TY - JOUR A1 - Paape, Dario L. J. F. A1 - Hemforth, Barbara A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Processing of ellipsis with garden-path antecedents in French and German BT - Evidence from eye tracking JF - PLoS ONE N2 - In a self-paced reading study on German sluicing, Paape (Paape, 2016) found that reading times were shorter at the ellipsis site when the antecedent was a temporarily ambiguous garden-path structure. As a post-hoc explanation of this finding, Paape assumed that the antecedent’s memory representation was reactivated during syntactic reanalysis, making it easier to retrieve. In two eye tracking experiments, we subjected the reactivation hypothesis to further empirical scrutiny. Experiment 1, carried out in French, showed no evidence in favor in the reactivation hypothesis. Instead, results for one out of the three types of garden-path sentences that were tested suggest that subjects sometimes failed to resolve the temporary ambiguity in the antecedent clause, and subsequently failed to resolve the ellipsis. The results of Experiment 2, a conceptual replication of Paape’s (Paape, 2016) original study carried out in German, are compatible with the reactivation hypothesis, but leave open the possibility that the observed speedup for ambiguous antecedents may be due to occasional retrievals of an incorrect structure. KW - verb-phrase ellipsis KW - lingering misinterpretation KW - sentence comprehension KW - memory KW - ambiguities KW - activation KW - hypothesis KW - discourse KW - clauses Y1 - 2018 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0198620 SN - 1932-6203 VL - 13 IS - 6 SP - 1 EP - 46 PB - PLOS CY - San Francisco ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Husain, Samar A1 - Vasishth, Shravan A1 - Srinivasan, Narayanan T1 - Integration and prediction difficulty in Hindi sentence comprehension: Evidence from an eye-tracking corpus JF - Journal of Eye Movement Research N2 - This is the first attempt at characterizing reading difficulty in Hindi using naturally occurring sentences. We created the Potsdam-Allahabad Hindi Eyetracking Corpus by recording eye-movement data from 30 participants at the University of Allahabad, India. The target stimuli were 153 sentences selected from the beta version of the Hindi-Urdu treebank. We find that word- or low-level predictors (syllable length, unigram and bigram frequency) affect first-pass reading times, regression path duration, total reading time, and outgoing saccade length. An increase in syllable length results in longer fixations, and an increase in word unigram and bigram frequency leads to shorter fixations. Longer syllable length and higher frequency lead to longer outgoing saccades. We also find that two predictors of sentence comprehension difficulty, integration and storage cost, have an effect on reading difficulty. Integration cost (Gibson, 2000) was approximated by calculating the distance (in words) between a dependent and head; and storage cost (Gibson, 2000), which measures difficulty of maintaining predictions, was estimated by counting the number of predicted heads at each point in the sentence. We find that integration cost mainly affects outgoing saccade length, and storage cost affects total reading times and outgoing saccade length. Thus, word-level predictors have an effect in both early and late measures of reading time, while predictors of sentence comprehension difficulty tend to affect later measures. This is, to our knowledge, the first demonstration using eye-tracking that both integration and storage cost influence reading difficulty. KW - reading KW - Hindi KW - eye-tracking KW - sentence comprehension KW - integration cost KW - storage cost Y1 - 2015 SN - 1995-8692 VL - 8 IS - 2 PB - International Group for Eye Movement Research CY - Bern ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Vasishth, Shravan A1 - Kentner, Gerrit ED - Crocker, Matthew W. T1 - Prosodic focus marking in silent reading BT - effects of discourse context and rhythm JF - Frontiers in psychology N2 - Understanding a sentence and integrating it into the discourse depends upon the identification of its focus, which, in spoken German, is marked by accentuation. In the case of written language, which lacks explicit cues to accent, readers have to draw on other kinds of information to determine the focus. We study the joint or interactive effects of two kinds of information that have no direct representation in print but have each been shown to be influential in the reader’s text comprehension: (i) the (low-level)rhythmic-prosodic structure that is based on the distribution of lexically stressed syllables, and (ii) the (high-level) discourse context that is grounded in the memory of previous linguistic content. Systematically manipulating these factors, we examine the way readers resolve a syntactic ambiguity involving the scopally ambiguous focus operator auch (engl. “too”) in both oral (Experiment 1) and silent reading (Experiment 2). The results of both experiments attest that discourse context and local linguistic rhythm conspire to guide the syntactic and, oncomitantly, the focus-structural analysis of ambiguous sentences. We argue that reading comprehension requires the (implicit) assignment of accents according to the focus structure and that, by establishing a prominence profile, the implicit prosodic rhythm directly affects accent assignment. KW - linguistic rhythm KW - eye tracking KW - sentence comprehension KW - syntactic parsing KW - implicit prosody Y1 - 2016 UR - https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00319/full U6 - https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00319 VL - 2016 IS - 7 SP - 1 EP - 19 ER -