TY - JOUR A1 - Dittberner, Jürgen T1 - Die Freien Wähler und die Krise der Parteiendemokratie JF - Bürgerland Brandenburg : Demokratie und Demokratiebewegungen zwischen Elbe und Oder Y1 - 2009 SN - 978-3-7338-0368-1 SP - 22 EP - 25 PB - Koehler & Amelang CY - Leipzig ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Koss, Michael T1 - The politics of party funding BT - state funding to political parties and party competition in Western Europe T3 - Comparative politics N2 - 'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes. Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-0-19-957275-5 SN - 978-0-19-159510-3 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kleger, Heinz T1 - Moderne Bürgerreligion JF - Unerfüllte Moderne? neue Perspektiven auf das Werk von Charles Taylor Y1 - 2011 SN - 978-3-518-29618-9 SN - 978-3-518-75491-7 SP - 493 EP - 528 PB - Suhrkamp CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit T1 - The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation? Y1 - 2013 SN - 978-1-10-760936-5 ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Borgnäs, Kajsa ED - Kellermann, Christian ED - Meyer, Henning T1 - Jenseits des grünen Wachstumsparadigmas T2 - Die gute Gesellschaft : soziale und demokratische Politik im 21. Jahrhundert Y1 - 2013 SN - 978-3-518-12662-2 SP - 280 EP - 301 PB - Suhrkamp CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Beisheim, Marianne A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit T1 - Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research Y1 - 2014 SN - 978-1-137-35925-0 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dorsch, Christian A1 - Dörfler, Thomas T1 - Organized hypocrisy of the international community BT - an institutionalist explanation of the UN security council’s contradictory activity on darfur JF - Zeitschrift für Genozidforschung Y1 - 2014 U6 - https://doi.org/10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8 SN - 1438-8332 SN - 2589-1510 VL - 15 IS - 1-2 SP - 8 EP - 31 PB - Velbrück Wissenschaft CY - Weilerswist ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hosli, Madeleine O. A1 - Dörfler, Thomas ED - Lesage, Dries ED - Van de Graaf, Thijs T1 - The United Nations Security Council BT - the Challenge of Reform T2 - Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series) N2 - The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC’s constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC’s work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been “insiders” for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda. KW - Security Council KW - Winning Coalition KW - Veto Player KW - Social Choice Theory KW - Decision Probability Y1 - 2015 SN - 978-1-349-48504-8 SN - 978-1-137-39760-7 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137397607_8 SP - 135 EP - 152 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Apelojg, Benjamin ED - Arndt, Holger T1 - Wirtschaftsunterricht hautnah BT - Echtzeitmessung von kognitiven Aktivierungsprozessen und Lernerfolg im Wirtschaftsunterricht mittels einer App JF - Kognitive Aktivierung in der ökonomischen Bildung KW - Felix-App KW - kognitive Aktivierung Y1 - 2015 SN - 978-3-7344-0086-5 SP - 75 EP - 87 PB - Wochenschau Verlag CY - Schwalbach ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dörfler, Thomas A1 - Gehring, Thomas T1 - Wie internationale Organisationen durch die Strukturierung von Entscheidungsprozessen Autonomie gewinnen BT - der Weltsicherheitsrat und seine Sanktionsausschüsse als System funktionaler Ausdifferenzierung JF - Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS ; Zeitschrift der Deutschen Vereinigung für Politische Wissenschaft. Sonderheft: Internationale Organisationen: Autonomie, Politisierung, interorganisationale Beziehungen und Wandel Y1 - 2015 SN - 978-3-8452-4851-6 U6 - https://doi.org/10.5771/9783845248516-59 IS - 49 SP - 54 EP - 80 PB - Nomos CY - Baden-Baden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Edinger, Sebastian T1 - Von der Gouvernementalität (Foucault) zur planetarischen Biopolitik (Kondylis)? BT - Ein klassisch gewordenes Konzept und seine unbekannte Alternative JF - Die Stimme des Intellekts ist leise : Klassiker/innen des politischen Denkens abseits des Mainstreams Y1 - 2015 SN - 978-3-8487-2054-5 SP - 325 EP - 350 PB - Nomos CY - Bade-Baden ER - TY - GEN A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit ED - Woyke, Wichard ED - Varwick, Johannes T1 - Transnationale Akteure/Nichtregierungsorganisationen T2 - Handwörterbuch Internationale Politik Y1 - 2015 SN - 978-3-8252-4518-4 SN - 978-3-8385-4518-9 SN - 978-3-8385-0702-6 U6 - https://doi.org/10.36198/9783838545189 SP - 480 EP - 489 PB - Budrich CY - Opladen ET - 13. vollst. überarb. u. aktual. Aufl. ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Leib, Julia T1 - Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding JF - Peace, conflict & development : an interdisciplinary journal N2 - What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace. KW - civil war KW - peacebuilding KW - post-conflict peace KW - set theory KW - QCA Y1 - 2016 SN - 1742-0601 IS - 22 SP - 25 EP - 76 PB - Univ. CY - Bradford ER - TY - GEN A1 - Esguerra, Alejandro ED - Esguerra, Alejandro ED - Helmerich, Nicole ED - Risse, Thomas T1 - Conclusion T2 - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance N2 - This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research. Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-3-319-39871-6 SN - 978-3-319-39870-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9 SP - 211 EP - 224 PB - Cham CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - GEN A1 - Esguerra, Alejandro A1 - Helmerich, Nicole A1 - Risse, Thomas T1 - Introduction T2 - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance N2 - The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book’s in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health. Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-3-319-39871-6 SN - 978-3-319-39870-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1 SP - 1 EP - 22 PB - Palgrave Macmillan, Cham CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - GEN A1 - Esguerra, Alejandro T1 - "A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along" BT - Brokers in Negotiation Systems T2 - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance N2 - This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for ‘arguing’ having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge. Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-3-319-39871-6 SN - 978-3-319-39870-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2 SP - 25 EP - 46 PB - Cham CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Stollenwerk, Eric A1 - Dörfler, Thomas A1 - Schibberges, Julian T1 - Taking a new perspective BT - Mapping the Al Qaeda network through the eyes of the UN security council JF - Terrorism and political violence N2 - Network analysis has attracted significant attention when researching the phenomenon of transnational terrorism, particularly Al Qaeda. While many scholars have made valuable contributions to mapping Al Qaeda, several problems remain due to a lack of data and the omission of data provided by international organizations such as the UN. Thus, this article applies a social network analysis and subsequent mappings of the data gleaned from the Security Council's consolidated sanctions list, and asks what they can demonstrate about the structure and organizational characteristics of Al Qaeda. The study maps the Al Qaeda network on a large scale using a newly compiled data set. The analysis reveals that the Al Qaeda network consists of several hundred individual and group nodes connecting almost all over the globe. Several major nodes are crucial for the network structure, while simultaneously many other nodes only weakly and foremost regionally connect to the network. The article concludes that the findings tie in well to the latest research pointing to local and simultaneously global elements of Al Qaeda, and that the new data is a valuable source for further analyses, potentially in combination with other data. KW - Al Qaeda KW - network KW - social network analysis KW - terrorism KW - UN Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2014.987341 SN - 0954-6553 SN - 1556-1836 VL - 28 IS - 5 SP - 950 EP - 970 PB - Taylor & Francis CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Busch, Per-Olof A1 - Liese, Andrea T1 - The authority of international public administrations JF - International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research N2 - This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs. Y1 - 2016 SN - 978-1-349-94977-9 SN - 978-1-349-94976-2 SN - 978-1-349-95692-0 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5 SP - 97 EP - 122 PB - Palgrave Macmillan, London CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Weiß, Norman T1 - Origin and Further Development JF - The Council of Europe Y1 - 2017 SN - 978-0-19-967252-3 SP - 3 EP - 22 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dörfler, Thomas A1 - Holzinger, Katharina A1 - Biesenbender, Jan T1 - Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union BT - Success, Failure, and Stability of Institutional Treaty Revisions JF - International Journal of Public Administration N2 - Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated. Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267 SN - 0190-0692 SN - 1532-4265 VL - 40 IS - 14 SP - 1237 EP - 1249 PB - Taylor & Francis CY - Philadelphia ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hustedt, Thurid A1 - Seyfried, Markus T1 - Inside the EU Commission BT - Evidence on the Perceived Relevance of the Secretariat General in Climate Policy-Making JF - JCMS - Journal of common market studies N2 - This article studies the perception of the EU Commission's Secretariat General in policy-making. Recently, research on EU institutions devotes increasing attention to analyzing structures and procedures of decision-making in EU institutions, most notably the EU Commission. Conventionally, the EU Commission is portrayed as a fragmented organization, divided along the lines of staff nationality, sectoral responsibilities and cabinets and General Directorates (DGs). The Secretariat General has long been viewed a weak actor that is hardly able or motivated to steer internal decision-making. However, recent research indicates a changing role of the Secretariat General as a pro-active broker and last arbiter. This article studies how the Secretariat General is perceived by the DGs in policy coordination and argues that this perception depends on the pattern of political authority, bureaucratic roles and the relevance and the alternatives prevailing in the policy field. The article is based on data from a survey among Commission officials. KW - EU Commission KW - Secretariat General KW - co-ordination KW - centralization KW - climate policies Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12605 SN - 0021-9886 SN - 1468-5965 VL - 56 IS - 2 SP - 368 EP - 384 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Kern, Kristine T1 - The role of cities in multi-level climate governance BT - local climate policies and the 1.5 degrees C target JF - Current opinion in environmental sustainability N2 - The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system. Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006 SN - 1877-3435 SN - 1877-3443 VL - 30 SP - 1 EP - 6 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Daviter, Falk T1 - Coping, taming or solving BT - alternative approaches to the governance of wicked problems JF - Policy studies N2 - One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness. KW - Wicked problems KW - complex problems KW - governance KW - problem-solving KW - policy analysis Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543 SN - 0144-2872 SN - 1470-1006 VL - 38 IS - 6 SP - 571 EP - 588 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Borgnäs, Kajsa T1 - Indicators as ‘circular argumentation constructs’? BT - an input–output analysis of the variable structure of five environmental sustainability country rankings JF - Environment, Development and Sustainability N2 - This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of ‘circular argumentation construct’. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike. KW - Sustainability indicators KW - Rankings KW - Weak and strong sustainability KW - Measurement theory KW - Circular argumentation Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0 SN - 1387-585X SN - 1573-2975 VL - 19 SP - 769 EP - 790 PB - Springer CY - Dordrecht ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian T1 - Patterns of accountability and representation BT - Why the executive-parties dimension cannot explain democratic performance JF - Politics N2 - Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables – the executive-parties dimension (EPD) – to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies’ performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies’ performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment. KW - bicameralism KW - consensus democracy KW - death penalty KW - democratic performance KW - effective district magnitude KW - executive-parties dimension KW - turnout Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0263395717710566 SN - 0263-3957 SN - 1467-9256 VL - 39 IS - 1 SP - 113 EP - 130 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Seyfried, Markus A1 - Brajnik, Irena Baclija T1 - Mayors and administrative reforms JF - Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy N2 - In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors’ perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level. KW - New public management KW - Local administrative systems KW - Administrative reform KW - Public-private partnerships Y1 - 2017 SN - 978-3-319-67410-0 SN - 978-3-319-67409-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13 SP - 387 EP - 409 PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Esguerra, Alejandro A1 - Beck, Silke A1 - Lidskog, Rolf T1 - Stakeholder Engagement in the Making BT - IPBES Legitimization Politics JF - Global environmental politics N2 - A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general. Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1162/GLEP_a_00390 SN - 1526-3800 SN - 1536-0091 VL - 17 SP - 59 EP - 76 PB - MIT Press CY - Cambridge ER - TY - GEN A1 - Grossi, Giuseppe A1 - Reichard, Christoph A1 - Thomasson, Anna A1 - Vakkuri, Jarmo T1 - Editorial T2 - Public money & management : integrating theory and practice in public management Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/09540962.2017.1344007 SN - 0954-0962 SN - 1467-9302 VL - 37 SP - 379 EP - 386 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - BOOK ED - Esguerra, Alejandro ED - Helmerich, Nicole ED - Risse, Thomas T1 - Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood BT - Contesting the New Modes of Governance Y1 - 2017 SN - 978-3-319-39870-9 SN - 978-3-319-39871-6 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Dörfler, Thomas T1 - Die Sanktionsausschüsse zwischen Macht und Regeln T1 - Sanctions Committees Caught between Power and Rules JF - Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift für die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen N2 - Sanktionen sind ein wichtiges Instrument des UN-Sicherheitsrats zur Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Viele zentrale Entscheidungen, wie etwa die Listung und Entlistung terrorverdächtiger Personen, werden fernab der Öffentlichkeit in Sanktionsausschüssen getroffen. Die Einsetzung dieser Ausschüsse hat die Entscheidungsdynamiken im Rat erheblich verändert. N2 - Sanctions are an important instrument of the United Nations Security Council to maintain international peace and security. The Council, however, transfers many decisions, such as the listing and delisting of individuals suspected of supporting terrorism, to its subsidiary sanctions committees, mostly beyond public scrutiny. The article explores, how the creation of sanctions committees has changed decision-making dynamics, how committee members can be committed to rules and what this might imply for Germany’s future role on the Council. KW - Al-Qaida KW - Iran KW - Sanktionen KW - Sicherheitsrat KW - Sudan KW - UN Security Council KW - Terrorismus KW - sanctions committee Y1 - 2018 SN - 0042-384X SN - 2366-6773 VL - 66 IS - 2 SP - 62 EP - 66 PB - BWV CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Yilmaz, Zafer T1 - Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey BT - radical imagination, affirmative resistance, and the new politics of desire and dignity JF - Mediterranean Quarterly N2 - The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies. KW - Erdogan KW - Turkish politics KW - democracy KW - authoritarianism KW - AKP Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-7003168 SN - 1047-4552 SN - 1527-1935 VL - 29 IS - 3 SP - 55 EP - 77 PB - Duke Univ. Press CY - Durham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Wenzel, Bertolt T1 - Rational instrument or symbolic signal? BT - Explaining coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission JF - Public Policy and Administration N2 - This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed. KW - Coordination structures KW - European Commission KW - fisheries policy KW - marine governance KW - organizational reform KW - organization theory Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0952076716683764 SN - 0952-0767 SN - 1749-4192 VL - 33 IS - 2 SP - 149 EP - 169 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Nuesiri, Emmanuel O. T1 - Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs JF - the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS N2 - Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-60579-1 SN - 978-3-319-60578-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8 SP - 203 EP - 225 PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hustedt, Thurid T1 - Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles JF - Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018) Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-1-78643-169-1 SN - 978-1-78643-168-4 SP - 72 EP - 90 PB - Edward Elgar Publishing LTD CY - Cheltenham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Stehle, Fee T1 - The Role of Cities in South Africa’s Energy Gridlock JF - Case Studies in the Environment N2 - South Africa’s energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities’ municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa’s energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country’s energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political–economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development. Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1525/cse.2018.001297 SN - 2473-9510 VL - 2 IS - 1 SP - 1 EP - 7 PB - University of California Press CY - Oakland ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Scheller, Henrik T1 - German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"? JF - Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives N2 - Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-1-55339-535-5 SN - 978-1-55339-536-2 SP - 255 EP - 279 PB - McGill-Queens University Press CY - Montreal ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Höhne, Chris A1 - Fuhr, Harald A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Lederer, Markus A1 - Stehle, Fee ED - Nuesiri, Emmanuel O. T1 - REDD plus and the reconfiguration of public authority in the forest sector BT - a comparative case study of Indonesia and Brazil JF - Global Forest Governance and Climate Change N2 - Since the 1980s, central governments have decentralized forestry to local governments in many countries of the Global South. More recently, REDD+ has started to impact forest policy-making in these countries by providing incentives to ensure a national-level approach to reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation. Höhne et al. analyze to what extent central governments have rebuilt capacity at the national level, imposed regulations from above, and interfered in forest management by local governments for advancing REDD+. Using the examples of Brazil and Indonesia, the chapter illustrates that while REDD+ has not initiated a large-scale recentralization in the forestry sector, it has supported the reinforcement and pooling of REDD+ related competences at the central government level. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-71946-7 SN - 978-3-319-71945-0 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71946-7_8 SP - 203 EP - 241 PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tran, C. T. A1 - Mai, N. T. A1 - Nguyen, V. T. A1 - Nguyen, H. X. A1 - Meharg, A. A1 - Carey, M. A1 - Dultz, S. A1 - Marone, F. A1 - Cichy, Sarah Bettina A1 - Nguyen, Minh N. T1 - Phytolith-associated potassium in fern BT - characterization, dissolution properties and implications for slash-and-burn agriculture JF - Soil use and Management N2 - In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered. KW - Potassium KW - phytolith KW - fern KW - Dicranopteris linearis Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/sum.12409 SN - 0266-0032 SN - 1475-2743 VL - 34 IS - 1 SP - 28 EP - 36 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Reiners, Nina T1 - Kontroversen um die Reform der UN-Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane T1 - Controversies Over Reform of UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies JF - Vereinte Nationen N2 - Das UN-Menschenrechtssystem steht unter gewaltigem Druck. In den aktuellen Diskussionen um die Reform der Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane offenbart sich eine Kluft zwischen Staaten in der Generalversammlung und Ausschussmitgliedern mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren. N2 - The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) initiated a development towards a legally binding human rights treaty system. Ratification of the nine human rights treaties is universal and continuing. Recently, the treaty-based system has come under a lot of pressure. States not only lack commitment to their reporting obligations under human rights law and their financial contributions to the system, but openly question the working methods of the treaty bodies and their cooperation with civil society actors. As a result, the current reform process, to be concluded in 2020, also presents an opportunity to reevaluate the role of civil society actors for the development of human rights law. KW - Hochkommissariat für Menschenrechte (OHCHR) KW - Menschen- rechtserklärungen/-übereinkommen KW - human rights KW - Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Y1 - 2018 SN - 0042-384X SN - 2366-6773 VL - 66 IS - 6 SP - 266 EP - 271 PB - BWV, Berliner Wiss.-Verl. CY - Berlin ER - TY - GEN A1 - Grum, Marcus A1 - Gronau, Norbert T1 - Process modeling within augmented reality BT - the bidirectional interplay of two worlds T2 - Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018 N2 - The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations. KW - Augmented reality KW - Process modeling KW - Simulation process building KW - Generalized knowledge constructin axiom KW - Meta-model KW - Use cases Morphologic box KW - Industry 4.0 KW - CPS KW - CPPS KW - Internet of things Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-94214-8 SN - 978-3-319-94213-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94214-8_7 SN - 1865-1348 VL - 319 SP - 99 EP - 115 PB - Springer CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kersting, Norbert A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine T1 - Sub-municipal Units in Germany BT - Municipal and Metropolitan Districts JF - Sub-municipal Units in Germany: Municipal and Metropolitan Districts N2 - Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German Länder. In Berlin, Hamburg and München Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other Länder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development. Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-64725-8 SN - 978-3-319-64724-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64725-8_5 SP - 93 EP - 118 PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - GEN A1 - Bouckaert, Geert A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine T1 - Foreword T2 - Sub-Municipal Governance in Europe: Decentralization Beyond the Municipal Tier Y1 - 2018 SN - 978-3-319-64725-8 SN - 978-3-319-64724-1 SP - V EP - VI PB - Palgrave CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bogumil, Jörg T1 - Performance measurement and benchmarking as “reflexive institutions” for local governments BT - Germany, Sweden and England compared JF - International journal of public sector management N2 - Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation. KW - Benchmarking KW - Administration KW - Local government reform Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004 SN - 0951-3558 SN - 1758-6666 VL - 31 IS - 4 SP - 543 EP - 562 PB - Emerald Group Publishing Limited CY - Bingley ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ebinger, Falk A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Bogumil, Jörg T1 - Territorial reforms in Europe BT - effects on administrative performance and democratic participation JF - Local government studies N2 - Territorial reform is the most radical and contested reorganisation of local government. A sound evaluation of the outcome of such reforms is hence an important step to ensure the legitimation of any decision on the subject. However, in our view the discourse on the subject appears to be one sided, focusing primarily on overall fiscal effects scrutinised by economists. The contribution of this paper is hence threefold: Firstly, we provide an overview off territorial reforms in Europe, with a special focus on Eastern Germany as a promising case for cross-country comparisons. Secondly, we provide an overview of the analytical classifications of these reforms and context factors to be considered in their evaluation. And thirdly, we analyse the literature on qualitative performance effects of these reforms. The results show that territorial reforms have a significant positive impact on functional performance, while the effects on participation and integration are indeed ambivalent. In doing so, we provide substantial arguments for a broader, more inclusive discussion on the success of territorial reforms. KW - Municipal amalgamation effects KW - territorial reform KW - municipal mergers KW - local government performance KW - administrative reforms Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2018.1530660 SN - 0300-3930 SN - 1743-9388 VL - 45 IS - 1 SP - 1 EP - 23 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ganghof, Steffen A1 - Eppner, Sebastian T1 - Faire Repräsentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide? Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government T1 - Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government JF - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft N2 - The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015. N2 - Die Fragmentierung europäischer Parteiensysteme und damit verbundene Schwierigkeiten bei der Koalitionsbildung haben zu einer Neuauflage altbekannter Debatten über unterschiedliche Wahlsysteme geführt. Einige Autoren sehen dabei bestimmte Wahlsysteme als optimalen Kompromiss zwischen den Prinzipien der Mehrheits- und der Verhältniswahl an. Wir argumentieren, dass diese Optimalitätsargumente eine konzeptionelle Schlagseite zugunsten „majoritärer“ Demokratiekonzeptionen haben. Eine anspruchsvolle „proportionale“ Demokratiekonzeption umfasst die Ziele mechanischer Proportionalität, multidimensionaler Repräsentation und wechselnder Gesetzgebungsmehrheiten. Diese Ziele lassen sich allerdings im parlamentarischen Regierungssystem nicht mit den Zielen der Mehrheitswahl vereinbaren. Der Grund ist, dass die relevanten Hürden des Wahlsystems gleichzeitig für die parlamentarische Repräsentation und die Teilnahme am Misstrauensvotum gelten. Erstere ist entscheidend für die proportionale, letztere für die majoritäre Konzeption der Demokratie. Sind wir bereit diese beiden Hürden zu entkoppeln – und somit das Regierungssystem zu verändern – ergibt sich eine Vielfalt neuer Reformoptionen. Wir illustrieren diese Punkte mit Daten für 29 demokratische Systeme im Zeitraum von 1995 bis 2015. KW - Forms of government KW - Types of democracy KW - Electoral systems Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7 SN - 1865-2646 SN - 1865-2654 VL - 13 IS - 3 SP - 375 EP - 397 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Leib, Julia T1 - The security and justice approach in liberia’s peace process BT - mechanistic evidence and local perception JF - Peace economics, peace science, and public policy N2 - From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia. KW - Liberia KW - peace process KW - peacekeeping KW - process tracing KW - survey KW - transitional justice Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/peps-2019-0033 SN - 1554-8597 VL - 25 IS - 4 PB - de Gruyter CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Leib, Julia A1 - Ruppel, Samantha T1 - Studentische Lerneffekte in Simulationen der Vereinten Nationen JF - Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung N2 - Verbessern Planspiele als aktive Lernmethode die Lernergebnisse von Student*innen der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (FuK)? Dieser Beitrag untersucht verschiedene UN-Simulationen, um deren Effektivität in Bezug auf drei Wissensbereichen (Fakten- und Verfahrenswissen, Soft Skills) nachzuweisen. Im Gegensatz zu theoretischen Aussagen über die positiven Auswirkungen aktiver Lernumgebungen auf die Lernergebnisse von Student*innen sind empirische Belege begrenzt. Mit diesem Beitrag sollen frühere Behauptungen über die Lerneffekte von UN-Simulationen systematisch überprüft und der Mehrwert für die FuK demonstriert werden. Um umfassende Daten zu erhalten, evaluieren wir drei Planspiele, die eine Reihe von Simulationseigenschaften abdecken: Eine kurze Simulation des UN-Sicherheitsrats, eine regionale UN-Simulation sowie die Teilnahme von zwei Delegationen am National Model United Nations. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Planspiele als Lehrmethode positive Auswirkungen auf die Lernergebnisse der Student*innen haben: Sie führen zu einem besseren Wissen über die UN, fördern Soft Skills sowie Reflexionsfähigkeit. N2 - Do simulations as active learning methods enhance the learning outcomes of students in peace and conflict studies? This paper examines different UN simulations in order to demonstrate their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual and procedural knowkledge and soft-skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on students’ learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is still limited. The purpose of this paper is to systematically test previous claims about the learning effects of UN simulations and to demonstrate their added value for peace and conflict studies. To gain comprehensive data, we evaluate three simulations that cover the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional UN simulation, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations. The results show that simulations, as a teaching methods, have a positive impact on students’ learning outcomes: they lead to better knowledge about the UN, promote soft skills, and reflectivity. T2 - the learning effects of students participating in UN simulations KW - Aktives Lernen KW - Internationale Beziehungen KW - Lehre KW - Planspiele KW - Verhandlungen KW - Active learning KW - Education KW - International relations KW - Negotiations KW - Simulation game Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s42597-019-00007-y SN - 2524-6976 SN - 2192-1741 VL - 8 IS - 1 SP - 99 EP - 111 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Gehring, Thomas A1 - Dörfler, Thomas T1 - Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices BT - precedent pressure, ratchet effect, and council action regarding intrastate conflicts JF - Review of International Studies N2 - Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P). KW - Security Council KW - International Practices KW - Constitutive Mechanism KW - Responsibility to Protect KW - Precedent KW - Ratchet Effect Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210518000268 SN - 0260-2105 SN - 1469-9044 VL - 45 IS - 1 SP - 120 EP - 140 PB - Univ. CY - Cambridge ER - TY - BOOK A1 - Dörfler, Thomas T1 - Security council sanctions governance BT - the power and limits of rules T3 - Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6 N2 - Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism. Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-0-42944-232-2 SN - 978-1-138-33749-7 SN - 978-0-4298-0874-6 SN - 978-0-4298-0873-9 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429442322 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit A1 - Reiners, Nina T1 - The Eye of the Beholder? BT - The Contestation of Values and International Law ; Comment on Tiyanjana Maluwa JF - The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline? Y1 - 2019 SN - 0191879398 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021 SP - 335 EP - 343 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - GEN A1 - Brilmyer, S. Pearl A1 - Trentin, Filippo A1 - Xiang, Zairong T1 - Introduction: The Ontology of the Couple T2 - GLQ : a journal of lesbian and gay studies Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1215/10642684-7367703 SN - 1064-2684 SN - 1527-9375 VL - 25 IS - 2 SP - 217 EP - 221 PB - Duke University Press CY - Durham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena T1 - An organizational approach to public governance BT - understanding and design JF - Public administration N2 - In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an ‘organizational approach to public governance’ (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes (‘Understanding’) and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration (‘Design’). Following the authors’ introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3–8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible ‘design implications’ of said findings (chapter 9). Their ‘organizational approach’ focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision‐making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy‐making generally (‘public governance’) and administrative politics more specifically (‘meta‐governance’). The authors concentrate on three sets of ‘classical’ organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes ‘formal organization matters’—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well‐established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks’ principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non‐territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non‐territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision‐making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi‐level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non‐territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of ‘direct’ national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials’ behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter‐institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta‐governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions (‘action rationality’, p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision‐making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta‐governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary‐spanning challenges such as climate change through inter‐organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined ‘organization matters’ argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision‐making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta‐governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the ‘solutions in search of a problem’ idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors’ idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats’ demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about ‘steering through collective action’ (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non‐governmental actors in the policy‐making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non‐bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature‐based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self‐reported behaviour through large‐N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the ‘causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes’ (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real‐world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a ‘craft’ (p. 29). Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12590 SN - 0033-3298 SN - 1467-9299 VL - 97 IS - 2 SP - 483 EP - 485 PB - Wiley CY - Hoboken ER - TY - GEN A1 - Heucher, Angela T1 - Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance T2 - Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z SN - 1876-4517 SN - 1876-4525 VL - 11 IS - 3 SP - 555 EP - 558 PB - Springer Netherlands CY - Dordrecht ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Seyfried, Markus A1 - Reith, Florian T1 - The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research JF - Quality in higher education N2 - Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each ‘sin’ illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem. KW - Quality management KW - higher education KW - governance KW - trade-offs KW - teaching KW - research Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943 SN - 1353-8322 SN - 1470-1081 VL - 25 IS - 3 SP - 289 EP - 303 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Mielke, Jahel T1 - Signals for 2 degrees C BT - the influence of policies, market factors and civil society actions on investment decisions for green infrastructure JF - Journal of Sustainable Finance & Investment N2 - The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations. KW - Green infrastructure investment KW - policy signals KW - green finance KW - climate change KW - institutional investors Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809 SN - 2043-0795 SN - 2043-0809 VL - 9 IS - 2 SP - 87 EP - 115 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Grote, Jürgen R. A1 - Wagemann, Claudius T1 - Passions, interests and the need to survive JF - Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests N2 - The idea for this book arose out of discontent with essentially three shortcomings in the recent literature on the present state of politics in Western democracies and on forms of collective action. The general message resulting from research in the political economy and in forms of democracy is disastrous. We are confronted with a mix of decline, fragmentation, individualization, diminishing trust in institutions hollowed out from the inside, the hoarding of power by small political and economic elites, and the increasing marginalization and pauperization of vast parts of the population. While the accuracy of these trends shall not be called into question, it is noteworthy, and this is the first shortcoming, to what extent that literature tends to neglect one crucial aspect, namely the capacity of those suffering most from the above malaise to coming together and searching for possibilities of collectively halting, reversing, or otherwise influencing decline in defence of their needs and interests. The second shortcoming concerns the literatures on precisely these actors, namely established trade union research and research on social movements. While both fields acknowledge the extent of the current crisis and have submitted numerous books and articles on how their respective research targets are reacting to it, the situation continues to remain one of indifference. There hardly is cross-fertilization beyond the boundaries of established research traditions. At the same time, empirical reality seems to suggest that forms of joint activity by both types of actors may have become more advanced than theoretical reflection is so far prepared to admit. As observed by Fantasia and Stepan-Norris (2004: 561) students of each of the two forms of collective action "(…) mutually neglect each other". At best, trade union researchers and social movement research envisage their counterpart in purely instrumental Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-1-315-60955-3 SN - 978-1-4724-7204-5 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315609553-1 SP - 1 EP - 21 PB - Routledge CY - Abingdon ER - TY - GEN A1 - Grote, Jürgen R. A1 - Wagemann, Claudius T1 - Preface T2 - Social Movements and Organized Labour. Passions and Interests Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-1-315-60955-3 SN - 978-1-4724-7204-5 SP - X EP - XII PB - Routledge CY - Abingdon ER - TY - BOOK ED - Grote, Jürgen R. ED - Wagemann, Claudius T1 - Social Movements and Organized Labour BT - Passions and Interests N2 - This book is about the building of alliances and about joint activities between two groups of social movement actors ascribed increasing relevance for the functioning and the eventual amendment of democratic capitalism. The chapters provide a well-balanced mix of theoretical and empirical accounts on the political, social and economic catalysts behind the changing motives finding expression in a multitude of novel types of joint collective action and inter-organizational alliances. The contributors to this volume go beyond attempting to place unions, movements, crises, precariousness, protests and coalitions at the centre of the research. Instead, they focus on actors who themselves transcend clear-cut social camps. They look at the values and motives underlying collective action by both types of actors as much as at their structural and strategic properties, and inter-organizational relations and networks. This creates a fresh, genuine and historically valid account of the incompatibilities and the commonalities of movements and unions, and of prospects for inter-organizational learning. Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-1-315-60955-3 SN - 978-1-4724-7204-5 PB - Routledge CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Stehle, Fee T1 - The Embeddedness of Urban Climate Politics in Multilevel Governance BT - a Case Study of South Africa’s Major Cities JF - The journal of environment & development : a review of international policy N2 - Numerous scholars have lately highlighted the importance of cities in the global response to climate change. However, we still have little systematic knowledge on the evolution of urban climate politics in the Global South. In particular, we lack empirical studies that examine how local climate actions arise in political-administrative systems of developing and emerging economies. Therefore, this article adopts a multilevel governance perspective to explore the climate mitigation responses of three major cities in South Africa by looking at their vertical and horizontal integration in the wider governance framework. In the absence of a coherent national climate policy, Johannesburg, Cape Town, and Durban have developed distinct climate actions within their jurisdictions. In their effort to address climate change, transnational city networks have provided considerable technical support to these cities. Yet, substantial domestic political-economic obstacles hinder the three cities to develop a more ambitious stance on climate change. KW - climate change KW - developing and emerging economies KW - local climate policy making KW - multilevel governance KW - South Africa KW - transnational city networks Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/1070496518819121 SN - 1070-4965 SN - 1552-5465 VL - 28 IS - 1 SP - 54 EP - 77 PB - Sage Publ. CY - Thousand Oaks ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Krieger, Heike A1 - Liese, Andrea Margit T1 - A Metamorphosis of International Law? BT - Value changes in the international legal order from the perspectives of legal and political science T2 - KFG Working Paper Series N2 - The paper aims to lay out a framework for evaluating value shifts in the international legal order for the purposes of a forthcoming book. In view of current contestations it asks whether we are observing yet another period of norm change (Wandel) or even a more fundamental transformation of international law – a metamorphosis (Verwandlung). For this purpose it suggests to look into the mechanisms of how norms change from the perspective of legal and political science and also to approximate a reference point where change turns into metamorphosis. It submits that such a point may be reached where specific legally protected values are indeed changing (change of legal values) or where the very idea of protecting certain values through law is renounced (delegalizing of values). The paper discusses the benefits of such an interdisciplinary exchange and tries to identify differences and commonalities among both disciplinary perspectives. T3 - KFG Working Paper Series - 27 Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-426088 IS - 27 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Gehring, Thomas A1 - Dorsch, Christian A1 - Dörfler, Thomas T1 - Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making BT - the power of informal institutional rules in the United Nations Security Council’s activities on terrorism JF - Journal of international relations and development N2 - We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action. KW - decision-making KW - doctrine KW - international organisations KW - precedent KW - Security Council KW - terrorism Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5 SN - 1581-1980 SN - 1408-6980 VL - 22 IS - 1 SP - 107 EP - 135 PB - Palgrave Macmillan CY - Basingstoke ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Barkholdt, Janina A1 - Reiners, Nina T1 - Pronouncements of Expert Treaty Bodies BT - From ‘Black Boxes’ to ‘Key Catalysts’ in International Law? T2 - KFG Working Paper Series N2 - While some pronouncements of expert treaty bodies have been considered ‘key catalysts’ for the development of international human rights law, others are only selectively referred to in legal practice. This article argues that the varying normative impact is due to the informal character of pronouncements. In the absence of treaty provisions specifying their legal effect, practitioners tend to rely on different factors and arguments when either drawing on or rejecting certain pronouncements. Scholars in turn face difficulties when trying to identify explanatory patterns within this diverging practice as the informal character confronts both international lawyers and international relations scholars with their respective methodological ‘blind spots’. In light of these intradisciplinary challenges, this article explores the extent as to which an interdisciplinary approach helps to assess the reasons for the varying impact of pronouncements. After analysing the factors determining their legal significance on the basis of State practice and the academic debate, this article identifies the drafting process as a factor which promises to be particularly insightful when explored from an interdisciplinary perspective and sketches out a framework for future research. T3 - KFG Working Paper Series - 40 Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-475886 IS - 40 ER - TY - THES A1 - Ihle, Sebastian T1 - Inwiefern wird der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgewählten Schulbuch für den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg berücksichtigt? T1 - To what extent the Beutelsbach consensus is considered in a selected school book for political education in Brandenburg? N2 - Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Fragestellung nach, inwiefern der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgewählten Schulbuch für den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg berücksichtigt wird. Um sich dieser Frage anzunähern, werden zunächst die drei Grundsätze des Konsenses wiedergegeben: das Überwältigungsverbot, das Kontroversitätsgebot und die Schülerorientierung. Da der Konsens, auch wenn er von einem Großteil der Fachdidaktikerinnen und Fachdidaktiker geteilt wird, immer wieder Gegenstand von Diskussionen ist, werden in einem ersten Schritt Ansätze zur Aktualisierung bzw. Erweiterung dargestellt und anschließend aktuelle Streitpunkte aufgezeigt. In einem kurzen Zwischenfazit wird dann ein für die Schulbuchanalyse unabdingliches, eindeutiges Verständnis des Konsenses entwickelt. Im folgenden Schritt wird die Rolle von Schulbüchern als Lehr- und Lernmedien diskutiert. Dabei steht insbesondere die Frage im Zentrum, weshalb sich gerade Schulbücher für eine Analyse im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit eignen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird das Konzept der Schulbuchanalyse vorgestellt. In diesem Rahmen werden der Untersuchungsschwerpunkt (Kontroversitätsgebot) und der Untersuchungsgegenstand (Kontroverse um Migration und Integration) eingegrenzt. In der Folge wird das Schulbuch Politik und Co. 1 mithilfe des erarbeiteten Untersuchungsinstruments (Kodierleitfaden) analysiert. Zudem werden die Ergebnisse pointiert und die gewählte Vorgehensweise reflektiert. N2 - This thesis investigates the extent to which the Beutelsbach consensus is considered in a selected school book for political education in Brandenburg. To answer this question, the three principles of the consensus are first reproduced: the prohibition of overwhelming the students, the requirement for controversy and the principle of giving weight to the personal interests of students. Since the consensus, even if it is shared by the majority of subject didactics, is always the subject of discussions, approaches to updating or expanding are presented in a first step and then current points of contention are shown. In a short interim conclusion, a clear understanding of the consensus, which is indispensable for the school book analysis, is then developed. In the next step, the role of school books as teaching and learning tool is discussed. The main question here is why school books are particularly suitable for an analysis in the context of the present thesis. Thereafter the concept of school book analysis is presented. Within this framework, the focus of the investigation (principle of controversy) and the object of investigation (controversy about migration and integration) are defined. In the following, the textbook „Politik & Co. 1" will be analyzed with the help of the developed analysis tool (coding guidelines). In addition, the results are pointed out and the chosen procedure is reflected. KW - Schulbuchanalyse KW - Beutelsbacher Konsens KW - Kontroversität KW - Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse KW - Politikunterricht KW - Kontroversitätsgebot KW - Beutelsbach consensus KW - principle of controversy KW - political education KW - qualitative content analysis KW - school book analysis Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-596884 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fitzi, Gregor T1 - Global urbanism and the crisis of emancipation JF - Urban Change and Citizenship in Times of Crisis N2 - In the Middle Ages the European cities constituted the bourgeois laboratory for the formulation and the institutionalisation of the rights of citizenship. In 2014, the urban population accounted already for 54 per cent of global population. Yet, globalisation and neo-liberal policies have significantly challenged the social protection systems and social justice. From a sociological perspective, increased urbanisation implies a state of increased individual freedom, while at once it provokes growing social fragmentation. The chapter focuses on these dialectics and analyses to which degree social fragmentation affects the formal institutionalisation of citizenship rights and the substantial access to formally established rights, while at the same time excluding the most disadvantaged social groups, reducing them to mere ‘denizens’ of urban societies. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-42926-226-5 SN - 978-0-367-20562-1 SP - 81 EP - 96 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Wolf, Hannah T1 - Permanent liminality? BT - Housing insecurity and home N2 - After more than eight years of multifaceted crisis and extreme austerity policies, the programmes of financial assistance to Greece ended in August 2018, only to be replaced by a strict surveillance plan which leaves little room for manoeuvre towards more socially sensitive policies. In this context, the paper focuses on three major issues of argument between the creditors and the Greek government: property ownership and taxation, reduction of pensions, and continued austerity. Based on research in Athens and starting from the premise that behind figures and statistics lie embodied subjects, the paper discusses these issues drawing from particular people’s experiences. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429262-28-9 SN - 978-0-367-20564-5 SP - 99 EP - 118 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fitzi, Gregor T1 - Introduction BT - Logics of urban marginalisation and resistance N2 - This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book considers the complex process of the criminalisation of squatting alongside and beyond its juridical apparatuses. It provides insights into the ways in which the substance of social citizenship has been rapidly and significantly weakened, so that life has become much more precarious for low-income urbanites as well as large parts of the middle-class. The book reconstructs the history of Berlin’s tenant referendum, which induced the passing of a new local Housing Provision Act—one of the most progressive pieces of housing legislation in Germany. It investigates the modes of doing citizenship and social rights in practice, which characterised the creation of Berlin’s Medibüro, a network of medical offices, where medical activists provide free medical services to residents lacking access to the medical insurance system, especially to illegal migrants. The book concludes by providing a brief outlook on future research on urban citizenship. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429-26230-2 SN - 978-0-367-20567-6 SP - 1 EP - 11 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Brüning, Christina T1 - Heterogenität JF - Wörterbuch Politikunterricht Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-7344-0953-0 SP - 107 EP - 110 PB - Wochenschau CY - Frankfurt ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Lederer, Markus T1 - Einleitung: Harald Fuhr - visionärer Grenzgänger mit Leidenschaft, Eingebung und Augenmaß JF - Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift für Harald Fuhr Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-8487-5249-2 SP - 13 EP - 21 PB - Nomos CY - Bade-Baden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Juchler, Ingo T1 - Einführung JF - Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-658-30304-4 SN - 978-3-658-30305-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1 SP - 1 EP - 5 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Juchler, Ingo T1 - Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind – Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten JF - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung N2 - Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das Stück zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen können umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie anknüpfen. In dem Beitrag wird zunächst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind“ nachgegangen, vom Römischen Reich über die Französische Revolution, die totalitären Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im Stück thematisierten Verhältnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gefüge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer Überlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der Möglichkeit von Bildung und politischer Mündigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten“, Bullshit und Lügen diskutiert. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-658-30305-1 SN - 978-3-658-30304-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1 SP - 122 EP - 137 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Droll, Max T1 - Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht JF - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung N2 - Eine relevante und höchst aktuelle Überschneidung fachübergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Phänomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing“ einer breiten Öffentlichkeit, die weit über fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erläutert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und für ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — häufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts ermöglicht die Entwicklung und Förderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erläutert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben für den Politikunterricht. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-658-30305-1 SN - 978-3-658-30304-4 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13 SP - 171 EP - 180 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ruhe, Constantin A1 - Leib, Julia A1 - Weidmann, Nils B. A1 - Bussmann, Margit T1 - Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland BT - ein Kommentar zur Evaluation durch den Wissenschaftsrat BT - a comment on the evaluation by the german science council JF - Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung N2 - Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und ergänzt die aktuelle Diskussion über die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erläutern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarität, Internationalität und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung für interdisziplinäre und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch für die Politikberatung ist. Zukünftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen berücksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu stärken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung“ der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. N2 - This article reflects on and adds to the ongoing discussion of the German Science Council’s recommendations for the further development of peace and conflict research. We focus on the gaps in empirical-analytical research methodology identified by the German Science Council and elaborate how they affect interdisciplinary cooperation, international visibility and policy-oriented research within the German peace and conflict research community. We follow the analysis of the Science Council’s report and argue that a diversified training in as well as knowledge of empirical research methodology is of central importance for interdisciplinary and international cooperation as well as comprehensive policy-oriented research. Future initiatives within the peace and conflict research community should strive to reflect the methodological diversity of our research community and put a special emphasis on training in empirical-analytical research methodology, in order to strengthen the methodological expertise in this realm. Our article originates from a discussion within the working group on “Empirical Research Methods in Peace and Conflict Research” of the German Association for Peace and Conflict Studies’ (Arbeitsgemeinschaft für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung e.V.—AFK). T2 - Empirical-analytical peace and conflict research in Germany KW - Forschungsmethoden KW - Wissenschaftsrat KW - Interdisziplinarität KW - Internationalisierung KW - Politikberatung KW - Nachwuchsförderung KW - Methodenpluralismus KW - Research methods KW - German science council KW - Interdisciplinary research KW - International cooperation KW - Policy recommendations KW - Promoting young researchers KW - Methodological pluralism Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8 SN - 2524-6976 SN - 2192-1741 VL - 9 IS - 2 SP - 443 EP - 454 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Leib, Julia A1 - Ruppel, Samantha T1 - The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms JF - European Political Science N2 - How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students’ learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills. KW - Active learning KW - Education KW - Negotiation KW - Simulations KW - UN KW - International relations Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3 SN - 1682-0983 SN - 1680-4333 VL - 19 IS - 3 SP - 336 EP - 351 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - Die Manosphere BT - die Rolle von digitalen Gemeinschaften und regressiven Bewegungsdynamiken für on- und offline Antifeminismus JF - Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen N2 - Die sogenannte Manosphere – eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich hauptsächlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beiträge und Ideologien auszeichnet – ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschlägen in der letzten Zeit verstärkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang häufig vernachlässigte Rolle digitaler Räume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewalttätige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage für die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewalttätigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird. N2 - The Manosphere – a digital community ranging across different platforms, whose members are united by a shared misogynist, antifeminist ideology – has gained public attention in the wake of several male supremacist terrorist attacks. This article discusses the growing, yet under-researched, relevance of digital antifeminist networks for mobilization, socialization and activism in the context of regressive misogynist ideologies from a social movement perspective. At the example of manosphere-related parts of the social media platform Reddit, I illustrate the interplay between the technological infrastructure of the platform with the growing formation of a regressive and potentially violent online culture and community. These dynamics of a toxic technoculture, in turn, crucially enable particular radical and violent antifeminist and misogynist repertoires on- and offline. Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041 SN - 2192-4848 SN - 2365-9890 VL - 33 IS - 2 SP - 491 EP - 505 PB - de Gruyter CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - Gender in the United Nations’ agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism JF - International feminist journal of politics N2 - The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a “holistic” approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a “holistic” P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN’s security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security–development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism. KW - Counterterrorism KW - gender mainstreaming KW - security–development nexus KW - discourse KW - United Nations KW - feminism Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967 SN - 1461-6742 SN - 1468-4470 VL - 22 IS - 5 SP - 720 EP - 741 PB - Taylor & Francis CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - The Other Side BT - assessing the polarization of gender knowledge through a feminist analysis of the affective-discursive in anti-feminist online communities JF - Social politics : international studies in gender, state, and society N2 - Given the current polarization of gender knowledge in the public discourse, this article investigates the "other side" of gender knowledge production. Building on feminist standpoint literature, I conduct a close reading of the affective-discursive dynamics of knowledge production in two anti-feminist online communities in the United States and India. I find that anti-feminist communities appropriate feminist practices of consciousness-raising to construct a shared sense of victimization. This appropriation is, however, incomplete. In contrast to feminist practices, anti-feminist knowledge generation is premised on the polarizing themes of "ultimate victimhood" and "ultimate other," which lead to violence and exclusion, rather than liberation. Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa024 SN - 1072-4745 SN - 1468-2893 VL - 27 IS - 4 SP - 718 EP - 741 PB - Oxford University Press CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schumacher, Reinhard T1 - Altering the pattern of trade in the wealth of nations BT - Adam Smith and the historiography of international trade theory JF - Journal of the history of economic thought N2 - There are three different interpretations of Adam Smith's trade theory in modern literature: first, the neoclassical theory of absolute advantage; second, an interpretation based on increasing returns; third, an interpretation of uneven development. These interpretations come to widely different conclusions, especially considering the development of the pattern of trade in Smith's theory. I discuss how these three interpretations emerged. They do not stem from a more detailed analysis of Smith's works itself but reflect changes within international trade theory. They all result from the fact that economists have imposed nineteenth- and twentieth-century modes of thoughts on Smith's theory, forcing his writings into later-developed theoretical frameworks. In contrast to classical economists in the nineteenth century, these subsequent interpretations misrepresent Smith's trade theory in order to portray him as a forerunner of later theories. The differing interpretations can thus be explained only against the backdrop of the development of international trade theory. Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1017/S1053837219000130 SN - 1053-8372 SN - 1469-9656 VL - 42 IS - 1 SP - 19 EP - 42 PB - Cambridge University Press CY - New York ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Toward a theory of political repression T2 - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne? N2 - To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2 SN - 2198-7289 SP - 9 EP - 41 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression JF - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule N2 - This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3 SN - 2198-7289 SP - 43 EP - 75 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Streck, Charlotte T1 - Who owns REDD+? BT - carbon markets, carbon rights and entitlements to REDD+ finance JF - Forests N2 - The question of who is entitled to benefit from transactions under the United Nations framework to reduce emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+) remains one of the most controversial issues surrounding cooperative efforts to reduce deforestation in developing countries. REDD+ has been conceived as an international framework to encourage voluntary efforts in developing countries to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and enhance carbon removals from forest activities. It was designed as an international framework under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to enable the generation of emission reductions and removals (ERRs) at the national-and, provisionally, the subnational-level and is, thus, primarily a creature of international law. However, in defining forest carbon ERRs, the international framework competes with national emission trading systems and domestic REDD+ legislation as well as private standards that define units traded on the voluntary carbon market. As results-based and carbon market systems emerge, the question remains: Who can claim participation in REDD+ and voluntary carbon market projects? The existence of different international, national and private standards that value ERRs poses a challenge to countries that participate in REDD+ as well as to communities and private actors participating in voluntary carbon market projects. This paper seeks to clarify the nature and limitation of rights pertaining to REDD+ market transactions. It also links the notion of carbon rights to both carbon markets and government's decision on benefit sharing. Applying a legal lens, this paper helps to understand the various claims and underlying rights to participate in REDD+ transactions and addresses ambiguities that can lead to conflict around REDD+ implementation. The definition of carbon rights and the legal nature of carbon credits depend on local law and differ between countries. However, by categorizing carbon rights, the paper summarizes several legal considerations that are relevant for regulating REDD+ and sharing the financial benefits of transacting ERRs. KW - REDD plus KW - REDD+ KW - avoided deforestation KW - voluntary carbon markets KW - emissions KW - trading KW - carbon rights KW - benefit sharing Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3390/f11090959 SN - 1999-4907 VL - 11 IS - 9 PB - MDPI CY - Basel ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Juchler, Ingo ED - Achour, Sabine ED - Gill, Thomas T1 - Fluchtpunkt Berlin - über die Zeiten hinweg JF - Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?! Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-7344-1128-1 SP - 88 EP - 101 PB - Wochenschau Verlag CY - Frankfurt ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Pschichholz, Christin T1 - The First World Warasa Caesura? BT - Demographic Concepts, Population Policy, and Genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg Spheres JF - The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-428-18146-9 SN - 978-3-428-58146-7 SP - 7 EP - 12 PB - Duncker & Humblot CY - Berlin ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns? JF - The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule N2 - Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4 SN - 2198-7289 SP - 77 EP - 120 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Tanneberg, Dag T1 - Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d’état? JF - The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne? N2 - Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression’s time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d’état. The chapter’s conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule. KW - contentious politics KW - human rights KW - state repression KW - political stability KW - policy substitutes KW - dictatorship KW - political repression KW - political campaigns KW - authoritarian rule KW - democracy Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-030-35477-0 SN - 978-3-030-35476-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5 SN - 2198-7289 SP - 121 EP - 162 PB - Springer Nature CY - Cham ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hickmann, Thomas A1 - Elsässer, Joshua Philipp T1 - New alliances in global environmental governance BT - how intergovernmental treaty secretariats interact with non-state actors to address transboundary environmental problems JF - International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics N2 - The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance. KW - global environmental governance KW - institutional interplay KW - intergovernmental treaty secretariats KW - orchestration KW - Rio Conventions KW - non-state actors Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5 SN - 1567-9764 SN - 1573-1553 VL - 20 IS - 3 SP - 459 EP - 481 PB - Springer CY - Dordrecht [u.a.] ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel ED - De Cesari, Chiara ED - Kaya, Ayhan T1 - Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland T2 - European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya N2 - The chapter explores aspects of ‘memory games’ in postcommunist Poland vis-à-vis the country’s authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform – the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429-45481-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429454813 SP - 239 EP - 256 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - London, New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Neuhof, Julia A1 - Girnus, Luisa T1 - Sprachbildung im Fach Politische Bildung – Ein unbespieltes Feld? JF - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung N2 - Der Diskurs über Sprachbildung beziehungsweise sprachsensiblen Fachunterricht im Bereich der Politischen Bildung ist bislang noch verhalten. Beiträge zu diesem Thema orientieren sich zumeist an der praktischen Umsetzung herangetragener bildungspolitischer Forderungen und übernehmen in der Regel Konzepte für den Fachunterricht im Allgemeinen mit dem Versuch diese für die Politische Bildung zu adaptieren. Eine Theorieentwicklung aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive findet derzeit kaum statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den bisherigen Diskurs mit Blick auf die Politikdidaktik vor, um im Anschluss Impulse für eine Konzeptionalisierung sprachsensiblen Unterrichts aus Perspektive der Politischen Bildung zu geben. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-658-30304-4 SN - 978-3-658-30305-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_9 SP - 109 EP - 121 PB - Springer CY - Wiesbaden ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Girnus, Luisa T1 - Worüber sprechen wir eigentlich? Zur Explizität von Legitimationsargumenten in politischen Lehr-Lernarrangements JF - Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung N2 - Die tagespolitische Auseinandersetzung stellt sich als eine Für- und Gegenrede zu politischen Problemen, Herausforderungen oder Handlungsinitiativen dar: Verschiedene Akteure äußern sich kritisch oder befürwortend zu vollzogenen oder geplanten politischen Maßnahmen wie auch – ebenso kritisch oder befürwortend – zu getätigten Äußerungen anderer politischer und medialer Akteure. Insgesamt werden dabei eine Vielzahl von Argumenten mit unterschiedlicher Reichweite und Intensität ausgetauscht, aufgegriffen und verworfen. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass solche sprachlich verfassten Auseinandersetzungen Legitimationsdiskurse sind, in denen Legitimität anhand normativer Werte verhandelt wird. Dort genutzte Wertkategorien bleiben jedoch deutungsoffen und oft implizit. Um politisches Lernen zu fördern, erweist sich eine gemeinsame Bearbeitung solcher Legitimationsdiskurse als gewinnbringend. Zentral dafür ist, dass Legitimationsargumente in Lehr-Lernarrangements explizit und verhandelbar werden. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-3-658-30304-4 SN - 978-3-658-30305-1 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_15 SP - 195 EP - 207 PB - Wiesbaden CY - Springer ER - TY - GEN A1 - Thonig, Richard A1 - Del Rio, Pablo A1 - Kiefer, Christoph A1 - Lazaro Touza, Lara A1 - Escribano, Gonzalo A1 - Lechon, Yolanda A1 - Spaeth, Leonhard A1 - Wolf, Ingo A1 - Lilliestam, Johan T1 - Does ideology influence the ambition level of climate and renewable energy policy? BT - Insights from four European countries T2 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - We investigate whether political ideology has an observable effect on decarbonization ambition, renewable power aims, and preferences for power system balancing technologies in four European countries. Based on the Energy Logics framework, we identify ideologically different transition strategies (state-centered, market-centered, grassroots-centered) contained in government policies and opposition party programs valid in 2019. We compare these policies and programs with citizen poll data. We find that ideology has a small effect: governments and political parties across the spectrum have similar, and relatively ambitious, decarbonization and renewables targets. This mirrors citizens' strong support for ambitious action regardless of their ideological self-description. However, whereas political positions on phasing out fossil fuel power are clear across the policy space, positions on phasing in new flexibility options to balance intermittent renewables are vague or non-existent. As parties and citizens agree on strong climate and renewable power aims, the policy ambition is likely to remain high, even if governments change. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 161 KW - political ideology KW - climate policy KW - energy policy KW - europe KW - european KW - Union KW - renewable energy KW - flexibility Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-577981 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 1 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Thonig, Richard A1 - Del Rio, Pablo A1 - Kiefer, Christoph A1 - Lazaro Touza, Lara A1 - Escribano, Gonzalo A1 - Lechon, Yolanda A1 - Spaeth, Leonhard A1 - Wolf, Ingo A1 - Lilliestam, Johan T1 - Does ideology influence the ambition level of climate and renewable energy policy? BT - Insights from four European countries JF - Energy sources, part B: economics, planning, and policy N2 - We investigate whether political ideology has an observable effect on decarbonization ambition, renewable power aims, and preferences for power system balancing technologies in four European countries. Based on the Energy Logics framework, we identify ideologically different transition strategies (state-centered, market-centered, grassroots-centered) contained in government policies and opposition party programs valid in 2019. We compare these policies and programs with citizen poll data. We find that ideology has a small effect: governments and political parties across the spectrum have similar, and relatively ambitious, decarbonization and renewables targets. This mirrors citizens' strong support for ambitious action regardless of their ideological self-description. However, whereas political positions on phasing out fossil fuel power are clear across the policy space, positions on phasing in new flexibility options to balance intermittent renewables are vague or non-existent. As parties and citizens agree on strong climate and renewable power aims, the policy ambition is likely to remain high, even if governments change. KW - political ideology KW - climate policy KW - energy policy KW - europe KW - european KW - Union KW - renewable energy KW - flexibility Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/15567249.2020.1811806 SN - 1556-7249 SN - 1556-7257 VL - 16 IS - 1 SP - 4 EP - 22 PB - Taylor & Francis Group CY - Philadelphia ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Hosli, Madeleine A1 - Dörfler, Thomas ED - Hosli, Madeleine O. ED - Selleslaghs, Joren T1 - The United Nations Security Council BT - History, Current Composition, and Reform Proposals T2 - The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects N2 - The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council’s setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council’s membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for. KW - Institutional change KW - Security council KW - Security council reform KW - Informal reform KW - Global order KW - Changing nature of armed conflict Y1 - 2019 SN - 978-3-030-21603-0 SN - 978-3-030-21602-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15 SP - 299 EP - 320 PB - Springer CY - Cham ER - TY - BOOK ED - Turner, Bryan S. ED - Wolf, Hannah ED - Fitzi, Gregor ED - Mackert, Jürgen T1 - Theories and concepts T3 - Urban change and citizenship in times of crisis N2 - Urban Change and Citizenship in Times of Crisis addresses the fact that in the beginning of the twenty-first century the majority of the world’s population is urbanised, a social fact that has turned cities more than ever into focal sites of social change. Multiple economic and political strategies, employed by a variety of individual and collective actors, on a number of scales, constitute cities as contested spaces that hold opportunities as well as restrictions for their inhabitants. While cities and urban spaces have long been of central concern for the social sciences, today, classical sociological questions about the city acquire new meaning: Can cities be spaces of emancipation, or does life in the modern city entail a corrosion of citizenship rights? Is the city the focus of societal transformation processes, or do urban environments lose importance in shaping social reality and economic relationships? Furthermore, new questions urgently need to be asked: What is the impact of different historical phenomena such as neo-liberal restructuring, financial and economic crises, or migration flows, as well as their respective counter-movements, on the structure of contemporary cities and on the citizenship rights of city inhabitants? The three volumes address such crucial questions thereby opening up new spaces of debate on both the city and new developments of urbanism. The contributions to Theories and Concepts offer new theoretical reflections on the city in a philosophical and historical perspective as well as fresh empirical analyses of social life in urban contexts. Chapters not only critically revisit classical and modern philosophical considerations about the nature of cities but no less discuss normative philosophical reflections of urban life and the role of religion in historical processes of the emergence of cities. Composed around the question whether there can be such a thing as a ‘successful city’, this volume addresses issues of urban political subjectivities by considering the city’s role in historical processes of emancipation, the fight for citizenship rights, and today’s challenges and opportunities with regard to promoting social justice, integration, and diversity. Consequentially, theory-driven empirical analyses offer new insight into ways of solving problems in urban contexts and a genuine approach to analyse the Social Quality in cities. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-367-20562-1 SN - 978-0-429-26226-5 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429262265 VL - 1 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - BOOK ED - Turner, Bryan S. ED - Wolf, Hannah ED - Fitzi, Gregor ED - Mackert, Jürgen T1 - Urban neo-liberalisation T3 - Urban change and citizenship in times of crisis N2 - The contributions to Urban neo- liberalisation bring together critical analyses of the dynamics and processes neo- liberalism has facilitated in urban contexts. Recent developments, such as intensified economic investment and exposure to aggressive strategies of banks, hedge- funds and investors, and long- term processes of market- and state- led urban restructuration, have produced uneven urban geographies and new forms of exclusion and marginality. These strategies have no less transformed the governance of cities by subordinating urban social life to rationalities and practices of competition within and between cities, and they also heavily impact on city inhabitants’ experience of everyday life. Against the backdrop of recent austerity politics and a marketisation of cities, this volume discusses processes of urban neo- liberalisation with regard to democracy and citizenship, inclusion and exclusion, opportunities, and life- chances. It addresses pressing issues of commodification of housing and home, activation of civil society, vulnerability, and the right to the city. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429-26228-9 SN - 978-0-367-20564-5 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429262289 VL - 2 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rolfes, Manfred A1 - Wilhelm, Jan Lorenz T1 - Urban complexity and urban change BT - Co-irritation, co-evolution and co-design with the Potsdam lodestar approach JF - Urban Change and Citizenship in Times of Crisis N2 - The chapter illustrates how cities can be understood from a system–theory perspective as complex social systems. It argues that the classical and linear intervention methods are often no (longer) suitable for the complex structure, temporal dynamics and multifaceted processuality of urban development. It offers a systemic and systems theory-inspired method as an alternative approach, which allows for extended possibilities that are more appropriate for dealing with urban development processes. The method was developed on the basis of practical experience and theoretical insights. The approach should demonstrate for local decision-makers potential areas of activity for organising urban changes through co-design. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429-26226-5 SN - 978-0-367-20562-1 SP - 135 EP - 155 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Wolf, Hannah A1 - Mackert, Jürgen T1 - Introduction JF - Urban Change and Citizenship in Times of Crisis N2 - The processes of neo-liberalisation, coined as ‘actually existing neo-liberalism’ are by their very nature variegated and context-specific and can appear in multi-faceted and contradictory forms. Consequentially, sociological reflection has tried to conceptualise ongoing processes of transforming the city under the concept of urban neo-liberalism which is generally understood as the contextually specific and path-dependent realisation of neo-liberal restructuration projects, embedded in varying social, political, economic, and cultural ‘regulatory landscapes’. As much as neo-liberalism as ideology and political programme aims at erasing any democratic participation in society, its proponents have taken sides pushing ahead the re-conceptualisation of the city as a market with the right of the stronger ‘to do down the weaker’. The city has become a focal point for neo-liberalism’s war against democracy and citizens. Turning social relations into market transactions in order to restructure cities is not a new idea from the neo-liberals but one of the non-negotiable dogmas of their religion called science. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429-26228-9 SN - 978-0-367-20564-5 SP - 1 EP - 14 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - BOOK ED - Turner, Bryan S. ED - Wolf, Hannah ED - Fitzi, Gregor ED - Mackert, Jürgen T1 - Figurations of conflict and resistance T3 - Urban change and citizenship in times of crisis N2 - At times of triumphant neo-liberalism cities increasingly become objects of financial speculation. Formally, social and political rights might not be abolished, yet factually they have become inaccessible for large parts of the population. The contributions gathered in this volume shed light on the clash between the perspectives of restructuring and reordering urban environments in the interest of investors and the manifold and innovative agencies of resistance that claim and stand up for the rights of urban citizenship. Renewed waves of urban transformation employ state coercion to foster the expulsion of poor and marginalised inhabitants from those urban spaces that attract interest from speculators. The intervention of state agencies triggers the work of hegemonic culture for reframing the housing issue and implementing moral and political legitimation, as well as legislation that restricts urban citizenship rights. The case studies of the volume comparatively show the different and sometimes contradictory patterns of these conflicts in Berlin, Sydney, Belfast, Jerusalem, Amsterdam, and İstanbul as well as in metropoles of Latin America and China. Innovative resistance agencies emerge that paint possible paths for the re-establishment of the right to the city as the core of urban citizenship. Y1 - 2020 SN - 978-0-429-26230-2 SN - 978-0-367-20567-6 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429262302 VL - 3 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Seyfried, Markus A1 - Reith, Florian T1 - Strength of weakness BT - Quality managers as agents of multiple principals JF - Journal of higher education policy and management N2 - The paper investigates quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions from a principal-agent perspective. Based on data gained from semi-structured interviews and from a nation-wide survey with quality managers of German higher education institutions, the study shows how quality managers position themselves in relation to their perception of the interests of other actors in higher education institutions. The paper describes the various interests and discusses the main implications of this constellation of actors. It argues that quality managers, although they may be considered as rather weak actors within the higher education institution, may be characterised as having a strength of weakness due to diverging interests of their principals. KW - quality management KW - quality assurance KW - higher education KW - principal KW - agent KW - teaching Y1 - 2020 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/1360080X.2020.1812802 SN - 1360-080X SN - 1469-9508 VL - 43 IS - 3 SP - 298 EP - 314 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - THES A1 - Schettler, Leon Valentin T1 - Socializing Development BT - Transnational Social Movement Advocacy and the Human Rights Accountability of Multilateral Development Banks T2 - Social movement and protest Y1 - 2020 UR - https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:101:1-2020042812162317931244 SN - 978-3-8376-5183-6 SN - 978-3-8394-5183-0 PB - transcript CY - Bielefeld ER - TY - THES A1 - Radtke, Ina T1 - Organizing immigration BT - German ministerial bureaucracies in a dynamic policy field N2 - Immigration constitutes a dynamic policy field with – often quite unpredictable – dynamics. This is based on immigration constituting a ‘wicked problem’ meaning that it is characterized by uncertainty, ambiguity and complexity. Due to the dynamics in the policy field, expectations towards public administrations often change. Following neo-institutionalist theory, public administrations depend on meeting the expectations in the organizational field in order to maintain legitimacy as the basis for, e.g., resources and compliance of stakeholders. With the dynamics in the policy field, expectations might change and public administrations consequently need to adapt in order to maintain or repair the then threatened legitimacy. If their organizational legitimacy is threatened by a perception of structures and processes being inadequate for changed expectations, an ‘institutional crisis’ unfolds. However, we know little about ministerial bureaucracies’ structural reactions to such crucial momentums and how this effects the quest for coordination within policy-making. Overall, the dissertation thus links to both policy analysis and public administration research and consists of five publications. It asks: How do structures in ministerial bureaucracies change in the context of institutional crises? And what effect do these changes have on ministerial coordination? The dissertation hereby focusses on the above described dynamic policy field of immigration in Germany in the period from 2005 to 2017 and pursues three objectives: 1) to identify the context and impulse for changes in the structures of ministerial bureaucracies, 2) to describe respective changes with regard to their organizational structures, and 3) to identify their effect on coordination. It hereby compares and contrasts institutional crises by incremental change and shock as well as changes and effects at federal and Länder level which allows a comprehensive answer to both of the research questions. Theoretically, the dissertation follows neo-institutionalist theory with a particular focus on changes in organizational structures, coordination and crisis management. Methodologically, it follows a comparative design. Each article (except for the literature review), focusses on ministerial bureaucracies at one governmental level (federal or Länder) and on an institutional crisis induced by either an incremental process or a shock. Thus, responses and effects can be compared and contrasted across impulses for institutional crises and governmental levels. Overall, the dissertation follows a mixed methods approach with a majority of qualitative single and small-n case studies based on document analysis and semi-structured interviews. Additionally, two articles use quantitative methods as they best suited the respective research question. The rather explorative nature of these two articles however fits to the overall interpretivist approach of the dissertation. Overall, the dissertation’s core argument is: Within the investigation period, varying dynamics and thus impulses for institutional crises took place in the German policy field of immigration. Respectively, expectations by stakeholders on how the politico-administrative system should address the policy problem changed. Ministerial administrations at both the federal and Länder level adapted to these expectations in order to maintain, or regain respectively, organizational legitimacy. The administration hereby referred to well-known recipes of structural changes. Institutional crises do not constitute fields of experimentation. The new structures had an immediate effect on ministerial coordination, with respect to both the horizontal and vertical dimension. Yet, they did not mean a comprehensive change of the system in place. The dissertation thus challenges the idea of the toppling effect of crises and rather shows that adaptability and persistence of public administrations constitute two sides of the same coin. KW - Ministerial bureaucracy KW - coordination KW - institutional crisis KW - immigration KW - migration KW - refugee crisis KW - Ministerialbürokratie KW - Koordination KW - institutionelle Krise KW - Immigration KW - Migration KW - Flüchtlingskrise Y1 - 2020 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Tiberius, Victor A1 - Rietz, Meike A1 - Bouncken, Ricarda B. T1 - Performance analysis and science mapping of institutional entrepreneurship research T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Institutional entrepreneurship comprises the activities of agents who disrupt existing social institutions or create new ones, often to enable diffusion, especially of radical innovations, in a market. The increased interest in institutional entrepreneurship has produced a large number of scholarly publications, especially in the last five years. As a consequence, the literature landscape is somewhat complex and scattered. We aim to compile a quantitative overview of the field within business and management research by conducting bibliometric performance analyses and science mappings. We identified the most productive and influential journals, authors, and articles with the highest impact. We found that institutional entrepreneurship has stronger ties to organization studies than to entrepreneurship research. Additionally, a large body of literature at the intersection of institutions and entrepreneurship does not refer to institutional entrepreneurship theory. The science mappings revealed a distinction between theoretical and conceptual research on one hand and applied and empirical research on the other hand. Research clusters reflect the structure–agency problem by focusing on the change agent’s goals and interests, strategies, and specific implementation mechanisms, as well as the relevance of public agents for existing institutions, and a more abstract process rather than agency view. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe - 145 KW - institutional entrepreneurship KW - entrepreneurship KW - institutional change KW - bibliometric analysis KW - science mapping KW - co-citation analysis KW - co-occurrence analysis KW - business KW - management Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-525092 SN - 1867-5808 IS - 3 ER -