TY - JOUR A1 - Hyönä, Jukka A1 - Heikkilä, Timo T. A1 - Vainio, Seppo A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Parafoveal access to word stem during reading BT - an eye movement study JF - Cognition : international journal of cognitive science N2 - Previous studies (Hyona, Yan, & Vainio, 2018; Yan et al., 2014) have demonstrated that in morphologically rich languages a word's morphological status is processed parafoveally to be used in modulating saccadic programming in reading. In the present parafoveal preview study conducted in Finnish, we examined the exact nature of this effect by comparing reading of morphologically complex words (a stem + two suffixes) to that of monomorphemic words. In the preview-change condition, the final 3-4 letters were replaced with other letters making the target word a pseudoword; for suffixed words, the word stem remained intact but the suffix information was unavailable; for monomorphemic words, only part of the stem was parafoveally available. Three alternative predictions were put forth. According to the first alternative, the morphological effect in initial fixation location is due to parafoveally perceiving the suffix as a highly frequent letter cluster and then adjusting the saccade program to land closer to the word beginning for suffixed than monomorphemic words. The second alternative, the processing difficulty hypothesis, assumes a morphological complexity effect: suffixed words are more complex than monomorphemic words. Therefore, the attentional window is narrower and the saccade is shorter. The third alternative posits that the effect reflects parafoveal access to the word's stem. The results for the initial fixation location and fixation durations were consistent with the parafoveal stem-access view. KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Morphological complexity KW - Parafoveal processing KW - Display change KW - Initial fixation location Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2020.104547 SN - 0010-0277 SN - 1873-7838 VL - 208 PB - Elsevier CY - Amsterdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Yan, Ming A1 - Pan, Jinger A1 - Chang, Wenshuo A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Read sideways or not: vertical saccade advantage in sentence reading JF - Reading and writing : an interdisciplinary journal N2 - During the reading of alphabetic scripts and scene perception, eye movements are programmed more efficiently in horizontal direction than in vertical direction. We propose that such a directional advantage may be due the overwhelming reading experience in the horizontal direction. Writing orientation is highly flexible for Traditional Chinese sentences. We compare horizontal and vertical eye movements during reading of such sentences and provide first evidence of a text-orientation effect on eye-movement control during reading. In addition to equivalent reading speed in both directions, more fine-grained analyses demonstrate a tradeoff between longer fixation durations and better fixation locations in vertical than in horizontal reading. Our results suggest that with extensive reading experience, Traditional Chinese readers can generate saccades more efficiently in vertical than in horizontal direction. KW - Chinese KW - Eye movement KW - Reading KW - Text orientation Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/s11145-018-9930-x SN - 0922-4777 SN - 1573-0905 VL - 32 IS - 8 SP - 1911 EP - 1926 PB - Springer CY - Dordrecht ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Laurinavichyute, Anna A1 - Sekerina, Irina A. A1 - Alexeeva, Svetlana A1 - Bagdasaryan, Kristine A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Russian Sentence Corpus: Benchmark measures of eye movements in reading in Russian JF - Behavior research methods : a journal of the Psychonomic Society N2 - This article introduces a new corpus of eye movements in silent readingthe Russian Sentence Corpus (RSC). Russian uses the Cyrillic script, which has not yet been investigated in cross-linguistic eye movement research. As in every language studied so far, we confirmed the expected effects of low-level parameters, such as word length, frequency, and predictability, on the eye movements of skilled Russian readers. These findings allow us to add Slavic languages using Cyrillic script (exemplified by Russian) to the growing number of languages with different orthographies, ranging from the Roman-based European languages to logographic Asian ones, whose basic eye movement benchmarks conform to the universal comparative science of reading (Share, 2008). We additionally report basic descriptive corpus statistics and three exploratory investigations of the effects of Russian morphology on the basic eye movement measures, which illustrate the kinds of questions that researchers can answer using the RSC. The annotated corpus is freely available from its project page at the Open Science Framework: https://osf.io/x5q2r/. KW - Reading KW - Eye movements KW - Russian KW - Ambiguity KW - Part of speech KW - Corpus Y1 - 2019 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3758/s13428-018-1051-6 SN - 1554-351X SN - 1554-3528 VL - 51 IS - 3 SP - 1161 EP - 1178 PB - Springer CY - New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hohenstein, Sven A1 - Matuschek, Hannes A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Linked linear mixed models: A joint analysis of fixation locations and fixation durations in natural reading JF - Psychonomic bulletin & review : a journal of the Psychonomic Society N2 - The complexity of eye-movement control during reading allows measurement of many dependent variables, the most prominent ones being fixation durations and their locations in words. In current practice, either variable may serve as dependent variable or covariate for the other in linear mixed models (LMMs) featuring also psycholinguistic covariates of word recognition and sentence comprehension. Rather than analyzing fixation location and duration with separate LMMs, we propose linking the two according to their sequential dependency. Specifically, we include predicted fixation location (estimated in the first LMM from psycholinguistic covariates) and its associated residual fixation location as covariates in the second, fixation-duration LMM. This linked LMM affords a distinction between direct and indirect effects (mediated through fixation location) of psycholinguistic covariates on fixation durations. Results confirm the robustness of distributed processing in the perceptual span. They also offer a resolution of the paradox of the inverted optimal viewing position (IOVP) effect (i.e., longer fixation durations in the center than at the beginning and end of words) although the opposite (i.e., an OVP effect) is predicted from default assumptions of psycholinguistic processing efficiency: The IOVP effect in fixation durations is due to the residual fixation-location covariate, presumably driven primarily by saccadic error, and the OVP effect (at least the left part of it) is uncovered with the predicted fixation-location covariate, capturing the indirect effects of psycholinguistic covariates. We expect that linked LMMs will be useful for the analysis of other dynamically related multiple outcomes, a conundrum of most psychonomic research. KW - Linear mixed model KW - Model linkage KW - Eye movements KW - Reading Y1 - 2017 U6 - https://doi.org/10.3758/s13423-016-1138-y SN - 1069-9384 SN - 1531-5320 VL - 24 SP - 637 EP - 651 PB - Springer CY - New York ER - TY - JOUR A1 - von der Malsburg, Titus Raban A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Determinants of Scanpath Regularity in Reading JF - Cognitive science : a multidisciplinary journal of anthropology, artificial intelligence, education, linguistics, neuroscience, philosophy, psychology ; journal of the Cognitive Science Society N2 - Scanpaths have played an important role in classic research on reading behavior. Nevertheless, they have largely been neglected in later research perhaps due to a lack of suitable analytical tools. Recently, von der Malsburg and Vasishth (2011) proposed a new measure for quantifying differences between scanpaths and demonstrated that this measure can recover effects that were missed with the traditional eyetracking measures. However, the sentences used in that study were difficult to process and scanpath effects accordingly strong. The purpose of the present study was to test the validity, sensitivity, and scope of applicability of the scanpath measure, using simple sentences that are typically read from left to right. We derived predictions for the regularity of scanpaths from the literature on oculomotor control, sentence processing, and cognitive aging and tested these predictions using the scanpath measure and a large database of eye movements. All predictions were confirmed: Sentences with short words and syntactically more difficult sentences elicited more irregular scanpaths. Also, older readers produced more irregular scanpaths than younger readers. In addition, we found an effect that was not reported earlier: Syntax had a smaller influence on the eye movements of older readers than on those of young readers. We discuss this interaction of syntactic parsing cost with age in terms of shifts in processing strategies and a decline of executive control as readers age. Overall, our results demonstrate the validity and sensitivity of the scanpath measure and thus establish it as a productive and versatile tool for reading research. KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Scanpaths KW - Language understanding KW - Oculo-motor control KW - Individual differences KW - Aging KW - Development Y1 - 2015 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/cogs.12208 SN - 0364-0213 SN - 1551-6709 VL - 39 IS - 7 SP - 1675 EP - 1703 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Pan, Jinger A1 - Yan, Ming A1 - Laubrock, Jochen A1 - Shu, Hua A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Saccade-target selection of dyslexic children when reading Chinese JF - Vision research : an international journal for functional aspects of vision. N2 - This study investigates the eye movements of dyslexic children and their age-matched controls when reading Chinese. Dyslexic children exhibited more and longer fixations than age-matched control children, and an increase of word length resulted in a greater increase in the number of fixations and gaze durations for the dyslexic than for the control readers. The report focuses on the finding that there was a significant difference between the two groups in the fixation landing position as a function of word length in single-fixation cases, while there was no such difference in the initial fixation of multi-fixation cases. We also found that both groups had longer incoming saccade amplitudes while the launch sites were closer to the word in single fixation cases than in multi-fixation cases. Our results suggest that dyslexic children's inefficient lexical processing, in combination with the absence of orthographic word boundaries in Chinese, leads them to select saccade targets at the beginning of words conservatively. These findings provide further evidence for parafoveal word segmentation during reading of Chinese sentences. KW - Chinese KW - Dyslexic children KW - Eye movements KW - Saccade-target selection KW - Reading Y1 - 2014 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.visres.2014.01.014 SN - 0042-6989 SN - 1878-5646 VL - 97 SP - 24 EP - 30 PB - Elsevier CY - Oxford ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Risse, Sarah A1 - Hohenstein, Sven A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold A1 - Engbert, Ralf T1 - A theoretical analysis of the perceptual span based on SWIFT simulations of the n+2 boundary paradigm JF - Visual cognition N2 - Eye-movement experiments suggest that the perceptual span during reading is larger than the fixated word, asymmetric around the fixation position, and shrinks in size contingent on the foveal processing load. We used the SWIFT model of eye-movement control during reading to test these hypotheses and their implications under the assumption of graded parallel processing of all words inside the perceptual span. Specifically, we simulated reading in the boundary paradigm and analysed the effects of denying the model to have valid preview of a parafoveal word n + 2 two words to the right of fixation. Optimizing the model parameters for the valid preview condition only, we obtained span parameters with remarkably realistic estimates conforming to the empirical findings on the size of the perceptual span. More importantly, the SWIFT model generated parafoveal processing up to word n + 2 without fitting the model to such preview effects. Our results suggest that asymmetry and dynamic modulation are plausible properties of the perceptual span in a parallel word-processing model such as SWIFT. Moreover, they seem to guide the flexible distribution of processing resources during reading between foveal and parafoveal words. KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Computational modelling KW - Perceptual span KW - Preview Y1 - 2014 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/13506285.2014.881444 SN - 1350-6285 SN - 1464-0716 VL - 22 IS - 3-4 SP - 283 EP - 308 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - Abingdon ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold A1 - Hohenstein, Sven A1 - Yan, Ming A1 - McDonald, Scott A. T1 - How preview space/time translates into preview cost/benefit for fixation durations during reading JF - The quarterly journal of experimental psychology N2 - Eye-movement control during reading depends on foveal and parafoveal information. If the parafoveal preview of the next word is suppressed, reading is less efficient. A linear mixed model (LMM) reanalysis of McDonald (2006) confirmed his observation that preview benefit may be limited to parafoveal words that have been selected as the saccade target. Going beyond the original analyses, in the same LMM, we examined how the preview effect (i.e., the difference in single-fixation duration, SFD, between random-letter and identical preview) depends on the gaze duration on the pretarget word and on the amplitude of the saccade moving the eye onto the target word. There were two key results: (a) The shorter the saccade amplitude (i.e., the larger preview space), the shorter a subsequent SFD with an identical preview; this association was not observed with a random-letter preview. (b) However, the longer the gaze duration on the pretarget word, the longer the subsequent SFD on the target, with the difference between random-letter string and identical previews increasing with preview time. A third patternincreasing cost of a random-letter string in the parafovea associated with shorter saccade amplitudeswas observed for target gaze durations. Thus, LMMs revealed that preview effects, which are typically summarized under preview benefit, are a complex mixture of preview cost and preview benefit and vary with preview space and preview time. The consequence for reading is that parafoveal preview may not only facilitate, but also interfere with lexical access. KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Preview effects KW - Linear mixed model KW - Boundary paradigm Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2012.658073 SN - 1747-0218 SN - 1747-0226 VL - 66 IS - 3 SP - 581 EP - 600 PB - Wiley CY - Hove ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Engelmann, Felix A1 - Vasishth, Shravan A1 - Engbert, Ralf A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - A framework for modeling the interaction of syntactic processing and eye movement control JF - Topics in cognitive science N2 - We explore the interaction between oculomotor control and language comprehension on the sentence level using two well-tested computational accounts of parsing difficulty. Previous work (Boston, Hale, Vasishth, & Kliegl, 2011) has shown that surprisal (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008) and cue-based memory retrieval (Lewis & Vasishth, 2005) are significant and complementary predictors of reading time in an eyetracking corpus. It remains an open question how the sentence processor interacts with oculomotor control. Using a simple linking hypothesis proposed in Reichle, Warren, and McConnell (2009), we integrated both measures with the eye movement model EMMA (Salvucci, 2001) inside the cognitive architecture ACT-R (Anderson et al., 2004). We built a reading model that could initiate short Time Out regressions (Mitchell, Shen, Green, & Hodgson, 2008) that compensate for slow postlexical processing. This simple interaction enabled the model to predict the re-reading of words based on parsing difficulty. The model was evaluated in different configurations on the prediction of frequency effects on the Potsdam Sentence Corpus. The extension of EMMA with postlexical processing improved its predictions and reproduced re-reading rates and durations with a reasonable fit to the data. This demonstration, based on simple and independently motivated assumptions, serves as a foundational step toward a precise investigation of the interaction between high-level language processing and eye movement control. KW - Sentence comprehension KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Parsing difficulty KW - Working memory KW - Surprisal KW - Computational modeling Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/tops.12026 SN - 1756-8757 VL - 5 IS - 3 SP - 452 EP - 474 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Boston, Marisa Ferrara A1 - Hale, John T. A1 - Vasishth, Shravan A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - Parallel processing and sentence comprehension difficulty JF - Language and cognitive processes N2 - Eye fixation durations during normal reading correlate with processing difficulty, but the specific cognitive mechanisms reflected in these measures are not well understood. This study finds support in German readers' eye fixations for two distinct difficulty metrics: surprisal, which reflects the change in probabilities across syntactic analyses as new words are integrated; and retrieval, which quantifies comprehension difficulty in terms of working memory constraints. We examine the predictions of both metrics using a family of dependency parsers indexed by an upper limit on the number of candidate syntactic analyses they retain at successive words. Surprisal models all fixation measures and regression probability. By contrast, retrieval does not model any measure in serial processing. As more candidate analyses are considered in parallel at each word, retrieval can account for the same measures as surprisal. This pattern suggests an important role for ranked parallelism in theories of sentence comprehension. KW - Reading KW - Parsing KW - Computer model KW - Corpus Y1 - 2011 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2010.492228 SN - 0169-0965 VL - 26 IS - 3 SP - 301 EP - 349 PB - Wiley CY - Hove ER -