TY - JOUR A1 - Blaszczak, Joanna A1 - Dipper, Stefanie A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Ishihara, Shinishiro A1 - Petrova, Svetlana A1 - Skopeteas, Stavros A1 - Weskott, Thomas A1 - Zimmermann, Malte T1 - Syntax JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS N2 - The guidelines for syntactic annotation contain the layers that are especially relevant for queries related to the interaction of information structure with syntax. The layers of this level are constituent structure, grammatical functions, and semantic roles. Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-22253 SN - 1614-4708 SN - 1866-4725 IS - 7 SP - 95 EP - 133 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Blaszczak, Joanna A1 - Dipper, Stefanie A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Ishihara, Shinishiro A1 - Petrova, Svetlana A1 - Skopeteas, Stavros A1 - Weskott, Thomas A1 - Zimmermann, Malte T1 - Morphology JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS N2 - The guidelines for morphological annotation contain the layers that are necessary for understanding the structure of the words in the object language: morphological segmentation, glossing, and annotation of part-of-speech. Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-22247 SN - 1614-4708 SN - 1866-4725 IS - 7 SP - 55 EP - 94 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Brown, J. M. M. A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Hall, Rebecca A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Middle ratings rise regardless of grammatical construction BT - Testing syntactic variability in a repeated exposure paradigm JF - PLOS ONE / Public Library of Science N2 - People perceive sentences more favourably after hearing or reading them many times. A prominent approach in linguistic theory argues that these types of exposure effects (satiation effects) show direct evidence of a generative approach to linguistic knowledge: only some sentences improve under repeated exposure, and which sentences do improve can be predicted by a model of linguistic competence that yields natural syntactic classes. However, replications of the original findings have been inconsistent, and it remains unclear whether satiation effects can be reliably induced in an experimental setting at all. Here we report four findings regarding satiation effects in wh-questions across German and English. First, the effects pertain to zone of well-formedness rather than syntactic class: all intermediate ratings, including calibrated fillers, increase at the beginning of the experimental session regardless of syntactic construction. Second, though there is satiation, ratings asymptote below maximum acceptability. Third, these effects are consistent across judgments of superiority effects in English and German. Fourth, wh-questions appear to show similar profiles in English and German, despite these languages being traditionally considered to differ strongly in whether they show effects on movement: violations of the superiority condition can be modulated to a similar degree in both languages by manipulating subject-object initiality and animacy congruency of the wh-phrase. We improve on classic satiation methods by distinguishing between two crucial tests, namely whether exposure selectively targets certain grammatical constructions or whether there is a general repeated exposure effect. We conclude that exposure effects can be reliably induced in rating experiments but exposure does not appear to selectively target certain grammatical constructions. Instead, they appear to be a phenomenon of intermediate gradient judgments. Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0251280 SN - 1932-6203 VL - 16 IS - 5 PB - PLOS CY - San Fransisco ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Cyclic phonology-syntax-interaction BT - movement to first position in German JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632 N2 - This paper investigates the nature of the attraction of XPs to clauseinitial position in German (and other languages). It argues that there are two different types of preposing. First, an XP can move when it is attracted by an EPP-like feature of Comp. Comp can, however, also attract elements that bear the formal marker of some semantic or pragmatic (information theoretic) function. This second type of movement is driven by the attraction of a formal property of the moved element. It has often been misanalysed as “operator” movement in the past. Japanese wh-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the wh-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of Multiple Spell-Out in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a wh-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and wh-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out. KW - topicalization KW - focus movement KW - operator movement KW - A-bar-movement Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8264 SN - 1866-4725 SN - 1614-4708 IS - 1 SP - 1 EP - 42 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - The restricted access of Information Structure to syntax : a minority report Y1 - 2007 SN - 978-3-939469-88-9 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Cyclic Phonology Syntax-Interaction : Movement to First Position in German Y1 - 2004 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - The MLC and Interface Economy Y1 - 2004 SN - 3-11-017961-X ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Free Constituent Order : a Minimalist Interface Account N2 - It has been claimed that the functional architecture of German clauses involves heads such as [Topic] that are defined by their information structure value, and that movement to the specifier position of such heads is (partially) responsible for free word order in German. This paper argues that this view is misguided. (i) There is no evidence for a syntactically defined topic position in the middle field of German clauses. (ii) The distinction between marked and unmarked serialization must also be made for structures that do not involve movement. (iii) Movement in the interest of information structure is often altruistic Y1 - 2003 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Filling first positions Y1 - 2003 SN - 83-910948-6-3 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Münchhausen-Style Head movement and the analysis of verb-second Y1 - 2003 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Does Constituent length predict german word order in the middle field Y1 - 2000 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Optimal Exceptions Y1 - 2000 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Syntactic and Prosodic Reflexes of Information Structure JF - The Oxford handbook of information structure Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-0-19-964267-0 SP - 621 EP - 641 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - The restricted access of information structure to syntax BT - a minority report N2 - This paper sketches the view that syntax does not directly interact with information structure. Therefore, syntactic data are of little help when one wants to narrow down the interpretation of terms such as “focus”, “topic”, etc. Y1 - 2007 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-19713 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert T1 - Münchhausen-style head movement and the analysis of verb second JF - Linguistics in Potsdam N2 - Content: 1 Introduction 2 A restrictive theory of head movement 2.1 Preliminary Remarks 2.2 Theoretical Problems of Head Movement 2.3 Remnant Phrasal Movement 2.4 Münchhausen Style Head Movement 3 Verb Second Movement 3.1 Introductory Remarks 3.2 Problems of V/2 constructions: Does V really move to Comp? 3.3 The preverbal position 3.4 The Second Position 4 References Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-32497 SN - 1864-1857 SN - 1616-7392 VL - 22 SP - 9 EP - 49 PB - Universitätsverlag Potsdam CY - Potsdam ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Féry, Caroline T1 - A short treatise of optimality theory T3 - Linguistics in Potsdam - 18 Y1 - 2002 SN - 978-3-935024-54-9 SN - 1616-7392 PB - Univ.-Bibliothek Publ.-Stelle CY - Potsdam ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Féry, Caroline A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias A1 - Vogel, Ralf T1 - Gradience in grammar : generative perspectives Y1 - 2006 SN - 0-19-927479-7 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford, New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold A1 - Schlesewsky, Matthias T1 - Processing difficulty and principles of grammar Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Klingel, Rheinhold A1 - Mayr, Ulrich A1 - Junker, Martina T1 - Test age invariance in language processing Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Lenertova, Denisa T1 - Left peripheral focus mismatches between syntax and information structure JF - Natural language & linguistic theory N2 - In Czech, German, and many other languages, part of the semantic focus of the utterance can be moved to the left periphery of the clause. The main generalization is that only the leftmost accented part of the semantic focus can be moved. We propose that movement to the left periphery is generally triggered by an unspecific edge feature of C (Chomsky 2008) and its restrictions can be attributed to requirements of cyclic linearization, modifying the theory of cyclic linearization developed by Fox and Pesetsky (2005). The crucial assumption is that structural accent is a direct consequence of being linearized at merge, thus it is indirectly relevant for (locality restrictions on) movement. The absence of structural accent correlates with givenness. Given elements may later receive (topic or contrastive) accents, which accounts for fronting in multiple focus/contrastive topic constructions. Without any additional assumptions, the model can account for movement of pragmatically unmarked elements to the left periphery ('formal fronting', Frey 2005). Crucially, the analysis makes no reference at all to concepts of information structure in the syntax, in line with the claim of Chomsky (2008) that UG specifies no direct link between syntax and information structure. KW - Czech KW - German KW - Focus KW - Topic KW - Information structure KW - Intervention effects KW - Cyclic linearization KW - A-bar-movement KW - Prosody-syntax interface KW - Accentuation Y1 - 2011 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-010-9109-x SN - 0167-806X VL - 29 IS - 1 SP - 169 EP - 209 PB - Springer CY - Dordrecht ER -