@phdthesis{Ramelli2015, author = {Ramelli, Christian}, title = {Die Rheinische Verlaufsform im rheinfr{\"a}nkischen Dialekt}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-102797}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {x, 260}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit der Rheinischen Verlaufsform (RV) im rheinfr{\"a}nkischen Dialekt. Nach dem DUDEN handelt es sich bei der RV um eine Konstruktion, die aus dem Kopulaverb sein und einer PP mit am und nominalisiertem Infinitiv besteht und dem Ausdruck von progressivem Aspekt dient. Die vorliegenden Arbeiten zur RV besch{\"a}ftigen sich im Wesentlichen entweder mit der Auspr{\"a}gung der Konstruktion im Standarddeutschen (z.B. Reimann (1999), Krause (2002), R{\"o}del (2003), R{\"o}del (2004a), R{\"o}del (2004b), van Pottelberge (2004)) oder im Ripuarischen (z.B. Andersson (1989), Bhatt \& Schmidt (1993)) und kommen zu unterschiedlichen Ergebnissen bez{\"u}glich der Verwendungsm{\"o}glichkeiten und des Aufbaus der Konstruktion, insbesondere des Status des Infinitivs in der Verlaufsform. Hauptziel dieser Arbeit ist es, zu zeigen, dass sich die Grammatikalisierung der Verlaufsform von der im DUDEN beschriebenen Konstruktion zu einer analytischen Verbform entlang eines festen Grammatikalisierungspfades vollzieht und die entsprechenden Teilschritte bei der Entwicklung zu einer analytischen Verbform herauszuarbeiten. Auf dieser Grundlage wird in der Arbeit dargestellt, wie sich mittels eines geeigneten Sets an Indikatoren der Grammatikalisierungsgrad der Verlaufsform in einem Dialektraum oder einem diatopischen Register konkret feststellen l{\"a}sst.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{DeCesare2021, author = {De Cesare, Ilaria}, title = {Word order variability and change in German infinitival complements}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-52735}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-527358}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xii, 231}, year = {2021}, abstract = {The present work deals with the variation in the linearisation of German infinitival complements from a diachronic perspective. Based on the observation that in present-day German the position of infinitival complements is restricted by properties of the matrix verb (Haider, 2010, Wurmbrand, 2001), whereas this appears much more liberal in older stages of German (Demske, 2008, Mach{\´e} and Abraham, 2011, Demske, 2015), this dissertation investigates the emergence of those restrictions and the factors that have led to a reduced, yet still existing variability. The study contrasts infinitival complements of two types of matrix verbs, namely raising and control verbs. In present-day German, these show different syntactic behaviour and opposite preferences as far as the position of the infinitive is concerned: while infinitival complements of raising verbs build a single clausal domain with the with the matrix verb and occur obligatorily intraposed, infinitive complements of control verbs can form clausal constituents and occur predominantly extraposed. This correlation is not attested in older stages of German, at least not until Early New High German. Drawing on diachronic corpus data, the present work provides a description of the changes in the linearisation of infinitival complements from Early New High German to present-day German which aims at finding out when the correlation between infinitive type and word order emerged and further examines their possible causes. The study shows that word order change in German infinitival complements is not a case of syntactic change in the narrow sense, but that the diachronic variation results from the interaction of different language-internal and language-external factors and that it reflects, on the one hand, the influence of language modality on the emerging standard language and, on the other hand, a process of specialisation.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Patterson2013, author = {Patterson, Clare}, title = {The role of structural and discourse-level cues during pronoun resolution}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-71280}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2013}, abstract = {Pronoun resolution normally takes place without conscious effort or awareness, yet the processes behind it are far from straightforward. A large number of cues and constraints have previously been recognised as playing a role in the identification and integration of potential antecedents, yet there is considerable debate over how these operate within the resolution process. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the parser handles multiple antecedents in order to understand more about how certain information sources play a role during pronoun resolution. I consider how both structural information and information provided by the prior discourse is used during online processing. This is investigated through several eye tracking during reading experiments that are complemented by a number of offline questionnaire experiments. I begin by considering how condition B of the Binding Theory (Chomsky 1981; 1986) has been captured in pronoun processing models; some researchers have claimed that processing is faithful to syntactic constraints from the beginning of the search (e.g. Nicol and Swinney 1989), while others have claimed that potential antecedents which are ruled out on structural grounds nonetheless affect processing, because the parser must also pay attention to a potential antecedent's features (e.g. Badecker and Straub 2002). My experimental findings demonstrate that the parser is sensitive to the subtle changes in syntactic configuration which either allow or disallow pronoun reference to a local antecedent, and indicate that the parser is normally faithful to condition B at all stages of processing. Secondly, I test the Primitives of Binding hypothesis proposed by Koornneef (2008) based on work by Reuland (2001), which is a modular approach to pronoun resolution in which variable binding (a semantic relationship between pronoun and antecedent) takes place before coreference. I demonstrate that a variable-binding (VB) antecedent is not systematically considered earlier than a coreference (CR) antecedent online. I then go on to explore whether these findings could be attributed to the linear order of the antecedents, and uncover a robust recency preference both online and offline. I consider what role the factor of recency plays in pronoun resolution and how it can be reconciled with the first-mention advantage (Gernsbacher and Hargreaves 1988; Arnold 2001; Arnold et al., 2007). Finally, I investigate how aspects of the prior discourse affect pronoun resolution. Prior discourse status clearly had an effect on pronoun resolution, but an antecedent's appearance in the previous context was not always facilitative; I propose that this is due to the number of topic switches that a reader must make, leading to a lack of discourse coherence which has a detrimental effect on pronoun resolution. The sensitivity of the parser to structural cues does not entail that cue types can be easily separated into distinct sequential stages, and I therefore propose that the parser is structurally sensitive but not modular. Aspects of pronoun resolution can be captured within a parallel constraints model of pronoun resolution, however, such a model should be sensitive to the activation of potential antecedents based on discourse factors, and structural cues should be strongly weighted.}, language = {en} } @misc{vandeKootSilvaFelseretal., author = {van de Koot, Hans and Silva, Renita and Felser, Claudia and Sato, Mikako}, title = {Does Dutch a-scrambling involve movement?}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-398566}, pages = {38}, abstract = {The present study focuses on A-scrambling in Dutch, a local word-order alternation that typically signals the discourse-anaphoric status of the scrambled constituent. We use cross-modal priming to investigate whether an A-scrambled direct object gives rise to antecedent reactivation effects in the position where a movement theory would postulate a trace. Our results indicate that this is not the case, thereby providing support for a base-generation analysis of A-scrambling in Dutch.}, language = {en} } @article{BoschDeCesareDemskeetal.2021, author = {Bosch, Sina and De Cesare, Ilaria and Demske, Ulrike and Felser, Claudia}, title = {New empirical approaches to grammatical variation and change}, series = {Languages : open access journal}, volume = {6}, journal = {Languages : open access journal}, number = {3}, publisher = {MDPI}, address = {Basel}, issn = {2226-471X}, doi = {10.3390/languages6030113}, pages = {3}, year = {2021}, language = {en} } @misc{KrauseBoschClahsen2015, author = {Krause, Helena and Bosch, Sina and Clahsen, Harald}, title = {Morphosyntax in the bilingual mental lexicon}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Humanwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {528}, issn = {1866-8364}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-41547}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-415478}, pages = {25}, year = {2015}, abstract = {Although morphosyntax has been identified as a major source of difficulty for adult (nonnative) language learners, most previous studies have examined a limited set of largely affix-based phenomena. Little is known about word-based morphosyntax in late bilinguals and of how morphosyntax is represented and processed in a nonnative speaker's lexicon. To address these questions, we report results from two behavioral experiments investigating stem variants of strong verbs in German (which encode features such as tense, person, and number) in groups of advanced adult learners as well as native speakers of German. Although the late bilinguals were highly proficient in German, the results of a lexical priming experiment revealed clear native-nonnative differences. We argue that lexical representation and processing relies less on morphosyntactic information in a nonnative than in a native language.}, language = {en} } @misc{KlieglEngbert2007, author = {Kliegl, Reinhold and Engbert, Ralf}, title = {Conference Abstracts: 14th European Conference on Eye Movements ECEM2007}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56799}, year = {2007}, language = {de} } @misc{DimigenValsecchiSommeretal.2009, author = {Dimigen, Olaf and Valsecchi, Matteo and Sommer, Werner and Kliegl, Reinhold}, title = {Human Microsaccade-Related Visual Brain Responses}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56923}, year = {2009}, abstract = {Microsaccades are very small, involuntary flicks in eye position that occur on average once or twice per second during attempted visual fixation. Microsaccades give rise to EMG eye muscle spikes that can distort the spectrum of the scalp EEG and mimic increases in gamma band power. Here we demonstrate that microsaccades are also accompanied by genuine and sizeable cortical activity, manifested in the EEG. In three experiments, high-resolution eye movements were corecorded with the EEG: during sustained fixation of checkerboard and face stimuli and in a standard visual oddball task that required the counting of target stimuli. Results show that microsaccades as small as 0.15° generate a field potential over occipital cortex and midcentral scalp sites 100 -140 ms after movement onset, which resembles the visual lambda response evoked by larger voluntary saccades. This challenges the standard assumption of human brain imaging studies that saccade-related brain activity is precluded by fixation, even when fully complied with. Instead, additional cortical potentials from microsaccades were present in 86\% of the oddball task trials and of similar amplitude as the visual response to stimulus onset. Furthermore, microsaccade probability varied systematically according to the proportion of target stimuli in the oddball task, causing modulations of late stimulus-locked event-related potential (ERP) components. Microsaccades present an unrecognized source of visual brain signal that is of interest for vision research and may have influenced the data of many ERP and neuroimaging studies.}, language = {en} } @misc{KlieglEngbert2003, author = {Kliegl, Reinhold and Engbert, Ralf}, title = {How tight is the link between lexical processing and saccade programs?}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56919}, year = {2003}, abstract = {We question the assumption of serial attention shifts and the assumption that saccade programs are initiated or canceled only after stage one of word identification. Evidence: (1) Fixation durations prior to skipped words are not consistently higher compared to those prior to nonskipped words. (2) Attentional modulation of microsaccade rate might occur after early visual processing. Saccades are probably triggered by attentional selection.}, language = {en} } @misc{EngbertKliegl2003, author = {Engbert, Ralf and Kliegl, Reinhold}, title = {The game of word skipping: Who are the competitors?}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-56899}, year = {2003}, abstract = {Computational models such as E-Z Reader and SWIFT are ideal theoretical tools to test quantitatively our current understanding of eye-movement control in reading. Here we present a mathematical analysis of word skipping in the E-Z Reader model by semianalytic methods, to highlight the differences in current modeling approaches. In E-Z Reader, the word identification system must outperform the oculomotor system to induce word skipping. In SWIFT, there is competition among words to be selected as a saccade target. We conclude that it is the question of competitors in the "game" of word skipping that must be solved in eye movement research.}, language = {en} }