TY - BOOK A1 - Schapkow, Carsten A1 - Jacob, Frank ED - Schapkow, Carsten ED - Jacob, Frank T1 - Nationalism in a Transnational Age BT - irrational fears and the strategic abuse of nationalist pride N2 - Nationalism was declared to be dead too early. A postnational age was announced, and liberalism claimed to have been victorious by the end of the Cold War. At the same time postnational order was proclaimed in which transnational alliances like the European Union were supposed to become more important in international relations. But we witnessed the rise a strong nationalism during the early 21st century instead, and right wing parties are able to gain more and more votes in elections that are often characterized by nationalist agendas. This volume shows how nationalist dreams and fears alike determine politics in an age that was supposed to witness a rather peaceful coexistence by those who consider transnational ideas more valuable than national demands. It will deal with different case studies to show why and how nationalism made its way back to the common consciousness and which elements stimulated the re-establishment of the aggressive nation state. The volume will therefore look at the continuities of empire, actual and imagined, the role of "foreign-" and "otherness" for nationalist narratives, and try to explain how globalization stimulated the rise of 21st century nationalisms as well. Y1 - 2021 UR - https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110729290-001/html SN - 978-3-11-072929-0 SN - 978-3-11-072992-4 SN - 978-3-11-072935-1 SN - 978-3-11-126776-0 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110729290-001 PB - De Gruyter Oldenbourg CY - Berlin, Boston ER - TY - THES A1 - Unterseher, Lina T1 - Der Nutzen verkürzter Arbeitszeit mit Einkommensausgleich für den öffentlichen Arbeitgeber T1 - The benefits of reduced working hours with income compensation for public employers N2 - Dieses Literatur-Review verfolgt angesichts des gegenwärtigen, gesteigerten öffentlichen Interesses zum Thema von Arbeitszeitverkürzungsmodellen mit Gehaltsausgleich das Ziel, den aktuellen deutsch- und englischsprachigen Forschungsstand zum möglichen Nutzen von Arbeitszeitverkürzungen mit Gehaltsausgleich (AZV+) für den öffentlichen Arbeitgeber dar-zustellen und kritisch auszuwerten. Das Review basiert auf insgesamt zehn Publikationen, die zum großen Teil zu dem Schluss kommen, dass AZV+ zu keinen negativen Effekten, sondern zu entweder neutralen oder auch mehrheitlich positiven Auswirkungen auf die Arbeitgebendenseite führen. Dabei handelt es sich insbesondere um verbesserte Stresslevel, gesundheitliche Aspekte, gleichbleibende oder erhöhte Produktivität und Motivation/Energie sowie verringerte Absentismuszahlen. Die Anreiz-Beitrags-Theorie bietet sich als Erklärungsmodell für diese Ergebnisse gut an, da sie Aussagen darüber trifft, inwiefern Anreizsysteme wie eine AZV+ für Arbeitnehmende durch deren subjektive Bedürfnisbefriedigung unter Einhaltung bestimmter Grenzen (keine Überschreitung der Beitragsforderungen durch Anpassung des Workload) zu Effekten führen kann, die sich indirekt auch positiv hinsichtlich der Organisationsziele aus-wirken. Die ebenfalls angewandten motivationstheoretischen Elemente der Cognitive Evaluation Theory und der Motivation Crowding Theorie eignen sich weniger gut in ihrer Erklärungskraft der untersuchten Effekte, da die Differenzierung verschiedener Motivationsarten im Rahmen der hier untersuchten Studien unerheblich zu sein scheint. Insgesamt ist die Studienlage zu dem Thema AZV+ generell, und auch speziell im öffentlichen Sektor, sehr dünn und bietet kaum Möglichkeiten für generalisierende Aus-sagen, sodass ein großer Forschungsbedarf zu diesem Thema besteht. N2 - In light of the increased public interest in this topic this literature review aims to present and critically evaluate the German and English-language current state of research on the potential benefits of working time reduction models with salary compensation (abbreviated in German: AZV+) for public employers. The review is based on a total of ten publications, most of which conclude that AZV+ does not lead to negative effects but rather to either neutral or predominantly positive impacts on the employer side. These impacts include improved stress levels, health aspects, consistent or increased productivity and motivation/energy, as well as reduced absenteeism. The Inducement-Contribution Theory serves as a suitable explanatory model for these results, as it posits that incentive systems like AZV+ can lead to positive effects on employees by satisfying their subjective needs within certain limits (without exceeding the contribution demands by adjusting the workload), which can indirectly benefit organizational goals. The theoretical motivational elements of the Cognitive Evaluation Theory and the Motivation Crowding Theory, which are also applied, are less suitable in explaining the effects observed, as the differentiation of various types of motivation appears to be irrelevant in the studies examined here. Overall, the body of research on the topic of AZV+, both generally and specifically in the public sector, is very sparse and offers little opportunity for generalizing statements, indicating a significant need for further research on this topic. T3 - Schriftenreihe für Public und Nonprofit Management - 33 KW - Arbeitszeitreduktion mit Gehaltsausgleich KW - öffentlicher Sektor KW - Anreiz-Beitrags-Theorie KW - Effekte KW - Literatur-Review KW - reduced working hours with salary compensation KW - public sector KW - incentive-contribution theory KW - effects KW - literature review Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-639343 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Bersalli, Germán A1 - Tröndle, Tim A1 - Heckmann, Leon A1 - Lilliestam, Johan T1 - Economic crises as critical junctures for policy and structural changes towards decarbonization BT - the cases of Spain and Germany JF - Climate policy N2 - Crises may act as tipping points for decarbonization pathways by triggering structural economic change or offering windows of opportunity for policy change. We investigate both types of effects of the global financial and COVID-19 crises on decarbonization in Spain and Germany through a quantitative Kaya-decomposition analysis of CO2 emissions and through a qualitative review of climate and energy policy changes. We show that the global financial crisis resulted in a critical juncture for Spanish CO2 emissions due to the combined effects of the deep economic recession and crisis-induced structural change, resulting in reductions in carbon and energy intensities and shifts in the economic structure. However, the crisis also resulted in a rollback of renewable energy policy, halting progress in the transition to green electricity. The impacts were less pronounced in Germany, where pre-existing decarbonization and policy trends continued after the crisis. Recovery packages had modest effects, primarily due to their temporary nature and the limited share of climate-related spending. The direct short-term impacts of the COVID-19 crisis on CO2 emissions were more substantial in Spain than in Germany. The policy responses in both countries sought to align short-term economic recovery with the long-term climate change goals of decarbonization, but it is too soon to observe their lasting effects. Our findings show that crises can affect structural change and support decarbonization but suggest that such effects depend on pre-existing trends, the severity of the crisis and political manoeuvring during the crisis. KW - COVID-19 KW - climate policy KW - decarbonization KW - structural change KW - economic crisis KW - green recovery Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/14693062.2024.2301750 SN - 1469-3062 SN - 1752-7457 VL - 24 IS - 3 SP - 410 EP - 427 PB - Taylor & Francis CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Stauffer, Maxime A1 - Mengesha, Isaak A1 - Seifert, Konrad A1 - Krawczuk, Igor A1 - Fischer, Jens A1 - Serugendo, Giovanna Di Marzo T1 - A computational turn in policy process studies BT - coevolving network dynamics of policy change JF - Complexity N2 - The past three decades of policy process studies have seen the emergence of a clear intellectual lineage with regard to complexity. Implicitly or explicitly, scholars have employed complexity theory to examine the intricate dynamics of collective action in political contexts. However, the methodological counterparts to complexity theory, such as computational methods, are rarely used and, even if they are, they are often detached from established policy process theory. Building on a critical review of the application of complexity theory to policy process studies, we present and implement a baseline model of policy processes using the logic of coevolving networks. Our model suggests that an actor's influence depends on their environment and on exogenous events facilitating dialogue and consensus-building. Our results validate previous opinion dynamics models and generate novel patterns. Our discussion provides ground for further research and outlines the path for the field to achieve a computational turn. Y1 - 2022 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1155/2022/8210732 SN - 1076-2787 SN - 1099-0526 VL - 2022 PB - Wiley-Hindawi CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Kuhlmann, Sabine A1 - Hellstrom, Mikael A1 - Ramberg, Ulf A1 - Reiter, Renate T1 - Tracing divergence in crisis governance BT - responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden compared JF - International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration N2 - This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts. KW - administrative culture KW - containment KW - crisis KW - governance KW - multi-level system KW - policy advice KW - public health KW - window of opportunity Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/0020852320979359 SN - 0020-8523 SN - 1461-7226 VL - 87 IS - 3 SP - 556 EP - 575 PB - Sage Publ. CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - Angriffe auf die Chancengleichheit BT - das Wechselspiel zwischen Feminismus und Anti-Feminismus JF - Welt-Trends : Zeitschrift für internationale Politik N2 - „Gender-Ideologie“ und „Gender-Wahn“– diese Begriffe entstammen einem antifeministischen Diskurs, der ohne Bedrohungsszenarien nicht funktioniert. Feministische Errungenschaften – wie die Ehe für alle – werden zur Ursache persönlicher Nachteile umgedeutet. Seine Vertreter*innen verbreiten ihre (oft gewaltvollen) Narrative sowohl auf der Straße als auch im Internet. Antifeministische Bewegungen weisen zudem vielfältige Querverbindungen mit konservativen, nationalistischen, fundamentalreligiösen und faschistischen Diskursen auf. KW - Bedrohungsvorstellung KW - Chancengleichheit KW - Erde KW - Feminismus KW - Meinungsbildung KW - politische Einstellung KW - politische Kultur Y1 - 2022 UR - https://www.wiso-net.de/document/WTRE__4155401a13a04ba8a79c6fa7a1f3d368beed24c7 SN - 0944-8101 VL - 30 IS - 185 SP - 28 EP - 33 PB - WeltTrends - Potsdamer Wissenschaftsverlag CY - Potsdam ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin A1 - Kelly, Megan A1 - Jasser, Greta ED - Carian, Emily K. ED - DiBranco, Alex ED - Ebin, Chelsea T1 - Of victims, mass murder, and “real men” BT - the masculinities of the “manosphere” T2 - Male supremacism in the United States N2 - Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as “the pattern of practice that allowed men’s dominance over women to continue.” Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men’s Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they “repudiat[e] and reif[y]” hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism. Y1 - 2022 SN - 978-1-003-16472-2 SN - 978-0-367-75404-4 SN - 978-0-367-75258-3 U6 - https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003164722-9 SP - 117 EP - 141 PB - Routledge CY - London ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - Gender at the crossroads BT - the role of gender in the UN’s global counterterrorism reform at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus JF - Critical studies on terrorism N2 - Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN’s three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a “cross-cutting” theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN’s counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or “triple nexus”, from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities’ counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power. KW - gender KW - institutions KW - feminism KW - United Nations KW - counterterrorism KW - triple nexus KW - discourse Y1 - 2021 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061 SN - 1753-9153 SN - 1753-9161 VL - 15 IS - 3 SP - 533 EP - 558 PB - Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group CY - London [u.a.] ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin T1 - The role of evidence-based misogyny in antifeminist online communities of the ‘manosphere’ JF - Big data & society N2 - In recent years, there have been a growing number of online and offline attacks linked to a loosely connected network of misogynist and antifeminist online communities called ‘the manosphere’. Since 2016, the ideas spread among and by groups of the manosphere have also become more closely aligned with those of other Far-Right online networks. In this commentary, I explore the role of what I term ‘evidence-based misogyny’ for mobilization and radicalization into the antifeminist and misogynist subcultures of the manosphere. Evidence-based misogyny is a discursive strategy, whereby members of the manosphere refer to (and misinterpret) knowledge in the form of statistics, studies, news items and pop-culture and mimic accepted methods of knowledge presentation to support their essentializing, polarizing views about gender relations in society. Evidence-based misogyny is a core aspect for manosphere-related mobilization as it provides a false sense of authority and forges a collective identity, which is framed as a supposed ‘alternative’ to mainstream gender knowledge. Due to its core function to justify and confirm the misogynist sentiments of users, evidence-based misogyny serves as connector between the manosphere and both mainstream conservative as well as other Far-Right and conspiratorial discourses. KW - misogyny KW - male supremacy KW - far right KW - discourse KW - incels KW - radicalization KW - antifeminist KW - men's rights KW - manosphere Y1 - 2023 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/20539517221145671 SN - 2053-9517 VL - 10 IS - 1 PB - Sage CY - Thousand Oaks, Calif. ER - TY - BOOK A1 - von Winter, Thomas T1 - Lobbyismus in der deutschen Politik N2 - Der Band präsentiert eine systematische Aufbereitung empirischer Befunde zum Lobbyismus in Deutschland und vermittelt, wie Lobbyist*innen, Entscheidungsträger*innen und institutionelle Rahmen miteinander interagieren. Untersucht werden politische Aktivitäten von sozialen Bewegungen, Verbänden, Unternehmen und Beratungsfirmen im Bundestag, der Bundesregierung und der Öffentlichkeit. Y1 - 2024 SN - 978-3-8252-6210-5 SN - 978-3-8385-6210-0 U6 - https://doi.org/10.36198/9783838562100 PB - Verlag Barbara Budrich CY - Opladen ER -