share of identifiable channels, accuracy and meaningfulness of classification, as well as limits and benefits of each approach. We aim to address methodological challenges connected to classifying gender attributes for YouTube channels as well as related to reinforcing stereotypes and ethical implications.
KW - text based classification methods
KW - gender
KW - YouTube
KW - machine learning
KW - authorship attribution
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fdata.2022.908636
SN - 2624-909X
IS - 5
PB - Frontiers
CY - Lausanne, Schweiz
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Khalil, Samir
A1 - Kohler, Ulrich
A1 - Tjaden, Jasper Dag
T1 - Is There a Rural Penalty in Language Acquisition? Evidence From Germany's Refugee Allocation Policy
JF - Frontiers in Sociology
N2 - Emerging evidence has highlighted the important role of local contexts for integration trajectories of asylum seekers and refugees. Germany's policy of randomly allocating asylum seekers across Germany may advantage some and disadvantage others in terms of opportunities for equal participation in society. This study explores the question whether asylum seekers that have been allocated to rural areas experience disadvantages in terms of language acquisition compared to those allocated to urban areas. We derive testable assumptions using a Directed Acyclic Graph (DAG) which are then tested using large-N survey data (IAB-BAMF-SOEP refugee survey). We find that living in a rural area has no negative total effect on language skills. Further the findings suggest that the “null effect” is the result of two processes which offset each other: while asylum seekers in rural areas have slightly lower access for formal, federally organized language courses, they have more regular exposure to German speakers.
KW - refugees
KW - allocation policies
KW - rural
KW - language acquisition
KW - intergroup contacts
KW - language courses
KW - integration
Y1 - 2022
U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2022.841775
SN - 2297-7775
VL - 7
SP - 1
EP - 11
PB - Frontiers
CY - Lausanne, Schweiz
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Khalil, Samir
A1 - Kohler, Ulrich
A1 - Tjaden, Jasper Dag
T1 - Is There a Rural Penalty in Language Acquisition? Evidence From Germany's Refugee Allocation Policy
T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2 - Emerging evidence has highlighted the important role of local contexts for integration trajectories of asylum seekers and refugees. Germany's policy of randomly allocating asylum seekers across Germany may advantage some and disadvantage others in terms of opportunities for equal participation in society. This study explores the question whether asylum seekers that have been allocated to rural areas experience disadvantages in terms of language acquisition compared to those allocated to urban areas. We derive testable assumptions using a Directed Acyclic Graph (DAG) which are then tested using large-N survey data (IAB-BAMF-SOEP refugee survey). We find that living in a rural area has no negative total effect on language skills. Further the findings suggest that the “null effect” is the result of two processes which offset each other: while asylum seekers in rural areas have slightly lower access for formal, federally organized language courses, they have more regular exposure to German speakers.
T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 151
KW - refugees
KW - allocation policies
KW - rural
KW - language acquisition
KW - intergroup contacts
KW - language courses
KW - integration
Y1 - 2022
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-566264
SN - 1867-5808
SP - 1
EP - 11
PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam
CY - Potsdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Fleischer, Julia
A1 - Reiners, Nina
T1 - Connecting international relations and public administration
BT - toward a joint research agenda for the study of international bureaucracy
JF - International studies review
N2 - The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.
N2 - El reciente debate sobre los organismos administrativos en las organizaciones internacionales ha generado diversas perspectivas teóricas, marcos analíticos y enfoques metodológicos. A pesar de estos esfuerzos por mejorar el conocimiento sobre estos actores, el programa de investigación sobre las administraciones públicas internacionales (International Public Administration, IPA) ha perdido dos oportunidades importantes: la reflexión sobre la erudición en las relaciones internacionales y la administración pública y las sinergias entre estas perspectivas disciplinarias. Con este trasfondo, en el ensayo se analiza la literatura sobre las administraciones públicas internacionales en las relaciones internacionales y la administración pública. Descubrimos que la influencia, la autoridad y la autonomía de las burocracias internacionales se han abordado ampliamente y ayudaron a comprender mejor la función de dichos agentes no estatales en la formulación de políticas a nivel mundial. Se ha prestado menos atención al contexto clave a nivel macro de la política de los organismos administrativos, a pesar de su importancia en las relaciones internacionales y la erudición en la administración pública. Proponemos enfocarnos en la agencia y la política como futuras vías para implementar un programa de investigación conjunta y exhaustiva para las burocracias internacionales.
N2 - Le récent débat sur les organes administratifs des organisations internationales a mis en avant plusieurs perspectives théoriques, cadres analytiques et approches méthodologiques. Malgré ces efforts pour faire progresser la connaissance de ces acteurs, le Programme de recherche sur les administrations publiques internationales a manqué deux opportunités majeures : une réflexion sur les recherches en relations internationales et administration publique ainsi que sur les synergies entre ces perspectives des disciplines. Cet essai s'appuie sur cette toile de fond pour établir une discussion au sujet de la littérature abordant les administrations publiques internationales dans les domaines des relations internationales et de l'administration publique. Nous avons constaté que l'influence, l'autorité et l'autonomie des bureaucraties internationales avaient été largement abordées, ce qui permettait de mieux comprendre le pouvoir de tels acteurs non-étatiques dans l’établissement des politiques internationales. Toutefois, malgré son importance dans les recherches en relations internationales et administration publique, une moins grande attention a été accordée au contexte macro des politiques des organes administratifs alors qu'il est crucial. Nous proposons de mettre l'accent sur le pouvoir et les politiques comme pistes futures pour un programme de recherche conjoint complet sur les bureaucraties internationales.
KW - international bureaucracies
KW - international organizations
KW - public
KW - administration
KW - nonstate actors
KW - palabras clave
KW - burocracias internacionales
KW - organizaciones internacionales
KW - administración pública
KW - agentes no estatales
KW - mots clés
KW - bureaucraties internationales
KW - organisations internationales
KW - administration publique
KW - acteurs non-étatiques
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa097
SN - 1521-9488
SN - 1468-2486
VL - 23
IS - 4
SP - 1230
EP - 1247
PB - Oxford Univ. Press
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Tjaden, Jasper
T1 - Measuring migration 2.0
BT - a review of digital data sources
JF - Comparative migration studies : CMS
N2 - The interest in human migration is at its all-time high, yet data to measure migration is notoriously limited. “Big data” or “digital trace data” have emerged as new sources of migration measurement complementing ‘traditional’ census, administrative and survey data. This paper reviews the strengths and weaknesses of eight novel, digital data sources along five domains: reliability, validity, scope, access and ethics. The review highlights the opportunities for migration scholars but also stresses the ethical and empirical challenges. This review intends to be of service to researchers and policy analysts alike and help them navigate this new and increasingly complex field.
KW - Migration
KW - Big data
KW - Digital trace
KW - Measurement
KW - Survey
KW - Review
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1186/s40878-021-00273-x
SN - 2214-594X
VL - 9
IS - 1
PB - Springer
CY - London
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Tjaden, Jasper
T1 - Measuring migration 2.0
BT - a review of digital data sources
T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2 - The interest in human migration is at its all-time high, yet data to measure migration is notoriously limited. “Big data” or “digital trace data” have emerged as new sources of migration measurement complementing ‘traditional’ census, administrative and survey data. This paper reviews the strengths and weaknesses of eight novel, digital data sources along five domains: reliability, validity, scope, access and ethics. The review highlights the opportunities for migration scholars but also stresses the ethical and empirical challenges. This review intends to be of service to researchers and policy analysts alike and help them navigate this new and increasingly complex field.
T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 149
KW - Migration
KW - Big data
KW - Digital trace
KW - Measurement
KW - Survey
KW - Review
Y1 - 2021
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-553873
SN - 1867-5808
IS - 149
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Hecke, Steven van
A1 - Fuhr, Harald
A1 - Wolfs, Wouter
T1 - The politics of crisis management by regional and international organizations in fighting against a global pandemic
BT - the member states at a crossroads
JF - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration
N2 - Despite new challenges like climate change and digitalization, global and regional organizations recently went through turbulent times due to a lack of support from several of their member states. Next to this crisis of multilateralism, the COVID-19 pandemic now seems to question the added value of international organizations for addressing global governance issues more specifically. This article analyses this double challenge that several organizations are facing and compares their ways of managing the crisis by looking at their institutional and political context, their governance structure, and their behaviour during the pandemic until June 2020. More specifically, it will explain the different and fragmented responses of the World Health Organization, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. With the aim of understanding the old and new problems that these international organizations are trying to solve, this article argues that the level of autonomy vis-a-vis the member states is crucial for understanding the politics of crisis management.
Points for practitioners
As intergovernmental bodies, international organizations require authorization by their member states. Since they also need funding for their operations, different degrees of autonomy also matter for reacting to emerging challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential for international organizations is limited, though through proactive and bold initiatives, they can seize the opportunity of the crisis and partly overcome institutional and political constraints.
KW - autonomy
KW - COVID-19
KW - crisis management
KW - European Union
KW - International
KW - Monetary Fund
KW - international organizations
KW - multilateralism
KW - World Bank
KW - World Health Organization
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852320984516
SN - 0020-8523
SN - 1461-7226
VL - 87
IS - 3
SP - 672
EP - 690
PB - Sage
CY - Los Angeles, Calif. [u.a.]
ER -
TY - THES
A1 - Ssembatya, Anthony
T1 - Dual Citizenship: A comparative study of Kenya and Uganda
T1 - Doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft: eine vergleichende Studie über Kenia und Uganda
N2 - Kenya and Uganda are amongst the countries that, for different historical, political, and economic reasons, have embarked on law reform processes as regards to citizenship. In 2009, Uganda made provisions in its laws to allow citizens to have dual citizenship while Kenya’s 2010 constitution similarly introduced it, and at the same time, a general prohibition on dual citizenship was lifted, that is, a ban on state officers, including the President and Deputy President, being dual nationals (Manby, 2018).
Against this background, I analysed the reasons for which these countries that previously held stringent laws and policies against dual citizenship, made a shift in a close time proximity. Given their geo-political roles, location, regional, continental, and international obligations, I conducted a comparative study on the processes, actors, impact, and effect. A specific period of 2000 to 2010 was researched, that is, from when the debates for law reforms emerged, to the processes being implemented, the actors, and the implications.
According to Rubenstein (2000, p. 520), citizenship is observed in terms of “political institutions” that are free to act according to the will of, in the interests of, or with authority over, their citizenry. Institutions are emergent national or international, higher-order factors above the individual spectrum, having the interests and political involvement of their actors without requiring recurring collective mobilisation or imposing intervention to realise these regularities. Transnational institutions are organisations with authority beyond single governments. Given their International obligations, I analysed the role of the UN, AU, and EAC in influencing the citizenship debates and reforms in Kenya and Uganda. Further, non-state actors, such as civil society, were considered.
Veblen, (1899) describes institutions as a set of settled habits of thought common to the generality of men. Institutions function only because the rules involved are rooted in shared habits of thought and behaviour although there is some ambiguity in the definition of the term “habit”. Whereas abstracts and definitions depend on different analytical procedures, institutions restrain some forms of action and facilitate others. Transnational institutions both restrict and aid behaviour. The famous “invisible hand” is nothing else but transnational institutions. Transnational theories, as applied to politics, posit two distinct forms that are of influence over policy and political action (Veblen, 1899). This influence and durability of institutions is “a function of the degree to which they are instilled in political actors at the individual or organisational level, and the extent to which they thereby “tie up” material resources and networks. Against this background, transitional networks with connection to Kenya and Uganda were considered alongside the diaspora from these two countries and their role in the debate and reforms on Dual citizenship.
Sterian (2013, p. 310) notes that Nation states may be vulnerable to institutional influence and this vulnerability can pose a threat to a nation’s autonomy, political legitimacy, and to the democratic public law. Transnational institutions sometimes “collide with the sovereignty of the state when they create new structures for regulating cross-border relationships”. However, Griffin (2003) disagrees that transnational institutional behaviour is premised on the principles of neutrality, impartiality, and independence. Transnational institutions have become the main target of the lobby groups and civil society, consequently leading to excessive politicisation. Kenya and Uganda are member states not only of the broader African union but also of the E.A.C which has adopted elements of socio-economic uniformity. Therefore, in the comparative analysis, I examine the role of the East African Community and its partners in the dual citizenship debate on the two countries.
I argue in the analysis that it is not only important to be a citizen within Kenya or Uganda but also important to discover how the issue of dual citizenship is legally interpreted within the borders of each individual nation-state. In light of this discussion, I agree with Mamdani’s definition of the nation-state as a unique form of power introduced in Africa by colonial powers between 1880 and 1940 whose outcomes can be viewed as “debris of a modernist postcolonial project, an attempt to create a centralised modern state as the bearer of Westphalia sovereignty against the background of indirect rule” (Mamdani, 1996, p. xxii). I argue that this project has impacted the citizenship debate through the adopted legal framework of post colonialism, built partly on a class system, ethnic definitions, and political affiliation. I, however, insist that the nation-state should still be a vital custodian of the citizenship debate, not in any way denying the individual the rights to identity and belonging. The question then that arises is which type of nation-state? Mamdani (1996, p. 298) asserts that the core agenda that African states faced at independence was threefold: deracialising civil society; detribalising the native authority; and developing the economy in the context of unequal international relations. Post-independence governments grappled with overcoming the citizen and subject dichotomy through either preserving the customary in the name of “defending tradition against alien encroachment or abolishing it in the name of overcoming backwardness and embracing triumphant modernism”. Kenya and Uganda are among countries that have reformed their citizenship laws attesting to Mamdani’s latter assertion.
Mamdani’s (1996) assertions on how African states continue to deal with the issue of citizenship through either the defence of tradition against subjects or abolishing it in the name of overcoming backwardness and acceptance of triumphant modernism are based on the colonial legal theory and the citizen-subject dichotomy within Africa communities. To further create a wider perspective on legal theory, I argue that those assertions above, point to the historical divergence between the republican model of citizenship, which places emphasis on political agency as envisioned in Rousseau´s social contract, as opposed to the liberal model of citizenship, which stresses the legal status and protection (Pocock, 1995).
I, therefore, compare the contexts of both Kenya and Uganda, the actors, the implications of transnationalism and post-nationalism, on the citizens, the nation-state and the region. I conclude by highlighting the shortcomings in the law reforms that allowed for dual citizenship, further demonstrating an urgent need to address issues, such as child statelessness, gender nationality laws, and the rights of dual citizens. Ethnicity, a weak nation state, and inconsistent citizenship legal reforms are closely linked to the historical factors of both countries. I further indicate the economic and political incentives that influenced the reform.
Keywords: Citizenship, dual citizenship, nation state, republicanism, liberalism, transnationalism, post-nationalism
N2 - Kenia und Uganda gehören zu den Ländern, die aus unterschiedlichen historischen, politischen und wirtschaftlichen Gründen Gesetzesreformen im Bereich der Staatsbürgerschaft in Angriff genommen haben. Im Jahr 2009 hat Uganda Bestimmungen in seine Gesetze aufgenommen, die den Bürgern eine doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft erlauben, während Kenias Verfassung von 2010 dies ebenfalls vorsieht. Gleichzeitig wurde ein allgemeines Verbot der doppelten Staatsbürgerschaft aufgehoben, d. h. das Verbot, dass Staatsbeamte, einschließlich des Präsidenten und des stellvertretenden Präsidenten, eine doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft haben (Manby, 2018).
Vor diesem Hintergrund habe ich die Gründe analysiert, aus denen diese Länder, die zuvor strenge Gesetze und Strategien gegen die doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft verfolgten, in kurzer Zeit einen Wandel vollzogen. Angesichts ihrer geopolitischen Rolle, ihrer Lage, ihrer regionalen, kontinentalen und internationalen Verpflichtungen habe ich eine vergleichende Studie zu den Prozessen, Akteuren, Auswirkungen und Folgen durchgeführt. Untersucht wurde ein bestimmter Zeitraum von 2000 bis 2010, d. h. vom Aufkommen der Debatten über Gesetzesreformen bis hin zu den durchgeführten Prozessen, den Akteuren und den Auswirkungen.
Nach Rubenstein (2000, S. 520) wird die Staatsbürgerschaft im Hinblick auf "politische Institutionen" betrachtet, die frei sind, nach dem Willen der Bürger, im Interesse der Bürger oder mit Autorität gegenüber den Bürgern zu handeln. Institutionen sind emergente nationale oder internationale Faktoren höherer Ordnung, die über das individuelle Spektrum hinausgehen und die Interessen und das politische Engagement ihrer Akteure haben, ohne dass es einer wiederkehrenden kollektiven Mobilisierung oder eines auferlegten Eingriffs bedarf, um diese Gesetzmäßigkeiten zu verwirklichen. Transnationale Institutionen sind Organisationen, deren Autorität über einzelne Regierungen hinausgeht. Angesichts ihrer internationalen Verpflichtungen habe ich die Rolle der UNO, der AU und der EAC bei der Beeinflussung der Staatsbürgerschaftsdebatten und -reformen in Kenia und Uganda analysiert. Darüber hinaus wurden auch nichtstaatliche Akteure wie die Zivilgesellschaft berücksichtigt.
Veblen (1899) beschreibt Institutionen als eine Reihe von festen Denkgewohnheiten, die der Allgemeinheit der Menschen gemeinsam sind. Institutionen funktionieren nur, weil die betreffenden Regeln in gemeinsamen Denk- und Verhaltensgewohnheiten verwurzelt sind, auch wenn die Definition des Begriffs "Gewohnheit" nicht ganz eindeutig ist. Während Abstrakta und Definitionen von unterschiedlichen analytischen Verfahren abhängen, schränken Institutionen einige Handlungsformen ein und erleichtern andere. Transnationale Institutionen schränken das Verhalten sowohl ein als auch fördern es. Die berühmte "unsichtbare Hand" ist nichts anderes als transnationale Institutionen. Transnationale Theorien, die auf die Politik angewandt werden, gehen von zwei unterschiedlichen Formen des Einflusses auf die Politik und das politische Handeln aus (Veblen, 1899). Dieser Einfluss und die Dauerhaftigkeit von Institutionen sind "eine Funktion des Grades, in dem sie den politischen Akteuren auf individueller oder organisatorischer Ebene eingeimpft werden, und des Ausmaßes, in dem sie dadurch materielle Ressourcen und Netzwerke "binden". Vor diesem Hintergrund wurden Übergangsnetzwerke mit Bezug zu Kenia und Uganda ebenso betrachtet wie die Diaspora aus diesen beiden Ländern und ihre Rolle in der Debatte und den Reformen zur doppelten Staatsbürgerschaft.
Sterian (2013, S. 310) stellt fest, dass Nationalstaaten anfällig für institutionellen Einfluss sein können und diese Anfälligkeit eine Bedrohung für die Autonomie einer Nation, die politische Legitimität und das demokratische öffentliche Recht darstellen kann. Transnationale Institutionen "kollidieren manchmal mit der Souveränität des Staates, wenn sie neue Strukturen zur Regulierung grenzüberschreitender Beziehungen schaffen". Griffin (2003) ist jedoch nicht der Meinung, dass das Verhalten transnationaler Institutionen auf den Grundsätzen der Neutralität, Unparteilichkeit und Unabhängigkeit beruht. Transnationale Institutionen sind zur Hauptzielscheibe von Lobbygruppen und der Zivilgesellschaft geworden, was zu einer übermäßigen Politisierung führt. Kenia und Uganda sind nicht nur Mitglieder der Afrikanischen Union im weiteren Sinne, sondern auch des Europäischen Wirtschaftsraums, der Elemente der sozioökonomischen Einheitlichkeit übernommen hat. In der vergleichenden Analyse untersuche ich daher die Rolle der Ostafrikanischen Gemeinschaft und ihrer Partner in der Debatte um die doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft in den beiden Ländern.
In der Analyse argumentiere ich, dass es nicht nur wichtig ist, Staatsbürger in Kenia oder Uganda zu sein, sondern auch zu erfahren, wie die Frage der doppelten Staatsbürgerschaft innerhalb der Grenzen jedes einzelnen Nationalstaates rechtlich interpretiert wird. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Diskussion stimme ich Mamdanis Definition des Nationalstaates als eine einzigartige Form der Macht zu, die von den Kolonialmächten zwischen 1880 und 1940 in Afrika eingeführt wurde und deren Ergebnisse als "Trümmer eines modernistischen postkolonialen Projekts, eines Versuchs, einen zentralisierten modernen Staat als Träger westfälischer Souveränität vor dem Hintergrund indirekter Herrschaft zu schaffen" (Mamdani, 1996, S. xxii), betrachtet werden können. Ich behaupte, dass dieses Projekt die Debatte über die Staatsbürgerschaft durch den angenommenen Rechtsrahmen des Postkolonialismus beeinflusst hat, der teilweise auf einem Klassensystem, ethnischen Definitionen und politischer Zugehörigkeit aufbaut. Ich bestehe jedoch darauf, dass der Nationalstaat nach wie vor ein wichtiger Hüter der Staatsbürgerschaftsdebatte sein sollte, der dem Einzelnen in keiner Weise das Recht auf Identität und Zugehörigkeit abspricht. Die Frage, die sich nun stellt, ist, welche Art von Nationalstaat? Mamdani (1996, S. 298) behauptet, dass die afrikanischen Staaten in der Zeit der Unabhängigkeit vor allem drei Aufgaben zu bewältigen hatten: die Entnazifizierung der Zivilgesellschaft, die Entstammung der einheimischen Autorität und die Entwicklung der Wirtschaft im Kontext ungleicher internationaler Beziehungen. Nach der Unabhängigkeit bemühten sich die Regierungen um die Überwindung der Dichotomie von Bürger und Untertan, indem sie entweder das Gewohnheitsrecht im Namen der "Verteidigung der Tradition gegen fremde Übergriffe oder der Abschaffung des Gewohnheitsrechts im Namen der Überwindung der Rückständigkeit und des triumphalen Modernismus" bewahrten. Kenia und Uganda gehören zu den Ländern, die ihre Staatsbürgerschaftsgesetze reformiert haben, was Mamdanis letztere Behauptung unterstreicht.
Mamdanis (1996) Behauptungen darüber, wie afrikanische Staaten weiterhin mit der Frage der Staatsbürgerschaft umgehen, indem sie entweder die Tradition gegenüber den Untertanen verteidigen oder sie im Namen der Überwindung der Rückständigkeit und der Akzeptanz der triumphalen Moderne abschaffen, basieren auf der kolonialen Rechtstheorie und der Bürger-Subjekt-Dichotomie innerhalb der afrikanischen Gemeinschaften. Um eine breitere Perspektive auf die Rechtstheorie zu schaffen, argumentiere ich, dass die oben genannten Behauptungen auf die historische Divergenz zwischen dem republikanischen Modell der Staatsbürgerschaft, das den Schwerpunkt auf politisches Handeln legt, wie es in Rousseaus Gesellschaftsvertrag vorgesehen ist, und dem liberalen Modell der Staatsbürgerschaft, das den rechtlichen Status und Schutz betont, hinweisen (Pocock, 1995).
Ich vergleiche daher die Kontexte von Kenia und Uganda, die Akteure, die Auswirkungen von Transnationalismus und Postnationalismus auf die Bürger, den Nationalstaat und die Region. Abschließend hebe ich die Unzulänglichkeiten der Gesetzesreformen hervor, die die doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft ermöglichten, und zeige auf, dass es dringend notwendig ist, sich mit Themen wie Staatenlosigkeit von Kindern, geschlechtsspezifischen Staatsangehörigkeitsgesetzen und den Rechten von Doppelbürgern zu befassen. Ethnische Zugehörigkeit, ein schwacher Nationalstaat und uneinheitliche Reformen des Staatsbürgerschaftsrechts sind eng mit den historischen Faktoren beider Länder verbunden. Ich zeige auch die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Anreize auf, die die Reform beeinflusst haben.
Schlüsselwörter: Staatsbürgerschaft, doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft, Nationalstaat, Republikanismus, Liberalismus, Transnationalismus, Post-Nationalismus
KW - Citizenship
KW - Dual Citizenship
KW - Statelessness
KW - Staatsbürgerschaft
KW - doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft
KW - Staatenlosigkeit
Y1 - 2021
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-531186
ER -
TY - GEN
A1 - Vladova, Gergana
A1 - Ullrich, André
A1 - Bender, Benedict
A1 - Gronau, Norbert
T1 - Students’ Acceptance of Technology-Mediated Teaching – How It Was Influenced During the COVID-19 Pandemic in 2020: A Study From Germany
T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe
N2 - In response to the impending spread of COVID-19, universities worldwide abruptly stopped face-to-face teaching and switched to technology-mediated teaching. As a result, the use of technology in the learning processes of students of different disciplines became essential and the only way to teach, communicate and collaborate for months. In this crisis context, we conducted a longitudinal study in four German universities, in which we collected a total of 875 responses from students of information systems and music and arts at four points in time during the spring–summer 2020 semester. Our study focused on (1) the students’ acceptance of technology-mediated learning, (2) any change in this acceptance during the semester and (3) the differences in acceptance between the two disciplines. We applied the Technology Acceptance Model and were able to validate it for the extreme situation of the COVID-19 pandemic. We extended the model with three new variables (time flexibility, learning flexibility and social isolation) that influenced the construct of perceived usefulness. Furthermore, we detected differences between the disciplines and over time. In this paper, we present and discuss our study’s results and derive short- and long-term implications for science and practice.
T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 141
KW - COVID-19
KW - digital learning
KW - discipline differences
KW - e-learning
KW - TAM
KW - technology acceptance
KW - technology-mediated teaching
KW - university teaching
Y1 - 2020
U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521615
SN - 1867-5808
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Tjaden, Jasper Dag
A1 - Dunsch, Felipe Alexander
T1 - The effect of peer-to-peer risk information on potential migrants
BT - evidence from a randomized controlled trial in Senegal
JF - World development : the multi-disciplinary international journal devoted to the study and promotion of world development
N2 - In response to mounting evidence on the dangers of irregular migration from Africa to Europe, the number of information campaigns which aim to raise awareness about the potential risks has rapidly increased. Governments, international organizations and civil society organizations implement a variety of campaigns to counter the spread of misinformation accelerated by smuggling and trafficking networks. The evidence on the effects of such information interventions on potential migrants remains limited and largely anecdotal. More generally, the role of risk perceptions in the decision-making process of potential irregular migrants is rarely explicitly tested, despite the fact that the concept of risk pervades conventional migration models, particularly in the field of economics. We address this gap by assessing the effects of a peer-to-peer information intervention on the perceptions, knowledge and intentions of potential migrants in Dakar, Senegal, using a randomized controlled trial design. The results show that - three months after the intervention - peer-to-peer information events increase potential migrants' subjective information levels, raise risk awareness, and reduce intentions to migrate irregularly. We find no substantial effects on factual migration knowledge. We discuss how the effects may be driven by the trust and identification-enhancing nature of peer-to-peer communication.
(c) 2021 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
KW - Randomized controlled trial
KW - Migration
KW - Information
KW - Decision-making
KW - Communication for development
KW - Peer-to-peer
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2021.105488
SN - 0305-750X
VL - 145
PB - Elsevier
CY - Amsterdam
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Stehle, Fee
T1 - Rezension zu: Jordan, Andrew; Huitema, Dave; Asselt Harro van; Foster, Johanna (eds.): Governing climate change: polycentricity in action? - Cambridge ; New York, NY ; Port Melbourne : Cambridge University Press, 2018. - xv, 389 S. - ISBN 978-1-108-41812-6
JF - Global environmental politics
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_r_00596
SN - 1536-0091
SN - 1526-3800
VL - 21
IS - 1
SP - 157
EP - 159
PB - MIT Press
CY - Cambridge
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Bonomi Savignon, Andrea
A1 - Meneguzzo, Marco
A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine
A1 - Cepiku, Denita
T1 - Guest editorial: Interinstitutional performance management
BT - theory and practice of performance indicators at organizational boundaries
JF - International journal of public sector management : IJPSM
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPSM-03-2021-0057
SN - 0951-3558
SN - 1758-6666
VL - 34
IS - 3
SP - 241
EP - 246
PB - Emerald Group Publishing Limited
CY - Bingley
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Reiners, Nina
T1 - Despite or because of contestation?
BT - how water became a human right
JF - Human rights quarterly : a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law
N2 - Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2021.0021
SN - 0275-0392
SN - 1085-794X
VL - 43
IS - 2
SP - 329
EP - 343
PB - Johns Hopkins Univ. Press
CY - Baltimore
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Turner, Bryan S.
T1 - Book review: Populism in the civil sphere / edited: Jeffrey C. Alexander, Peter Kivisto, Giuseppe Sciortino. - Cambridge ; Medford : Polity, 2021. - ISBN 978-1-5095-4474-5 ; 978-1-5095-4473-8
JF - Journal of classical sociology : JCS
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1468795X21996104
SN - 1468-795X
SN - 1741-2897
VL - 21
IS - 3-4
SP - 357
EP - 360
PB - Sage Publ.
CY - London
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Sommerer, Thomas
A1 - Squatrito, Theresa
A1 - Tallberg, Jonas
A1 - Lundgren, Magnus
T1 - Decision-making in international organizations
BT - institutional design and performance
JF - The review of international organizations
N2 - International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.
KW - international organizations
KW - institutional design
KW - decision-making
KW - global governance
KW - performance
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x
SN - 1559-7431
SN - 1559-744X
VL - 17
IS - 4
SP - 815
EP - 845
PB - Springer
CY - Boston
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Schöniger, Franziska
A1 - Thonig, Richard
A1 - Resch, Gustav
A1 - Lilliestam, Johan
T1 - Making the sun shine at night
BT - comparing the cost of dispatchable concentrating solar power and photovoltaics with storage
JF - Energy sources. B, Economics, planning and policy
N2 - Sustainable electricity systems need renewable and dispatchable energy sources. Solar energy is an abundant source of renewable energy globally which is, though, by nature only available during the day, and especially in clear weather conditions. We compare three technology configurations able to provide dispatchable solar power at times without sunshine: Photovoltaics (PV) combined with battery (BESS) or thermal energy storage (TES) and concentrating solar power (CSP) with TES. Modeling different periods without sunshine, we find that PV+BESS is competitive for shorter storage durations while CSP+TES gains economic advantages for longer storage periods (also over PV+TES). The corresponding tipping points lie at 2-3 hours (current cost), and 4-10 hours if expectations on future cost developments are taken into consideration. PV+TES becomes only more competitive than CSP+TES with immense additional cost reductions of PV. Hence, there remain distinct niches for two technologies: PV+BESS for short storage durations and CSP+TES for longer ones.
KW - Concentrating solar power (CSP)
KW - dispatchable renewable electricity
KW - thermal energy storage
KW - photovoltaics
KW - utility-scale batteries
KW - flexibility
KW - energy system modeling
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/15567249.2020.1843565
SN - 1556-7249
SN - 1556-7257
VL - 16
IS - 1
SP - 55
EP - 74
PB - Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Philadelphia
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Melliger, Marc André
A1 - Lilliestam, Johan
T1 - Effects of coordinating support policy changes on renewable power investor choices in Europe
JF - Energy policy : the international journal of the political, economic, planning, environmental and social aspects of energy
N2 - The economic context for renewable power in Europe is shifting: feed-in tariffs are replaced by auctioned premiums as the main support schemes. As renewables approach competitiveness, political pressure mounts to phase out support, whereas some other actors perceive a need for continued fixed-price support. We investigate how the phase-out of support or the reintroduction of feed-in tariffs would affect investors' choices for renewables through a conjoint analysis. In particular, we analyse the impact of coordination - the simultaneousness - of policy changes across countries and technologies. We find that investment choices are not strongly affected if policy changes are coordinated and returns unaffected. However, if policy changes are uncoordinated, investments shift to still supported - less mature and costlier - technologies or countries where support remains or is reintroduced. This shift is particularly strong for large investors and could potentially skew the European power mix towards an over-reliance on a single, less mature technology or specific generation region, resulting in a more expensive power system. If European countries want to change their renewable power support policies, and especially if they phase out support and expose renewables to market competition, it is important that they coordinate their actions.
KW - Policy change
KW - Policy coordination
KW - Renewable energy
KW - Investment
KW - decision
KW - Choice experiment
KW - Adaptive conjoint analysis
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.enpol.2020.111993
SN - 0301-4215
VL - 148
PB - Elsevier
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Debre, Maria Josepha
T1 - Clubs of autocrats
BT - regional organizations and authoritarian survival
JF - The review of international organizations
N2 - While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.
KW - regional organizations
KW - authoritarian resilience
KW - democratization
KW - survival analysis
KW - domestic politics
Y1 - 2021
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y
SN - 1559-7431
SN - 1559-744X
VL - 17
IS - 3
SP - 485
EP - 511
PB - Springer
CY - Boston
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Stones, Rob
A1 - Turner, Bryan S.
T1 - Successful societies
BT - Decision-making and the quality of attentiveness
JF - The British journal of sociology : BJS online
N2 - Combining moral philosophy with sociological theory to build on themes introduced in Hall and Lamont’s Successful Societies (2009), the paper outlines a distinctive perspective. It holds that a necessary condition of successful societies is that decision-makers base their decisions on a high level of attentiveness (concern and comprehension) towards subjectively valued and morally legitimate forms of life. Late modern societies consist of a plurality of forms of life, each providing grounds for what Alasdair MacIntyre has called internal goods—valued and morally valuable practices. The status of such goods is examined, and distinctions are drawn between their manifest and latent, and transposable and situationally specific, characteristics. We integrate this refined idea of internal goods into a developed conception of habitus that is both morally informed and situationally embedded. The sociological approach of strong structuration theory (SST) is employed to demonstrate how this conception of habitus can guide the critique of decision-making that damages internal goods. We identify the most pervasive and invidious forms of damaging decision-making in contemporary societies as those involving excessive forms of instrumental reasoning. We argue that our developed conception of habitus, anchored in the collectively valued practices of specific worlds, can be a powerful focus for resistance. Accounts of scholarship in higher education and of the white working class in America illustrate the specificities of singular, particular, social worlds and illuminate critical challenges raised by the perspective we advocate.
KW - excessive instrumental reasoning
KW - internal goods
KW - moral philosophy
KW - situationally-specific habitus
KW - strong structuration theory (SST)
Y1 - 2019
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-4446.12724
SN - 0007-1315
SN - 1468-4446
VL - 71
IS - 1
SP - 183
EP - 199
PB - Wiley
CY - Hoboken
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin
T1 - Global-local dynamics in anti-feminist discourses
BT - an analysis of Indian, Russian and US online communities
JF - International affairs
N2 - Women's rights are a core part of a global consensus on human rights. However, we are currently experiencing an increasing popularity of anti-feminist and misogynist politics threatening to override feminist gains. In order to help explain this current revival and appeal, in this article I analyse how anti-feminist communities construct their collective identities at the intersection of local and global trends and affiliations. Through an in-depth analysis of representations in the collective identities of six popular online anti-feminist communities based in India, Russia and the United States, I shed light on how anti-feminists discursively construct their anti-feminist 'self' and the feminist 'other' between narratives of localized resistance to change and backlash against the results of broader societal developments associated with globalization. The results expose a complex set of global-local dynamics, which provide a nuanced understanding of the differences and commonalities of anti-feminist collective identity-building and mobilization processes across contexts. By explicitly focusing on the role of discursively produced locations for anti-feminist identity-building and providing new evidence on anti-feminist communities across three different continents, the article contributes to current discussions on transnational anti-feminist mobilizations in both social movement studies and feminist International Relations.
KW - International Relations Theory
KW - Americas
KW - South Asia
KW - Russia and Eurasia
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa130
SN - 0020-5850
SN - 1468-2346
VL - 96
IS - 5
SP - 1367
EP - 1385
PB - Oxford University Press
CY - Oxford
ER -
TY - JOUR
A1 - Bobzien, Licia
A1 - Kalleitner, Fabian
T1 - Attitudes towards European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic
BT - evidence from a net-contributor country
JF - European societies
N2 - Whilst the Covid-19 pandemic affects all European countries, the ways in which these countries are prepared for the health and subsequent economic crisis varies considerably. Financial solidarity within the European Union (EU) could mitigate some of these inequalities but depends upon the support of the citizens of individual member states for such policies. This paper studies attitudes of the Austrian population - a net-contributor to the European budget - towards financial solidarity using two waves of the Austrian Corona Panel Project collected in May and June 2020. We find that individuals (i) who are less likely to consider the Covid-19 pandemic as a national economic threat, (ii) who believe that Austria benefits from supporting other countries, and (iii) who prefer the crisis to be organized more centrally at EU-level show higher support for European financial solidarity. Using fixed effects models, we further show that perceiving economic threats and preferring central crisis management also explain attitude dynamics within individuals over time. We conclude that cost-benefit perceptions are important determinants for individual support of European financial solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic.
KW - Covid-19
KW - financial solidarity
KW - European Union
KW - Austria
Y1 - 2020
U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2020.1836669
SN - 1461-6696
SN - 1469-8307
VL - 23
IS - Sup. 1
SP - S791
EP - S804
PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group
CY - Abingdon
ER -