TY - JOUR A1 - Bhatara, Anjali A1 - Boll-Avetisyan, Natalie A1 - Agus, Trevor A1 - Höhle, Barbara A1 - Nazzi, Thierry T1 - Language Experience Affects Grouping of Musical Instrument Sounds JF - Cognitive science : a multidisciplinary journal of anthropology, artificial intelligence, education, linguistics, neuroscience, philosophy, psychology ; journal of the Cognitive Science Society KW - Cross-linguistic KW - French KW - German KW - Auditory perception KW - Music KW - Rhythmic grouping Y1 - 2016 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/cogs.12300 SN - 0364-0213 SN - 1551-6709 VL - 40 SP - 1816 EP - 1830 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - GEN A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Lenertová, Denisa T1 - Left peripheral focus BT - mismatches between syntax and information structure T2 - Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - In Czech, German, and many other languages, part of the semantic focus of the utterance can be moved to the left periphery of the clause. The main generalization is that only the leftmost accented part of the semantic focus can be moved. We propose that movement to the left periphery is generally triggered by an unspecific edge feature of C (Chomsky 2008) and its restrictions can be attributed to requirements of cyclic linearization, modifying the theory of cyclic linearization developed by Fox and Pesetsky (2005). The crucial assumption is that structural accent is a direct consequence of being linearized at merge, thus it is indirectly relevant for (locality restrictions on) movement. The absence of structural accent correlates with given-ness. Given elements may later receive (topic or contrastive) accents, which accounts for fronting in multiple focus/contrastive topic constructions. Without any additional assumptions, the model can account for movement of pragmatically unmarked elements to the left periphery (‘formal fronting’, Frey 2005). Crucially, the analysis makes no reference at all to concepts of information structure in the syntax, in line with the claim of Chomsky (2008) that UG specifies no direct link between syntax and information structure. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 596 KW - Czech KW - German KW - Focus KW - Topic KW - Information structure KW - Intervention effects KW - Cyclic linearization KW - A-bar-movement KW - Prosody-syntax interface KW - Accentuation Y1 - 2020 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-428198 SN - 1866-8364 IS - 596 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Grubic, Mira A1 - Wierzba, Marta T1 - Presupposition Accommodation of the German Additive Particle auch (= “too”) T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable. The presupposition of focus-sensitive additive particles like also or too is often classified as hard to accommodate, i.e., these triggers are infelicitous if their presupposition is not entailed by the immediate linguistic or non-linguistic context. We tested two competing accounts for the German additive particle auch concerning this requirement: First, that it requires a focus alternative to the whole proposition to be salient, and second, that it merely requires an alternative to the focused constituent (e.g., an individual) to be salient. We conducted two experiments involving felicity judgments as well as questions asking for the truth of the presupposition to be accommodated. Our results suggest that the latter account is too weak: mere previous mention of a potential alternative to the focused constituent is not enough to license the use of auch. However, our results also suggest that the former account is too strong: when an alternative of the focused constituent is prementioned and certain other accommodation-enhancing factors are present, the context does not have to entail the presupposed proposition. We tested the following two potentially accommodation-enhancing factors: First, whether the discourse can be construed to be from the perspective of the individual that the presupposition is about, and second, whether the presupposition is needed to establish coherence between the host sentence of the additive particle and the preceding context. The factor coherence was found to play a significant role. Our results thus corroborate the results of other researchers showing that discourse participants go to great lengths in order to identify a potential presupposition to accommodate, and we contribute to these results by showing that coherence is one of the factors that enhance accommodation. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 547 KW - alternatives KW - additive particles KW - presupposition KW - anaphoricity KW - accommodation KW - experimental data KW - German Y1 - 2019 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-428003 SN - 1866-8364 IS - 547 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Grubic, Mira A1 - Wierzba, Marta T1 - Presupposition Accommodation of the German Additive Particle auch (= “too”) JF - Frontiers in Communication N2 - Presupposition triggers differ with respect to whether their presupposition is easily accommodatable. The presupposition of focus-sensitive additive particles like also or too is often classified as hard to accommodate, i.e., these triggers are infelicitous if their presupposition is not entailed by the immediate linguistic or non-linguistic context. We tested two competing accounts for the German additive particle auch concerning this requirement: First, that it requires a focus alternative to the whole proposition to be salient, and second, that it merely requires an alternative to the focused constituent (e.g., an individual) to be salient. We conducted two experiments involving felicity judgments as well as questions asking for the truth of the presupposition to be accommodated. Our results suggest that the latter account is too weak: mere previous mention of a potential alternative to the focused constituent is not enough to license the use of auch. However, our results also suggest that the former account is too strong: when an alternative of the focused constituent is prementioned and certain other accommodation-enhancing factors are present, the context does not have to entail the presupposed proposition. We tested the following two potentially accommodation-enhancing factors: First, whether the discourse can be construed to be from the perspective of the individual that the presupposition is about, and second, whether the presupposition is needed to establish coherence between the host sentence of the additive particle and the preceding context. The factor coherence was found to play a significant role. Our results thus corroborate the results of other researchers showing that discourse participants go to great lengths in order to identify a potential presupposition to accommodate, and we contribute to these results by showing that coherence is one of the factors that enhance accommodation. KW - alternatives KW - additive particles KW - presupposition KW - anaphoricity KW - accommodation KW - experimental data KW - German Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fcomm.2019.00015 SN - 2297-900X VL - 4 PB - Frontiers Media CY - Lausanne ER - TY - THES A1 - Elin, Kirill T1 - Morphological processing in older adults T1 - Morphologische Verarbeitung bei älteren Erwachsenen BT - evidence from Russian and German BT - Evidenz aus dem Russischen und dem Deutschen N2 - Over the last decades mechanisms of recognition of morphologically complex words have been extensively examined in order to determine whether all word forms are stored and retrieved from the mental lexicon as wholes or whether they are decomposed into their morphological constituents such as stems and affixes. Most of the research in this domain focusses on English. Several factors have been argued to affect morphological processing including, for instance, morphological structure of a word (e.g., existence of allomorphic stem alternations) and its linguistic nature (e.g., whether it is a derived word or an inflected word form). It is not clear, however, whether processing accounts based on experimental evidence from English would hold for other languages. Furthermore, there is evidence that processing mechanisms may differ across various populations including children, adult native speakers and language learners. Recent studies claim that processing mechanisms could also differ between older and younger adults (Clahsen & Reifegerste, 2017; Reifegerste, Meyer, & Zwitserlood, 2017). The present thesis examined how properties of the morphological structure, types of linguistic operations involved (i.e., the linguistic contrast between inflection and derivation) and characteristics of the particular population such as older adults (e.g., potential effects of ageing as a result of the cognitive decline or greater experience and exposure of older adults) affect initial, supposedly automatic stages of morphological processing in Russian and German. To this end, a series of masked priming experiments was conducted. In experiments on Russian, the processing of derived -ost’ nouns (e.g., glupost’ ‘stupidity’) and of inflected forms with and without allomorphic stem alternations in 1P.Sg.Pr. (e.g., igraju – igrat’ ‘to play’ vs. košu – kosit’ ‘to mow’) was examined. The first experiment on German examined and directly compared processing of derived -ung nouns (e.g., Gründung ‘foundation’) and inflected -t past participles (e.g., gegründet ‘founded’), whereas the second one investigated the processing of regular and irregular plural forms (-s forms such as Autos ‘cars’ and -er forms such as Kinder ‘children’, respectively). The experiments on both languages have shown robust and comparable facilitation effects for derived words and regularly inflected forms without stem changes (-t participles in German, forms of -aj verbs in Russian). Observed morphological priming effects could be clearly distinguished from purely semantic or orthographic relatedness between words. At the same time, we found a contrast between forms with and without allomorphic stem alternations in Russian and regular and irregular forms in German, with significantly more priming for unmarked stems (relative to alternated ones) and significantly more priming for regular (compared) word forms. These findings indicate the relevance of morphological properties of a word for initial stages of processing, contrary to claims made in the literature holding that priming effects are determined by surface form and meaning overlap only. Instead, our findings are more consistent with approaches positing a contrast between combinatorial, rule-based and lexically-stored forms (Clahsen, Sonnenstuhl, & Blevins, 2003). The doctoral dissertation also addressed the role of ageing and age-related cognitive changes on morphological processing. The results obtained on this research issue are twofold. On the one hand, the data demonstrate effects of ageing on general measures of language performance, i.e., overall longer reaction times and/or higher accuracy rates in older than younger individuals. These findings replicate results from previous studies, which have been linked to the general slowing of processing speed at older age and to the larger vocabularies of older adults. One the other hand, we found that more specific aspects of language processing appear to be largely intact in older adults as revealed by largely similar morphological priming effects for older and younger adults. These latter results indicate that initial stages of morphological processing investigated here by means of the masked priming paradigm persist in older age. One caveat should, however, be noted. Achieving the same performance as a younger individual in a behavioral task may not necessarily mean that the same neural processes are involved. Older people may have to recruit a wider brain network than younger individuals, for example. To address this and related possibilities, future studies should examine older people’s neural representations and mechanisms involved in morphological processing. N2 - In den letzten Jahrzehnten wurden die Mechanismen zur Erkennung morphologisch komplexer Wörter umfassend untersucht, um zu erforschen, ob alle Wortformen als Ganzes aus dem mentalen Lexikon abgerufen werden oder ob sie in ihre morphologischen Bestandteile (z. B. Wortstamm und Affixe) zerlegt werden. Der meisten Studien in diesem Bereich konzentrieren sich aufs Englische. Es wurde oft behauptet, dass mehrere Faktoren die morphologische Verarbeitung beeinflussen, darunter zum Beispiel die morphologische Struktur eines Wortes (z. B. das Vorhandensein allomorphischen Stammwechsels) und seine linguistische Natur (z. B. ob es sich um ein abgeleitetes Wort oder eine flektierte Wortform handelt). Es ist jedoch nicht klar, ob die postulierten Verarbeitungsmechanismen, die fast ausschließlich auf experimentellen Beweisen aus dem Englischen basieren, für andere Sprachen genauso gelten. Darüber hinaus gibt es Hinweise darauf, dass sich Verarbeitungsmechanismen in verschiedenen Bevölkerungsgruppen – einschließlich Kindern, erwachsenen Muttersprachlern und Sprachlernern – unterscheiden können. Neuere Studien behaupten, dass Verarbeitungsmechanismen zwischen älteren und jüngeren Erwachsenen möglicherweise auch unterschiedlich sind (Clahsen & Reifegerste, 2017; Reifegerste, Meyer, & Zwitserlood, 2017). In der vorliegenden Dissertation wurde untersucht, wie die morphologische Struktur, die Art der zugrunde liegenden linguistischen Operationen (z. B., der linguistische Kontrast zwischen Flexion und Ableitung) sowie Merkmale der jeweiligen Population, wie ältere Erwachsene (z. B. mögliche Auswirkungen des Alterns infolge kognitiven Rückgangs oder größerer Erfahrung von älteren Menschen) die ersten, vermeintlich automatischen Stadien der morphologischen Verarbeitung im Russischen und Deutschen beeinflussen. Zu diesem Zweck wurde eine Reihe von maskierten Priming Experimenten (auf English: masked priming) durchgeführt. In den Experimenten übers Russische wurde die Verarbeitung von abgeleiteten -ost'-Substantiven (z. B. glupost' - 'Dummheit') und von flektierten Formen mit und ohne allomorphischen Stammwechsel in der ersten Person Singular Präsens (z. B. igraju - igrat' 'spielen' im Vergleich zu košu - kosit' 'mähen') untersucht. Darüber hinaus wurden im ersten Experiment übers Deutsche die Verarbeitung von abgeleiteten Substantiven (z. B. Gründung 'founding') und von -t-Partizipien (z. B. gegründet 'founded') untersucht und direkt verglichen, während das zweite Experiment die Verarbeitung von regulären und irregulären Plural-Formen (d. h., -s-Pluralen wie z. B. Autos 'cars' und -er-Formen wie z. B, Kinder 'children') erforschte. Die Experimente in beiden Sprachen zeigten robuste und vergleichbare Priming-Effekte für abgeleitete Wörter und regelmäßig flektierte Formen ohne Stammveränderung (einschließlich -t-Partizipien im Deutschen und Formen von -aj- Verben im Russischen). Die gefundenen morphologischen Priming-Effekte konnten von rein semantischen oder orthographischen Verbindungen zwischen Wörtern klar abgegrenzt werden. Gleichzeitig fanden wir einen Kontrast zwischen Formen mit und ohne allomorphischen Stammwechsel im Russischen sowie zwischen regulären und irregulären Formen im Deutschen, mit signifikant mehr Priming für unmarkierte Stämme (im Vergleich zu alternierenden) und signifikant mehr Priming für reguläre Wortformen (im Vergleich zu irregulären). Diese Ergebnisse weisen auf die Relevanz morphologischer Eigenschaften eines Wortes für die ersten automatischen Phasen der Worterkennung hin, im Gegensatz zu Behauptungen in der fachlichen Literatur, die besagen, dass Priming-Effekte nur durch das Überlappen von Wörtern auf orthographischer und/oder semantischer Ebene entstehen. Stattdessen sind unsere Ergebnisse mehr im Einklang mit Ansätzen, die einen Kontrast zwischen kombinatorischen und regelbasierten versus lexikalisch gespeicherten Formen postulieren (Clahsen, Sonnenstuhl, & Blevins, 2003). Die Doktorarbeit befasste sich auch mit der Rolle des Alterns und altersbedingten kognitiven Veränderungen bei der morphologischen Verarbeitung. Die Ergebnisse dieses Forschungsthemas sind zweierlei. Einerseits demonstrieren die Daten die Auswirkungen des Alterns auf allgemeine Aspekte der Sprachleistung wie zum Beispiel generell längere Reaktionszeiten und/oder weniger Fehler bei älteren als bei jüngeren Personen. Ähnliche Ergebnisse in früheren Studien wurden oft mit allgemeiner Verringerung der Verarbeitungsgeschwindigkeit im höheren Alter und mit dem größeren Wortschatz älterer Erwachsener in Verbindung gebracht. Anderseits stellten wir fest, dass spezifische Aspekte der Sprachverarbeitung bei älteren Erwachsenen weitgehend intakt sind, was sich durch größtenteils vergleichbare morphologische Priming-Effekte für ältere und jüngere Erwachsene zeigt. Diese letzteren Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass die ersten Stadien der morphologischen Verarbeitung, die hier mittels maskierter Priming-Experimente untersucht wurden, im höheren Alter fortbestehen. Folgender Vorbehalt sollte jedoch beachtet werden: Das Erreichen der gleichen Leistung bei jüngeren und älteren Personen in solchen Aufgaben muss nicht unbedingt bedeuten, dass dieselben neuralen Prozesse beteiligt sind. Ältere Menschen müssen unter Umständen ein breiteres Gehirnnetzwerk rekrutieren als jüngere Menschen. Aus diesem Grund sollten zukünftige Studien auch die neuralen Repräsentationen und Mechanismen untersuchen, die an der morphologischen Verarbeitung bei jüngeren und älteren Menschen beteiligt sind. KW - morphology KW - processing KW - ageing KW - Russian KW - German KW - linguistics KW - Morphologie KW - Worterkennung KW - Altern KW - Russisch KW - Deutsch KW - Sprachwissenschaft Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-418605 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Paape, Dario L. J. F. A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Local coherence and preemptive digging-in effects in German T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - SOPARSE predicts so-called local coherence effects: locally plausible but globally impossible parses of substrings can exert a distracting influence during sentence processing. Additionally, it predicts digging-in effects: the longer the parser stays committed to a particular analysis, the harder it becomes to inhibit that analysis. We investigated the interaction of these two predictions using German sentences. Results from a self-paced reading study show that the processing difficulty caused by a local coherence can be reduced by first allowing the globally correct parse to become entrenched, which supports SOPARSE’s assumptions. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 417 KW - local coherence KW - digging-in effects KW - self-paced reading KW - SOPARSE KW - sentence processing KW - German Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-405337 IS - 417 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Adani, Flavia A1 - Stegenwallner-Schütz, Maja Henny Katherine A1 - Haendler, Yair A1 - Zukowski, Andrea T1 - Elicited production of relative clauses in German BT - evidence from typically developing children and children with specific language impairment T2 - Postprints der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe N2 - We elicited the production of various types of relative clauses in a group of German-speaking children with specific language impairment (SLI) and typically developing controls in order to test the movement optionality account of grammatical difficulty in SLI. The results show that German-speaking children with SLI are impaired in relative clause production compared to typically developing children. The alternative structures that they produce consist of simple main clauses, as well as nominal and prepositional phrases produced in isolation, sometimes contextually appropriate, and sometimes not. Crucially for evaluating the movement optionality account, children with SLI produce very few instances of embedded clauses where the relative clause head noun is pronounced in situ; in fact, such responses are more common among the typically developing child controls. These results underscore the difficulty German-speaking children with SLI have with structures involving movement, but provide no specific support for the movement optionality account. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 409 KW - elicited production KW - first language acquisition KW - German KW - relative clauses KW - specific language impairment Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-405149 IS - 409 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Adani, Flavia A1 - Stegenwallner-Schütz, Maja Henny Katherine A1 - Niesel, Talea T1 - The Peaceful Co-existence of Input Frequency and Structural Intervention Effects on the Comprehension of Complex Sentences in German-Speaking Children N2 - The predictions of two contrasting approaches to the acquisition of transitive relative clauses were tested within the same groups of German-speaking participants aged from 3 to 5 years old. The input frequency approach predicts that object relative clauses with inanimate heads (e.g., the pullover that the man is scratching) are comprehended earlier and more accurately than those with an animate head (e.g., the man that the boy is scratching). In contrast, the structural intervention approach predicts that object relative clauses with two full NP arguments mismatching in number (e.g., the man that the boys are scratching) are comprehended earlier and more accurately than those with number-matching NPs (e.g., the man that the boy is scratching). These approaches were tested in two steps. First, we ran a corpus analysis to ensure that object relative clauses with number-mismatching NPs are not more frequent than object relative clauses with number-matching NPs in child directed speech. Next, the comprehension of these structures was tested experimentally in 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds respectively by means of a color naming task. By comparing the predictions of the two approaches within the same participant groups, we were able to uncover that the effects predicted by the input frequency and by the structural intervention approaches co-exist and that they both influence the performance of children on transitive relative clauses, but in a manner that is modulated by age. These results reveal a sensitivity to animacy mismatch already being demonstrated by 3-year-olds and show that animacy is initially deployed more reliably than number to interpret relative clauses correctly. In all age groups, the animacy mismatch appears to explain the performance of children, thus, showing that the comprehension of frequent object relative clauses is enhanced compared to the other conditions. Starting with 4-year-olds but especially in 5-year-olds, the number mismatch supported comprehension—a facilitation that is unlikely to be driven by input frequency. Once children fine-tune their sensitivity to verb agreement information around the age of four, they are also able to deploy number marking to overcome the intervention effects. This study highlights the importance of testing experimentally contrasting theoretical approaches in order to characterize the multifaceted, developmental nature of language acquisition. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - 352 KW - German KW - animacy KW - input frequency KW - language acquisition KW - number KW - relative clauses KW - sentence comprehension Y1 - 2017 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-403672 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Adani, Flavia A1 - Stegenwallner-Schütz, Maja Henny Katherine A1 - Niesel, Talea T1 - The Peaceful Co-existence of Input Frequency and Structural Intervention Effects on the Comprehension of Complex Sentences in German-Speaking Children JF - Frontiers in psychology N2 - The predictions of two contrasting approaches to the acquisition of transitive relative clauses were tested within the same groups of German-speaking participants aged from 3 to 5 years old. The input frequency approach predicts that object relative clauses with inanimate heads (e.g., the pullover that the man is scratching) are comprehended earlier and more accurately than those with an animate head (e.g., the man that the boy is scratching). In contrast, the structural intervention approach predicts that object relative clauses with two full NP arguments mismatching in number (e.g., the man that the boys are scratching) are comprehended earlier and more accurately than those with number-matching NPs (e.g., the man that the boy is scratching). These approaches were tested in two steps. First, we ran a corpus analysis to ensure that object relative clauses with number-mismatching NPs are not more frequent than object relative clauses with number-matching NPs in child directed speech. Next, the comprehension of these structures was tested experimentally in 3-, 4-, and 5-year-olds respectively by means of a color naming task. By comparing the predictions of the two approaches within the same participant groups, we were able to uncover that the effects predicted by the input frequency and by the structural intervention approaches co-exist and that they both influence the performance of children on transitive relative clauses, but in a manner that is modulated by age. These results reveal a sensitivity to animacy mismatch already being demonstrated by 3-year-olds and show that animacy is initially deployed more reliably than number to interpret relative clauses correctly. In all age groups, the animacy mismatch appears to explain the performance of children, thus, showing that the comprehension of frequent object relative clauses is enhanced compared to the other conditions. Starting with 4-year-olds but especially in 5-year-olds, the number mismatch supported comprehension—a facilitation that is unlikely to be driven by input frequency. Once children fine-tune their sensitivity to verb agreement information around the age of four, they are also able to deploy number marking to overcome the intervention effects. This study highlights the importance of testing experimentally contrasting theoretical approaches in order to characterize the multifaceted, developmental nature of language acquisition. KW - relative clauses KW - sentence comprehension KW - input frequency KW - number KW - animacy KW - language acquisition KW - German Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01590 SN - 1664-1078 VL - 8 SP - 1 EP - 11 PB - Frontiers Research Foundation CY - Lausanne ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Jäger, Lena Ann A1 - Benz, Lena A1 - Roeser, Jens A1 - Dillon, Brian W. A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Teasing apart retrieval and encoding interference in the processing of anaphors JF - Frontiers in psychology N2 - Two classes of account have been proposed to explain the memory processes subserving the processing of reflexive-antecedent dependencies. Structure-based accounts assume that the retrieval of the antecedent is guided by syntactic tree-configurational information without considering other kinds of information such as gender marking in the case of English reflexives. By contrast, unconstrained cue-based retrieval assumes that all available information is used for retrieving the antecedent. Similarity-based interference effects from structurally illicit distractors which match a non-structural retrieval cue have been interpreted as evidence favoring the unconstrained cue-based retrieval account since cue-based retrieval interference from structurally illicit distractors is incompatible with the structure-based account. However, it has been argued that the observed effects do not necessarily reflect interference occurring at the moment of retrieval but might equally well be accounted for by interference occurring already at the stage of encoding or maintaining the antecedent in memory, in which case they cannot be taken as evidence against the structure-based account. We present three experiments (self-paced reading and eye-tracking) on German reflexives and Swedish reflexive and pronominal possessives in which we pit the predictions of encoding interference and cue-based retrieval interference against each other. We could not find any indication that encoding interference affects the processing ease of the reflexive-antecedent dependency formation. Thus, there is no evidence that encoding interference might be the explanation for the interference effects observed in previous work. We therefore conclude that invoking encoding interference may not be a plausible way to reconcile interference effects with a structure-based account of reflexive processing. KW - anaphors KW - reflexives KW - possessives KW - eye-tracking KW - German KW - Swedish KW - working-memory KW - interference Y1 - 2015 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.00506 SN - 1664-1078 VL - 6 PB - Frontiers Research Foundation CY - Lausanne ER -