TY  - JOUR
A1  - Felser, Claudia
A1  - Drummer, Janna-Deborah
T1  - Binding out of relative clauses in native and non-native sentence comprehension
JF  - Journal of psycholinguistic research
N2  - Pronouns can sometimes covary with a non c-commanding quantifier phrase (QP). To obtain such 'telescoping' readings, a semantic representation must be computed in which the QP's semantic scope extends beyond its surface scope. Non-native speakers have been claimed to have more difficulty than native speakers deriving such non-isomorphic syntax-semantics mappings, but evidence from processing studies is scarce. We report the results from an eye-movement monitoring experiment and an offline questionnaire investigating whether native and non-native speakers of German can link personal pronouns to non c-commanding QPs inside relative clauses. Our results show that both participant groups were able to obtain telescoping readings offline, but only the native speakers showed evidence of forming telescoping dependencies during incremental parsing. During processing the non-native speakers focused on a discourse-prominent, non-quantified alternative antecedent instead. The observed group differences indicate that non-native comprehenders have more difficulty than native comprehenders computing scope-shifted representations in real time.
KW  - Pronoun binding
KW  - c-command
KW  - Eye-movement monitoring
KW  - Non-native language
KW  - processing
KW  - German
Y1  - 2022
U6  - https://doi.org/10.1007/s10936-022-09845-z
SN  - 0090-6905
SN  - 1573-6555
VL  - 51
IS  - 4
SP  - 763
EP  - 788
PB  - Springer
CY  - New York
ER  - 
TY  - JOUR
A1  - Puebla Antunes, Cecilia
A1  - Felser, Claudia
T1  - Discourse Prominence and Antecedent MisRetrieval during Native and Non-Native Pronoun Resolution
JF  - Discours : revue de linguistique, psycholinguistique et informatique
N2  - Previous studies on non-native (L2) anaphor resolution suggest that L2 comprehenders are guided more strongly by discourse-level cues compared to native (L1) comprehenders. Here we examine whether and how a grammatically inappropriate antecedent’s discourse status affects the likelihood of it being considered during L1 and L2 pronoun resolution. We used an interference paradigm to examine how the extrasentential discourse impacts the resolution of German object pronouns. In an eye-tracking-during-reading experiment we examined whether an elaborated local antecedent ruled out by binding Condition B would be mis-retrieved during pronoun resolution, and whether initially introducing this antecedent as the discourse topic would affect the chances of it being mis-retrieved. While both participant groups rejected the inappropriate antecedent in an offline questionnaire irrespective of its discourse prominence, their real-time processing patterns differed. L1 speakers initially mis-retrieved the inappropriate antecedent regardless of its contextual prominence. L1 Russian/L2 German speakers, in contrast, were affected by the antecedent’s discourse status, considering it only when it was discourse-new but not when it had previously been introduced as the discourse topic. Our findings show that L2 comprehenders are highly sensitive to discourse dynamics such as topic shifts, supporting the claim that discourse-level cues are more strongly weighted during L2 compared to L1 processing.
KW  - pronoun resolution
KW  - non-native sentence processing
KW  - discourse
KW  - prominence
KW  - interference
KW  - German
KW  - eye-movement monitoring
Y1  - 2022
U6  - https://doi.org/10.4000/discours.11720
SN  - 1963-1723
IS  - 29
PB  - Université de Paris-Sorbonne, Maion Recherche
CY  - Paris
ER  -