@article{Bruening2020,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
  title     = {Heterogenit{\"a}t},
  series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  journal   = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  publisher = {Wochenschau},
  address   = {Frankfurt},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-0953-0},
  pages     = {107 -- 110},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Einf{\"u}hrung},
  series = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30304-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 5},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind - Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30305-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1},
  pages     = {122 -- 137},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das St{\"u}ck zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen k{\"o}nnen umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie ankn{\"u}pfen. In dem Beitrag wird zun{\"a}chst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind" nachgegangen, vom R{\"o}mischen Reich {\"u}ber die Franz{\"o}sische Revolution, die totalit{\"a}ren Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im St{\"u}ck thematisierten Verh{\"a}ltnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gef{\"u}ge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer {\"U}berlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der M{\"o}glichkeit von Bildung und politischer M{\"u}ndigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten", Bullshit und L{\"u}gen diskutiert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Droll2020,
  author    = {Droll, Max},
  title     = {Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30305-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13},
  pages     = {171 -- 180},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Eine relevante und h{\"o}chst aktuelle {\"U}berschneidung fach{\"u}bergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Ph{\"a}nomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing" einer breiten {\"O}ffentlichkeit, die weit {\"u}ber fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erl{\"a}utert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und f{\"u}r ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — h{\"a}ufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts erm{\"o}glicht die Entwicklung und F{\"o}rderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erl{\"a}utert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{RuheLeibWeidmannetal.2020,
  author    = {Ruhe, Constantin and Leib, Julia and Weidmann, Nils B. and Bussmann, Margit},
  title     = {Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {2524-6976},
  doi       = {10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8},
  pages     = {443 -- 454},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und erg{\"a}nzt die aktuelle Diskussion {\"u}ber die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erl{\"a}utern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarit{\"a}t, Internationalit{\"a}t und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch f{\"u}r die Politikberatung ist. Zuk{\"u}nftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen ber{\"u}cksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu st{\"a}rken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
  series = {European Political Science},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {European Political Science},
  number    = {3},
  issn      = {1682-0983},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
  pages     = {336 -- 351},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Die Manosphere},
  series = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {2192-4848},
  doi       = {10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041},
  pages     = {491 -- 505},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Die sogenannte Manosphere - eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich haupts{\"a}chlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beitr{\"a}ge und Ideologien auszeichnet - ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschl{\"a}gen in der letzten Zeit verst{\"a}rkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang h{\"a}ufig vernachl{\"a}ssigte Rolle digitaler R{\"a}ume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewaltt{\"a}tige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewaltt{\"a}tigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
  series = {International feminist journal of politics},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {International feminist journal of politics},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1461-6742},
  doi       = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
  pages     = {720 -- 741},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Toward a theory of political repression},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2},
  pages     = {9 -- 41},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  journal   = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3},
  pages     = {43 -- 75},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Fluchtpunkt Berlin - {\"u}ber die Zeiten hinweg},
  series = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!},
  journal   = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!},
  editor    = {Achour, Sabine and Gill, Thomas},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1128-1},
  pages     = {88 -- 101},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Pschichholz2020,
  author    = {Pschichholz, Christin},
  title     = {The First World Warasa Caesura?},
  series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
  journal   = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
  publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-428-18146-9},
  pages     = {7 -- 12},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?},
  series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
  journal   = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4},
  pages     = {77 -- 120},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  journal   = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
  publisher = {Springer Nature},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5},
  pages     = {121 -- 162},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HickmannElsaesser2020,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp},
  title     = {New alliances in global environmental governance},
  series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
  volume    = {20},
  journal   = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1567-9764},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5},
  pages     = {459 -- 481},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Karolewski2020,
  author    = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel},
  title     = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland},
  series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
  booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
  editor    = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {London, New York},
  isbn      = {978-0-429-45481-3},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780429454813},
  pages     = {239 -- 256},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{NeuhofGirnus2020,
  author    = {Neuhof, Julia and Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Sprachbildung im Fach Politische Bildung - Ein unbespieltes Feld?},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30304-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_9},
  pages     = {109 -- 121},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Der Diskurs {\"u}ber Sprachbildung beziehungsweise sprachsensiblen Fachunterricht im Bereich der Politischen Bildung ist bislang noch verhalten. Beitr{\"a}ge zu diesem Thema orientieren sich zumeist an der praktischen Umsetzung herangetragener bildungspolitischer Forderungen und {\"u}bernehmen in der Regel Konzepte f{\"u}r den Fachunterricht im Allgemeinen mit dem Versuch diese f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung zu adaptieren. Eine Theorieentwicklung aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive findet derzeit kaum statt. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt den bisherigen Diskurs mit Blick auf die Politikdidaktik vor, um im Anschluss Impulse f{\"u}r eine Konzeptionalisierung sprachsensiblen Unterrichts aus Perspektive der Politischen Bildung zu geben.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Girnus2020,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Wor{\"u}ber sprechen wir eigentlich? Zur Explizit{\"a}t von Legitimationsargumenten in politischen Lehr-Lernarrangements},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Wiesbaden},
  address   = {Springer},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30304-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_15},
  pages     = {195 -- 207},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Die tagespolitische Auseinandersetzung stellt sich als eine F{\"u}r- und Gegenrede zu politischen Problemen, Herausforderungen oder Handlungsinitiativen dar: Verschiedene Akteure {\"a}ußern sich kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend zu vollzogenen oder geplanten politischen Maßnahmen wie auch - ebenso kritisch oder bef{\"u}rwortend - zu get{\"a}tigten {\"A}ußerungen anderer politischer und medialer Akteure. Insgesamt werden dabei eine Vielzahl von Argumenten mit unterschiedlicher Reichweite und Intensit{\"a}t ausgetauscht, aufgegriffen und verworfen. Der Beitrag argumentiert, dass solche sprachlich verfassten Auseinandersetzungen Legitimationsdiskurse sind, in denen Legitimit{\"a}t anhand normativer Werte verhandelt wird. Dort genutzte Wertkategorien bleiben jedoch deutungsoffen und oft implizit. Um politisches Lernen zu f{\"o}rdern, erweist sich eine gemeinsame Bearbeitung solcher Legitimationsdiskurse als gewinnbringend. Zentral daf{\"u}r ist, dass Legitimationsargumente in Lehr-Lernarrangements explizit und verhandelbar werden.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{HosliDoerfler2020,
  author    = {Hosli, Madeleine and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {The United Nations Security Council},
  series = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects},
  booktitle = {The Changing Global Order : Challenges and Prospects},
  editor    = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and Selleslaghs, Joren},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-21603-0},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-21603-0_15},
  pages     = {299 -- 320},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The chapter explores how the Security Council has reacted to the changing global order in terms of institutional reform and its working methods. First, we look at how the Security Council's setup looks increasingly anachronistic against the tremendous shifts in global power. Yet, established and rising powers are not disengaging. In contrast, they are turning to the Council to address growing challenges posed by the changing nature of armed conflict, the surge of terrorism and foreign fighters, nuclear proliferation and persistent intra-state conflicts. Then, we explore institutional and political hurdles for Council reform. While various reform models have been suggested, none of them gained the necessary global support. Instead, we demonstrate how the Council has increased the representation of emerging powers in informal ways. Potential candidates for permanent seats and their regional counterparts are committed as elected members, peacekeeping contributors or within the Peacebuilding Commission. Finally, we analyze how innovatively the Council has reacted to global security challenges. This includes working methods reform, expansion of sanctions regimes and involvement of non-state actors. We conclude that even though the Council's membership has not yet been altered, it has reacted to the changing global order in ways previously unaccounted for.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {„Aber gehn Sie ins Theater, ich rat es Ihnen!"},
  series = {Politisches Lernen},
  volume    = {38},
  journal   = {Politisches Lernen},
  number    = {1+2},
  publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {0937-2946},
  pages     = {32 -- 35},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {In der Ausgabe Politisches Lernen 1-2|2019 setzte sich Kurt P. Tudyka mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Theater und Politik auseinander. Er gelangte zu dem ern{\"u}chternden Res{\"u}mee: „Der Anspruch, Theater sei die Schule der Nation, - soweit er {\"u}berhaupt noch besteht -, m{\"u}sste aufgegeben werden." (S. 32) In Tudykas Einf{\"u}hrung hieß es bereits: „Eine politisierende Wirkung auf das Publikum wird bestritten." (S. 30) Vor diesem Hintergrund k{\"o}nnte bei Lehrerinnen und Lehrern der Politischen Bildung der Eindruck entstehen, ein Besuch im Theater mit Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}lern sei didaktisch nicht sinnvoll. Dagegen wird im folgenden Beitrag die Auffassung vertreten, dass ein Theaterbesuch mit den Lernenden durchaus mit Erkenntnisgewinnen, seien sie politisch oder {\"u}ber das Politische hinausweisend, verbunden sein kann. Der Beitrag stellt eine gek{\"u}rzte Fassung des Textes „Theater und politische Bildung" dar, der in Markus Gloe / Tonio Oeftering (Hrsg.): Politische Bildung meets Kulturelle Bildung, Baden-Baden (Nomos) 2020, erscheinen wird.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{GholiaghaHolzscheiterLiese2020,
  author    = {Gholiagha, Sassan and Holzscheiter, Anna and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Activating norm collisions},
  series = {Global constitutionalism},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Global constitutionalism},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {2045-3817},
  doi       = {10.1017/S2045381719000388},
  pages     = {290 -- 317},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This article puts forward a constructivist-interpretivist approach to interface conflicts that emphasises how international actors articulate and problematise norm collisions in discursive and social interactions. Our approach is decidedly agency-oriented and follows the Special Issue's interest in how interface conflicts play out at the micro-level. The article advances several theoretical and methodological propositions on how to identify norm collisions and the conditions under which they become the subject of international debate. Our argument on norm collisions, understood as situations in which actors perceive two norms as incompatible with each other, is threefold. First, we claim that agency matters to the analysis of the emergence, dynamics, management, and effects of norm collisions in international politics. Second, we propose to differentiate between dormant (subjectively perceived) and open norm collisions (intersubjectively shared). Third, we contend that the transition from dormant to open - which we term activation - depends on the existence of certain scope conditions concerning norm quality as well as changes in power structures and actor constellations. Empirically, we study norm collisions in the area of international drug control, presenting the field as one that contains several cases of dormant and open norm collisions, including those that constitute interface conflicts. For our in-depth analysis we have chosen the international discourse on coca leaf chewing. With this case, we not only seek to demonstrate the usefulness of our constructivist-interpretivist approach but also aim to explain under which conditions dormant norm collisions evolve into open collisions and even into interface conflicts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannSeyfried2020,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Comparatice methods B},
  series = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
  journal   = {Handbook of research methods in public administration, management and policy},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham},
  isbn      = {978-1-78990-347-8},
  pages     = {181 -- 196},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {1960er: Aufwind f{\"u}r die Politische Bildung},
  series = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung},
  journal   = {Geschichte der politischen Bildung},
  publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.},
  address   = {Bonn},
  pages     = {7},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an j{\"u}dischen Einrichtungen in K{\"o}ln und anderswo f{\"u}r Entsetzen und Emp{\"o}rung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum f{\"u}r die j{\"u}ngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam gef{\"u}hrte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren f{\"u}r die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten H{\"a}lfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende".},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Zur Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung},
  series = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?},
  journal   = {Wie geht gute politische Bildung?},
  publisher = {Bundesausschuss Politische Bildung (bap) e.V.},
  address   = {Bonn},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Eigentlich leben wir heute im Holoz{\"a}n, dem Erdzeitalter, das mit dem Ende der letzten großen Eiszeit vor etwa 12.000 Jahren seinen Ausgang nahm. Doch seit geraumer Zeit ist in Wissenschaft und {\"O}ffentlichkeit die Rede vom Anthropoz{\"a}n als der vom Menschen bestimmten gegenw{\"a}rtigen Epoche. Mit der Begriffssch{\"o}pfung soll der gravierende Einfluss des Menschen auf die Umwelt zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, der sich nicht zuletzt in der Versauerung der Meere, im Artensterben und Klimawandel {\"a}ußert. Doch wie spiegelt sich diese Erkenntnis in der Politischen Bildung wider?},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Liese2020,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Autorit{\"a}t in den internationalen Beziehungen},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Beziehungen},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  issn      = {0946-7165},
  doi       = {10.5771/0946-7165-2020-1-97},
  pages     = {97 -- 109},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Der Beitrag setzt sich w{\"u}rdigend und kritisch mit Michael Z{\"u}rns Arbeiten zur internationalen Autorit{\"a}t auseinander. Dessen potenziell autoritatives Autorit{\"a}tskonzept weist mehrere Vorz{\"u}ge auf: Erstens bietet es eine Erkl{\"a}rung f{\"u}r ein Paradox. Warum sollten souver{\"a}ne Staaten die Kompetenz Externer anerkennen, ihnen Ratschl{\"a}ge zu geben bzw. Forderungen an sie zu richten, und zudem noch bereit sein, diesen zu folgen? Zweitens konkretisiert es die u.a. bei Hannah Arendt angelegte Idee der fraglosen Anerkennung, indem es Autorit{\"a}tsadressaten zugesteht, bestimmte Qualit{\"a}ten der Autorit{\"a}t zu pr{\"u}fen. Drittens entkoppelt es Legitimit{\"a}t und Autorit{\"a}t, ohne die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit von Autorit{\"a}t zu opfern. Dies anerkennend pl{\"a}diert der Beitrag aber daf{\"u}r, die Legitimationsbed{\"u}rftigkeit internationaler Autorit{\"a}t nicht auf formal institutionalisierte Beziehungen zu reduzieren, sondern diese auch weiterhin auf informellere, d.h. der Praxis entstammende, Anerkennung und Folgebereitschaft innerhalb von Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu beziehen. Die {\"u}berzeugende begr{\"u}ndungstheoretische Fundierung von Autorit{\"a}t sollte zudem nicht dazu verf{\"u}hren, Sozialisationsprozesse in Autorit{\"a}tsbeziehungen zu {\"u}bersehen, zumal deren Legitimit{\"a}t kritisch hinterfragbar ist.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{PoensgenSteinitz2020,
  author    = {Poensgen, Daniel and Steinitz, Benjamin},
  title     = {Alltagspr{\"a}gende Erfahrungen sichtbar machen},
  series = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute},
  journal   = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute},
  edition   = {2. unver{\"a}nderte},
  publisher = {Olms},
  address   = {Hildesheim},
  isbn      = {978-3-7582-0358-9},
  pages     = {173 -- 197},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{OPUS4-48220,
  title     = {Politik und Sprache},
  series = {Politische Bildung},
  journal   = {Politische Bildung},
  editor    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  publisher = {Wiesbaden},
  address   = {Springer},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30304-4},
  issn      = {2570-2114},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1},
  pages     = {VIII, 237},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Sprache spielt im Hinblick auf politisches Handeln eine sehr bedeutsame Rolle. Die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Politik und Sprache erscheint umso notwendiger, als dieses Verh{\"a}ltnis in der gegenw{\"a}rtigen politischen Bildung ein Schattendasein fristet. Der schulischen politischen Bildung kommt die Aufgabe zu, Sch{\"u}lerinnen und Sch{\"u}ler zu einem Umgang mit der politischen Sprache zu bef{\"a}higen, der ihnen eine reflektierte Auseinandersetzung mit den in der Debatte stehenden politischen Gegenst{\"a}nden erm{\"o}glicht - auch und gerade vor dem Hintergrund der Zunahme populistischer Darstellungen, „alternativer Fakten" und L{\"u}gen in der Politik. Mit der vorliegenden Publikation liegt ein erster Aufschlag vor, der das Spektrum des Verh{\"a}ltnisses von Politik und Sprache im Kontext der Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung umreißt.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{HolthausStockmann2020,
  author    = {Holthaus, Leonie and Stockmann, Nils},
  title     = {Who makes the world?},
  series = {New perspectives},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {New perspectives},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage Publications},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks, CA},
  issn      = {2336-825X},
  doi       = {10.1177/2336825X20935246},
  pages     = {413 -- 427},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Theater und politische Bildung},
  series = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung},
  booktitle = {Politische Bildung meets kulturelle Bildung},
  editor    = {Gloe, Markus and Oeftering, Tonio},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5484-7},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845296708-59},
  pages     = {59 -- 74},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Wie {\"a}sthetische Bildung, vom Theater ausgehend, zusammen mit politischer Bildung realisiert werden kann, wird in diesem Beitrag vorgestellt. Politiklehrer_innen bekommen einen Einblick in die didaktische Bedeutung und den Gewinn f{\"u}r Sch{\"u}ler_innen durch den außerschulischen Lernort des Theaters. Am Beispiel des antiken Schauspiels wird die Bedeutung des Theaters f{\"u}r politische, genauer demokratische Bildung aufgezeigt, indem dargelegt wird, wie sie die Handlungskompetenz, den Perspektivwechsel sowie die Urteilsf{\"a}higkeit einzelner positiv beeinflusst. Da diese Kompetenzen heute l{\"a}nder{\"u}bergreifend in den Curricula festgeschrieben sind, bietet es sich an, das Theater in den Unterricht miteinzubinden. Im letzten Absatz dieses Beitrags liefert der Autor ein Beispiel f{\"u}r den Unterricht anhand des Schauspiels „Der Volksfeind" von Henrik Ibsen, mithilfe dessen Politiklehrer_innen das Theater in ihren Unterricht integrieren k{\"o}nnen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Politische Urteilsbildung},
  series = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung},
  booktitle = {Hannah Arendt : Lekt{\"u}ren zur politischen Bildung},
  editor    = {Oeftering, Tonio and Meints-Stender, Waltraud and Lange, Dirk},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30675-5},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30676-2_3},
  pages     = {41 -- 58},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Die F{\"a}higkeit zum politischen Urteilen gilt als das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel politischer Bildungsbem{\"u}hungen. Epistemologisch nimmt das Theorem der politischen Urteilsbildung seinen Ausgang in der Epoche der Aufkl{\"a}rung. Immanuel Kants Ausf{\"u}hrungen {\"u}ber den Zusammenhang von Aufkl{\"a}rung und M{\"u}ndigkeit in seiner Schrift Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufkl{\"a}rung? bietet eine programmatische Vorlage f{\"u}r die weitere Auseinandersetzung mit M{\"u}ndigkeit und politischer Urteilsbildung. Der K{\"o}nigsberger Philosoph erkl{\"a}rte hierin eingangs: „Aufkl{\"a}rung ist der Ausgang des Menschen aus seiner selbst verschuldeten Unm{\"u}ndigkeit. Unm{\"u}ndigkeit ist das Unverm{\"o}gen, sich seines Verstandes ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen. Selbstverschuldet ist diese Unm{\"u}ndigkeit, wenn die Ursache derselben nicht am Mangel des Verstandes, sondern der Entschließung und des Mutes liegt, sich seiner ohne Leitung eines andern zu bedienen. Sapere aude! Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen! ist also der Wahlspruch der Aufkl{\"a}rung."},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Bruening2020,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
  title     = {Holocaust Education},
  series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  booktitle = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  editor    = {Achour, Sabine and Busch, Matthias and Massing, Peter and Meyer-Heidemann, Christian},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt am Main},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-0954-7},
  pages     = {112 -- 114},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{BrueningGrewe2020,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina and Grewe, Stefan},
  title     = {Historisches Lernen als eigen-sinnige Aneignung vergangener Wirklichkeiten},
  series = {Theorien!},
  booktitle = {Theorien!},
  editor    = {Harant, Martin and Thomas, Philipp and K{\"u}chler, Uwe},
  publisher = {T{\"u}bingen University Press},
  address   = {T{\"u}bingen},
  isbn      = {978-3-947251-19-3},
  doi       = {10.15496/publikation-45627},
  pages     = {309 -- 322},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020,
  author    = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Integrationsverwaltung im F{\"o}deralismus},
  series = {Reformbaustelle Bundesstaat},
  booktitle = {Reformbaustelle Bundesstaat},
  editor    = {Kn{\"u}pling, Felix and K{\"o}lling, Mario and Kropp, Sabine and Scheller, Henrik},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-31236-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-31237-4_25},
  pages     = {459 -- 483},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Im vorliegenden Beitrag steht das Zusammenspiel von institutioneller Kompetenzverteilung im f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem und Funktionsf{\"a}higkeit der Verwaltung im Bereich der Integrationspolitik im Zentrum. Dieser Verwaltungsbereich gewinnt zunehmend an Bedeutung, da sich f{\"u}r den Personenkreis der ca. 983.000 anerkannten Fl{\"u}chtlinge, die l{\"a}nger oder dauerhaft in Deutschland bleiben werden, inzwischen neue Problemlagen ergeben, welche vor allem Fragen der Arbeitsmarktintegration, Aus- und Weiterbildung und berufsbezogenen Sprachf{\"o}rderung betreffen. Es wird der Leitfrage nachgegangen, welche institutionellen Strukturen und Aufgabenprofile sich im Bereich der Integrationsverwaltung im f{\"o}deralen Mehrebenensystem herausgebildet haben und inwieweit diese sich als funktional und leistungsf{\"a}hig oder als reformbed{\"u}rftig erwiesen haben. Dabei wird auf Aspekte der Zentralisierung, Dezentralisierung und Verwaltungsverflechtung als wesentliche Institutionalisierungsoptionen eingegangen und aufgezeigt, dass in einigen Bereichen mehr Entflechtung in Form von Dezentralisierung und Aufgabenabschichtung „nach unten" sinnvoll erscheint, w{\"a}hrend in anderen Handlungsfeldern verst{\"a}rkte B{\"u}ndelung und (besser funktionierende) Verwaltungsverflechtung angebracht w{\"a}ren.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020,
  author    = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Territorial administration in Germany},
  series = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
  booktitle = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
  editor    = {Tanguy, Gildas and Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-59395-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15},
  pages     = {327 -- 352},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/L{\"a}nder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspr{\"a}sidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landr{\"a}te) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German 'equivalents' of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kuhlmann2020,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Rezension zu: Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England / Hrsg.: Andrej Christian Lindholst, Morten Balle Hansen. - Cham : Springer, 2020. - XXII, 345 p. - ISBN 978-3-030-32478-0},
  series = {Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England},
  journal   = {Marketization in Local Government: Diffusion and Evolution in Scandinavia and England},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-32478-0},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Botsch2020,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Frei, Norbert, Franka Maubach, Christina Morina, und Maik T{\"a}ndler (2019): Zur rechten Zeit. Wider die R{\"u}ckkehr des Nationalismus. Berlin: Ullstein. 253 Seiten. 20,00 €},
  series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
  volume    = {61},
  journal   = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {0032-3470},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11615-020-00221-x},
  pages     = {199 -- 201},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {„Zur rechten Zeit" ist ein fl{\"u}ssig geschriebenes, gut lesbares und an ein breites Publikum gerichtetes Sachbuch. Es will die Geschichte der Bundesrepublik „unter dem Eindruck der gegenw{\"a}rtigen rechten Konjunktur anders denn als g{\"a}ngige Erfolgsgeschichte" (S. 10) erz{\"a}hlen. Die Autorinnen und Autoren sind nicht bestrebt, das Erfolgsnarrativ radikal zu dekonstruieren und damit den Forschungsertrag der Zeitgeschichtsschreibung zu ignorieren, wohl aber rekonstruieren sie Abschattungen und Br{\"u}che, die zeigen, dass der Prozess weniger geradlinig war als h{\"a}ufig angenommen - und dass seine Ergebnisse nicht irreversibel sind.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2020,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {"Am Anfang stand die {\"U}berw{\"a}ltigung"},
  series = {Erasmus von Rotterdam},
  booktitle = {Erasmus von Rotterdam},
  editor    = {Sch{\"o}ppner, Ralf},
  publisher = {Alibri Verlag},
  address   = {Aschaffenburg},
  isbn      = {978-3-86569-212-2},
  pages     = {19 -- 36},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2020,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {"Wann I' denk wie's fr{\"u}her war."},
  series = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik},
  booktitle = {One nation under a groove - »Nation« als Kategorie popul{\"a}rer Musik},
  editor    = {von Appen, Ralf and Hindrichs, Thorsten},
  publisher = {transcript},
  address   = {Bielefeld},
  isbn      = {9783837655810},
  doi       = {10.14361/9783839455814},
  pages     = {15 -- 29},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The successful Austrian pop-musician Andreas Gabalier has devoted several of his songs to his Styrian homeland. Gabalier's work and performance has often been per-ceived as nationalist. When analyzing some of his lyrics, an astonishing observation can be made: Most references to the »homeland« are backward-looking. This article argues that the remarkable lack of a national »future« in Gabalier's work is charac-teristic for contemporary nationalist manifestations, not only in popular culture, but also in ideologies and politics. The article introduces a new typology of nationalist movements. With regard to the character of the related nation-state, three types are discussed: »constructive nationalism« whereby the nationalist movement strives for a future sovereign nation state; »maintaining nationalism« wherein a nation state already exists; and »reconstructive nationalism« where nationalists believe that the nation state has lost its independence, sovereignty, and freedom in the course of globalization and hope for a reconstruction. However, these types are defined here as »ideal types« in a Weberian sense and will hardly be found in their »pure« forms in history or social reality.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BindenagelŠehović2020,
  author    = {Bindenagel Šehović, Annamarie},
  title     = {Towards a new definition of health security},
  series = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Global public health : an international journal for research, policy and practice},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon, Oxfordshire},
  issn      = {1744-1692},
  doi       = {10.1080/17441692.2019.1634119},
  pages     = {1 -- 12},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {In recent years the framings of global health security have shifted while the structures governing global health have largely remained the same. One feature of the emerging re-ordering is the unresolved allocation of accountability between state and non-state actors. This brings to critical challenges to global health security to the fore. The first is that the consensus on the seeming shift from state to human security framing with regard to the global human right to health (security) risks losing its salience. Second, this conceptual challenge is mirrored on the operational level: if states and non-state actors do not assume responsibility for health security, who or what can guarantee health security? In order to address global health security against the backdrop of these twenty-first Century challenges, this article proceeds in three parts. First, it analyses the shortcomings of the current state-based World Health Organization (WHO) definition of health security. Second, taking into account the rising pressures posed to global health security and the inadequacy both of state-based and of ad hoc non-state responses, it proposes a new framing. Third, the article offers initial insights into the operational application of beyond state responses to (health) security challenges.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020,
  author    = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Male supremacism and the Hanau terrorist attack},
  publisher = {International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT)},
  address   = {Den Haag},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020,
  author    = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Frauenfeind, aber kein Incel},
  series = {Belltower.News},
  journal   = {Belltower.News},
  publisher = {Amadeu Antonio Stiftung},
  address   = {Berlin},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Der Attentater von Hanau war, das verr{\"a}t sein Manifest, ein Frauenfeind - aber kein Incel. Warum die Einsch{\"a}tzung als Incel bequem und gef{\"a}hrlich ist, erl{\"a}utert dieser Gastbeitrag der Wissenschaftlerinnen Megan Kelly, Ann-Kathrin Rothermel und Greta Jasser, Fellows am Institute for Research on Male Supremacism (IRMS).},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{BuschHeinzelKempkenetal.2020,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Mind the gap?},
  series = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1387-6988},
  doi       = {10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866},
  pages     = {230 -- 253},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs' addressees},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Urteilskompetenz},
  series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  journal   = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  publisher = {Wochenschau},
  address   = {Frankfurt},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-0954-7},
  pages     = {232 -- 235},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {Birds of a feather?},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  number    = {5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-52169},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-521690},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Jann2020,
  author    = {Jann, Werner},
  title     = {The modern state and administrative reform},
  series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr},
  booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß : sozialwissenschaftliche Perspektiven auf Entwicklung, Verwaltung, Umwelt und Klima : Festschrift f{\"u}r Harald Fuhr},
  editor    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845294292-59},
  pages     = {59 -- 72},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HustedtSeyfried2020,
  author    = {Hustedt, Thurid and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation},
  series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  editor    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845294292-169},
  pages     = {169 -- 180},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dieter2020,
  author    = {Dieter, Heribert},
  title     = {Germany in the Covid-19-crisis},
  series = {The viral world},
  booktitle = {The viral world},
  editor    = {Mirchandani, Maya and Suri, Shoba and Warjri, Laetitia},
  publisher = {Observer Research Foundation},
  address   = {New Delhi, India},
  isbn      = {978-93-90159-27-7},
  pages     = {50 -- 55},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The COVID-19 virus has hit Germany as unexpectedly as other European countries. For a few weeks, Germans thought that COVID-19 was an issue for Asian states and not for their country. Although Germany continues to be affected by the coronavirus, the situation is nowhere as dire as it was in Britain, Italy or Spain. The race to lift restrictions in Germany began in May, and by early June, the country may be back to normal. Germany, with its enormous financial resources and a well-equipped medical sector, appears to be better placed than other economies to weather the storm.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dieter2020,
  author    = {Dieter, Heribert},
  title     = {Germany as a leading power},
  series = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  booktitle = {Leidenschaft und Augenmaß},
  editor    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus},
  edition   = {1. Auflage},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-8487-5249-2},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783845294292-73},
  pages     = {73 -- 84},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelRichterBuschetal.2020,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Richter, Jonas and Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Herold, Jana and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Birds of a feather?},
  series = {Review of international political economy},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {Review of international political economy},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0969-2290},
  doi       = {10.1080/09692290.2020.1749711},
  pages     = {1249 -- 1273},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank ascribe to impartiality in their mandates. At the same time, scholarship indicates that their decisions are disproportionately influenced by powerful member states. Impartiality is seen as crucial in determining International Organizations' (IOs) effectiveness and legitimacy in the literature. However, we know little about whether key interlocutors in national governments perceive the International Financial Institutions as biased actors who do the bidding for powerful member states or as impartial executors of policy. In order to better understand these perceptions, we surveyed high-level civil servants who are chiefly responsible for four policy areas from more than 100 countries. We found substantial variations in impartiality perceptions. What explains these variations? By developing an argument of selective awareness, we extend rationalist and ideational perspectives on IO impartiality to explain domestic perceptions. Using novel survey data, we test whether staffing underrepresentation, voting underrepresentation, alignment to the major shareholders and overlapping economic policy paradigms are associated with impartiality perceptions. We find substantial evidence that shared economic policy paradigms influence impartiality perceptions. The findings imply that by diversifying their ideational culture, IOs can increase the likelihood that domestic stakeholders view them as impartial.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2020,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Deutschlands Krisenmanagement in der CORONA-Pandemie.},
  series = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej},
  publisher = {Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu},
  address   = {Poznań},
  issn      = {1899-6256},
  doi       = {10.14746/rie.2020.14.21},
  pages     = {325 -- 342},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}