TY - BOOK A1 - Fanselow, Gisbert A1 - Féry, Caroline T1 - A short treatise of optimality theory T3 - Linguistics in Potsdam - 18 Y1 - 2002 SN - 978-3-935024-54-9 SN - 1616-7392 PB - Univ.-Bibliothek Publ.-Stelle CY - Potsdam ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline T1 - Alvin A. Liberman Y1 - 1999 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline A1 - Drenhaus, Heiner T1 - Animacy and child language : An OT account N2 - In this paper we report the results of an elicited imitation task on dative case marking in non-canonical double object constructions with 22 German children (3;9-6;8). The aim was to test the proficiency of the children's grammar and to see which strategies they use to produce ditransitive sentences in which the direct object precedes the indirect object. The analysis of the children's utterances/imitations shows that the animacy of the direct object affects the overt dative case marking of the indirect object. Children made more errors repeating dative case marking when the direct object was inanimate, i.e., they produced the accusative case on the indirect object (non-adult-like). When both objects were animate, children correctly produced the dative case on the indirect object. We describe and account for these performance strategies of the children in the framework of Optimality Theory. Assuming that the same universal constraints are at work as in the adult grammar, the difference between adults and children lies in the constraint ranking. We focus on a prominent pattern found in children's performance, which is absent (or rather oppressed) in the corresponding adult performance, and show that one and the same grammar accounts for both (in the sense of "strong continuity"). (c) 2007 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. Y1 - 2008 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2007.02.006 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline A1 - Skopeteas, Stavros T1 - Contrastive Topics in Pairing Answers : a Cross-Linguistic Production Study Y1 - 2007 SN - 3-11-019315-9 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline T1 - Final Devoicing and the stratification of the lexicon in German Y1 - 2003 SN - 90-272-4745-5 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline T1 - Focus and Phrasing in French Y1 - 2001 SN - 3-05-003672-9 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline A1 - Samek-Lodovici, Vieri T1 - Focus projection and prosodic prominence in nested foci Y1 - 2006 UR - http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/language/ SN - 0097-8507 ER - TY - GEN A1 - Patil, Umesh A1 - Kentner, Gerrit A1 - Gollrad, Anja A1 - Kügler, Frank A1 - Féry, Caroline A1 - Vasishth, Shravan T1 - Focus, word order and intonation in Hindi N2 - A production study is presented that investigates the effects of word order and information structural context on the prosodic realization of declarative sentences in Hindi. Previous work on Hindi intonation has shown that: (i) non-final content words bear rising pitch accents (Moore 1965, Dyrud 2001, Nair 1999); (ii) focused constituents show greater pitch excursion and longer duration and that post-focal material undergoes pitch range reduction (Moore 1965, Harnsberger 1994, Harnsberger and Judge 1996); and (iii) focused constituents may be followed by a phrase break (Moore 1965). By means of a controlled experiment, we investigated the effect of focus in relation to word order variation using 1200 utterances produced by 20 speakers. Fundamental frequency (F0) and duration of constituents were measured in Subject-Object-Verb (SOV) and Object-Subject-Verb (OSV) sentences in different information structural conditions (wide focus, subject focus and object focus). The analyses indicate that (i) regardless of word order and focus, the constituents are in a strict downstep relationship; (ii) focus is mainly characterized by post-focal pitch range reduction rather than pitch raising of the element in focus; (iii) given expressions that occur pre-focally appear to undergo no reduction; (iv) pitch excursion and duration of the constituents is higher in OSV compared to SOV sentences. A phonological analysis suggests that focus affects pitch scaling and that word order influences prosodic phrasing of the constituents. T3 - Zweitveröffentlichungen der Universität Potsdam : Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe - paper 201 Y1 - 2008 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46118 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline T1 - German accent revisited Y1 - 2004 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Féry, Caroline A1 - Herbst, Laura ED - Ishihara, Shinichiro ED - Schmitz, Michaela ED - Schwarz, Anne T1 - German sentence accent revisited JF - Interdisciplinary studies on information structure : ISIS ; working papers of the SFB 632 N2 - Results of a production experiment on the placement of sentence accent in German are reported. The hypothesis that German fulfills some of the most widely accepted rules of accent assignment— predicting focus domain integration—was only partly confirmed. Adjacency between argument and verb induces a single accent on the argument, as recognized in the literature, but interruption of this sequence by a modifier often induces remodeling of the accent pattern with a single accent on the modifier. The verb is rarely stressed. All models based on linear alignment or adjacency between elements belonging to a single accent domain fail to account for this result. A cyclic analysis of prosodic domain formation is proposed in an optimality-theoretic framework that can explain the accent pattern. Japanese wh-questions always exhibit focus intonation (FI). Furthermore, the domain of FI exhibits a correspondence to the wh-scope. I propose that this phonology-semantics correspondence is a result of the cyclic computation of FI, which is explained under the notion of Multiple Spell-Out in the recent Minimalist framework. The proposed analysis makes two predictions: (1) embedding of an FI into another is possible; (2) (overt) movement of a wh-phrase to a phase edge position causes a mismatch between FI and wh-scope. Both predictions are tested experimentally, and shown to be borne out. KW - Prosody KW - Syntax KW - Information structure Y1 - 2004 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8273 SN - 1614-4708 SN - 1866-4725 IS - 1 SP - 43 EP - 75 ER -