@misc{Giessmann2008,
  author    = {Gießmann, Hans J.},
  title     = {Kalter Krieg auf Probe? : [Gastkommentar]},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-27075},
  year      = {2008},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Schrader1994,
  author    = {Schrader, Lutz},
  title     = {Deutschland und die europ{\"a}ische Sicherheitsagenda},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-28999},
  year      = {1994},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Lian2006,
  author    = {Lian, Yu-ru},
  title     = {Chinas Wandel und die Welt},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-12474},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {Wie stellt sich das Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen China und der Welt im 21. Jahrhundert dar? Die Autorin, Politikwissenschaftlerin aus Peking, verweist auf die aktuelle Debatte in China, in der das Primat der Innenpolitik, regionaler Multilateralismus und harmonische Weltordnung intensiv diskutiert werden. China habe nicht vor, das internationale System herauszufordern oder zu zerst{\"o}ren. Vielmehr sei es um st{\"a}rkere Einbindung bem{\"u}ht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Heberer2006,
  author    = {Heberer, Thomas},
  title     = {Party State im "Reich der Mitte" : zum politischen System in China},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-12484},
  year      = {2006},
  abstract  = {China ist auf dem Weg zu einer offeneren Gesellschaft mit zunehmender Partizipation, gr{\"o}ßerer rechtlicher Sicherheit und individueller Autonomie. Der Staat zog sich aus vielen Bereichen zur{\"u}ck, {\"o}konomische Ziele bestimmen seine Priorit{\"a}ten. Die Entwicklungserfolge brachten jedoch eine Legitimationskrise des Staates mit sich. Vier Dilemmata, die China heute konfrontieren, werden aufgezeigt und Hypothesen zur Charakterisierung des chinesischen party state diskutiert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Hocking1996,
  author    = {Hocking, Brian},
  title     = {Bridging boundaries: creating linkages : non-central governments and multilayered policy environments},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11126},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{HummelWehrhoefer1996,
  author    = {Hummel, Hartwig and Wehrh{\"o}fer, Birgit},
  title     = {Geopolitische Identit{\"a}ten : Kritik der Ethnisierung einer sich regionalisierenden Welt als paradigmatische Erweiterung der Friedensforschung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11137},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Ferguson1996,
  author    = {Ferguson, Yale H.},
  title     = {R{\"u}ckw{\"a}rtsgeschaut auf die gegenw{\"a}rtige Politik : wider die fatalen Augenkrankheiten alter und neuer Realisten},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11148},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{WolffPowęska1996,
  author    = {Wolff-Powęska, Anna},
  title     = {Deutsche, Russen und Polen : Paradigmen der gegenseitigen Wahrnehmung},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11158},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Tomala1996,
  author    = {Tomala, Mieczysław},
  title     = {"Erz{\"a}hlen Sie keinen Unsinn, Genosse Ulbricht!" : Die VR Polen und die DDR in den 60er Jahren ; offizielle Harmonie und internes Mißtrauen},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11164},
  year      = {1996},
  abstract  = {Gomułka's harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka's distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the G{\"o}rlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Korte1997,
  author    = {Korte, Werner},
  title     = {Prozesse des Staatszerfalls in Liberia},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-11182},
  year      = {1997},
  abstract  = {Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.},
  language  = {de}
}