TY - JOUR A1 - Engelmann, Felix A1 - Vasishth, Shravan A1 - Engbert, Ralf A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold T1 - A framework for modeling the interaction of syntactic processing and eye movement control JF - Topics in cognitive science N2 - We explore the interaction between oculomotor control and language comprehension on the sentence level using two well-tested computational accounts of parsing difficulty. Previous work (Boston, Hale, Vasishth, & Kliegl, 2011) has shown that surprisal (Hale, 2001; Levy, 2008) and cue-based memory retrieval (Lewis & Vasishth, 2005) are significant and complementary predictors of reading time in an eyetracking corpus. It remains an open question how the sentence processor interacts with oculomotor control. Using a simple linking hypothesis proposed in Reichle, Warren, and McConnell (2009), we integrated both measures with the eye movement model EMMA (Salvucci, 2001) inside the cognitive architecture ACT-R (Anderson et al., 2004). We built a reading model that could initiate short Time Out regressions (Mitchell, Shen, Green, & Hodgson, 2008) that compensate for slow postlexical processing. This simple interaction enabled the model to predict the re-reading of words based on parsing difficulty. The model was evaluated in different configurations on the prediction of frequency effects on the Potsdam Sentence Corpus. The extension of EMMA with postlexical processing improved its predictions and reproduced re-reading rates and durations with a reasonable fit to the data. This demonstration, based on simple and independently motivated assumptions, serves as a foundational step toward a precise investigation of the interaction between high-level language processing and eye movement control. KW - Sentence comprehension KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Parsing difficulty KW - Working memory KW - Surprisal KW - Computational modeling Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1111/tops.12026 SN - 1756-8757 VL - 5 IS - 3 SP - 452 EP - 474 PB - Wiley-Blackwell CY - Hoboken ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ghahghaei, Saeideh A1 - Linnell, Karina J. A1 - Fischer, Martin H. A1 - Dubey, Amit A1 - Davis, Robert T1 - Effects of load on the time course of attentional engagement, disengagement, and orienting in reading JF - The quarterly journal of experimental psychology N2 - We examined how the frequency of the fixated word influences the spatiotemporal distribution of covert attention during reading. Participants discriminated gaze-contingent probes that occurred with different spatial and temporal offsets from randomly chosen fixation points during reading. We found that attention was initially focused at fixation and that subsequent defocusing was slower when the fixated word was lower in frequency. Later in a fixation, attention oriented more towards the next saccadic target for high- than for low-frequency words. These results constitute the first report of the time course of the effect of load on attentional engagement and orienting in reading. They are discussed in the context of serial and parallel models of reading. KW - Attention KW - Load KW - Reading KW - Time course KW - Word frequency KW - Engagement KW - Disengagement KW - Orienting Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2011.635795 SN - 1747-0218 VL - 66 IS - 3 SP - 453 EP - 470 PB - Wiley CY - Hove ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kliegl, Reinhold A1 - Hohenstein, Sven A1 - Yan, Ming A1 - McDonald, Scott A. T1 - How preview space/time translates into preview cost/benefit for fixation durations during reading JF - The quarterly journal of experimental psychology N2 - Eye-movement control during reading depends on foveal and parafoveal information. If the parafoveal preview of the next word is suppressed, reading is less efficient. A linear mixed model (LMM) reanalysis of McDonald (2006) confirmed his observation that preview benefit may be limited to parafoveal words that have been selected as the saccade target. Going beyond the original analyses, in the same LMM, we examined how the preview effect (i.e., the difference in single-fixation duration, SFD, between random-letter and identical preview) depends on the gaze duration on the pretarget word and on the amplitude of the saccade moving the eye onto the target word. There were two key results: (a) The shorter the saccade amplitude (i.e., the larger preview space), the shorter a subsequent SFD with an identical preview; this association was not observed with a random-letter preview. (b) However, the longer the gaze duration on the pretarget word, the longer the subsequent SFD on the target, with the difference between random-letter string and identical previews increasing with preview time. A third patternincreasing cost of a random-letter string in the parafovea associated with shorter saccade amplitudeswas observed for target gaze durations. Thus, LMMs revealed that preview effects, which are typically summarized under preview benefit, are a complex mixture of preview cost and preview benefit and vary with preview space and preview time. The consequence for reading is that parafoveal preview may not only facilitate, but also interfere with lexical access. KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Preview effects KW - Linear mixed model KW - Boundary paradigm Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2012.658073 SN - 1747-0218 SN - 1747-0226 VL - 66 IS - 3 SP - 581 EP - 600 PB - Wiley CY - Hove ER - TY - INPR A1 - Murray, Wayne S. A1 - Fischer, Martin H. A1 - Tatler, Benjamin W. T1 - Serial and parallel processes in eye movement control - current controversies and future directions T2 - The quarterly journal of experimental psychology N2 - In this editorial for the Special Issue on Serial and Parallel Processing in Reading we explore the background to the current debate concerning whether the word recognition processes in reading are strictly serialsequential or take place in an overlapping parallel fashion. We consider the history of the controversy and some of the underlying assumptions, together with an analysis of the types of evidence and arguments that have been adduced to both sides of the debate, concluding that both accounts necessarily presuppose some weakening of, or elasticity in, the eyemind assumption. We then consider future directions, both for reading research and for scene viewing, and wrap up the editorial with a brief overview of the following articles and their conclusions. KW - Serial and parallel KW - Eye movements KW - Reading KW - Scene perception KW - Modality KW - Modelling KW - Eyemind assumption KW - Decoupling KW - Alan Kennedy Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/17470218.2012.759979 SN - 1747-0218 VL - 66 IS - 3 SP - 417 EP - 428 PB - Wiley CY - Hove ER - TY - JOUR A1 - von der Malsburg, Titus Raban A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Scanpaths reveal syntactic underspecification and reanalysis strategies JF - Language and cognitive processes N2 - What theories best characterise the parsing processes triggered upon encountering ambiguity, and what effects do these processes have on eye movement patterns in reading? The present eye-tracking study, which investigated processing of attachment ambiguities of an adjunct in Spanish, suggests that readers sometimes underspecify attachment to save memory resources, consistent with the good-enough account of parsing. Our results confirm a surprising prediction of the good-enough account: high-capacity readers commit to an attachment decision more often than low-capacity participants, leading to more errors and a greater need to reanalyse in garden-path sentences. These results emerged only when we separated functionally different types of regressive eye movements using a scanpath analysis; conventional eye-tracking measures alone would have led to different conclusions. The scanpath analysis also showed that rereading was the dominant strategy for recovering from garden-pathing. Our results may also have broader implications for models of reading processes: reanalysis effects in eye movements occurred late, which suggests that the coupling of oculo-motor control and the parser may not be as tight as assumed in current computational models of eye movement control in reading. KW - Reading KW - Eye movements KW - Scanpaths KW - Parsing KW - Reanalysis KW - Individual differences KW - Working memory KW - Underspecification Y1 - 2013 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2012.728232 SN - 0169-0965 SN - 1464-0732 VL - 28 IS - 10 SP - 1545 EP - 1578 PB - Wiley CY - Hove ER -