@article{LoewenthalMiaariAbrahams2022, author = {Loewenthal, Amit and Miaari, Sami H. and Abrahams, Alexei}, title = {How civilian attitudes respond to the state's violence}, series = {Conflict management and peace science}, journal = {Conflict management and peace science}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0738-8942}, doi = {10.1177/07388942221097325}, pages = {23}, year = {2022}, abstract = {States, in their conflicts with militant groups embedded in civilian populations, often resort to policies of collective punishment to erode civilian support for the militants. We attempt to evaluate the efficacy of such policies in the context of the Gaza Strip, where Israel's blockade and military interventions, purportedly intended to erode support for Hamas, have inflicted hardship on the civilian population. We combine Palestinian public opinion data, Palestinian labor force surveys, and Palestinian fatalities data, to understand the relationship between exposure to Israeli policies and Palestinian support for militant factions. Our baseline strategy is a difference-in-differences specification that compares the gap in public opinion between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank during periods of intense punishment with the gap during periods when punishment is eased. Consistent with previous research, we find that Palestinian fatalities are associated with Palestinian support for more militant political factions. The effect is short-lived, however, dissipating after merely one quarter. Moreover, the blockade of Gaza itself appears to be only weakly associated with support for militant factions. Overall, we find little evidence to suggest that Israeli security policies toward the Gaza Strip have any substantial lasting effect on Gazan support for militant factions, neither deterring nor provoking them relative to their West Bank counterparts. Our findings therefore call into question the logic of Israel's continued security policies toward Gaza, while prompting a wider re-examination of the efficacy of deterrence strategies in other asymmetric conflicts.}, language = {en} } @incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2022, author = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine}, title = {The politics of administrative reforms}, series = {Handbook on the politics of public administration}, booktitle = {Handbook on the politics of public administration}, editor = {Ladner, Andreas and Sager, Fritz}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {978-1-83910-943-0}, doi = {10.4337/9781839109447.00018}, pages = {125 -- 137}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Administrative reforms refer to conscious decisions about institution building and institutional change that are taken at the end of political processes and can be conceived as the attempt by politico-administrative actors to change the institutional order (polity) within which they make and implement decisions. In this paper we proceed from the assumption that the role of politics, the constellation of political actors and arenas vary according to the scope and objectives of administrative reforms. Depending on whether they refer to changes between organizational units/levels/sectors ('external institutional policy') or to an internal reorganization ('internal institutional policy'), different actor strategies, patterns of conflict and power constellations can be expected. As external administrative reforms are aimed at changing functional and/or territorial jurisdictions and thus always involve external actors, larger resistance, heavier political conflicts and generally more politicization are likely to occur than in the case of internal administrative reforms. Yet, for internal reforms, too, actor coalitions which support or block institutional changes, promotors, leaders, and moderators have revealed to shape processes and outcomes. Against this background, this chapter examines the influence of politics on various types of administrative reforms making a distinction between external and internal institutional policies. We analyse the role of politico-administrative actors, their strategies and influence on the formulation, trajectories and outcomes of administrative reforms. Our major focus will be on reforms in the multi-level system on the one hand and on (Post-) NPM reforms on the other as two major international trends. Drawing on reform experiences in different European countries, the chapter will reveal to what extent actors' interests and influences have triggered and shaped administrative reforms and which difference these have made for the reform outcome.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Mit narrativen Medien lernen}, series = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, journal = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, edition = {5., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1362-9}, issn = {1435-7526}, pages = {476 -- 483}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{HaenelSchuppert2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Einleitung zu Serene Khaders "Decolonizing universalism: transnational feminist ethic"}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg, Zentrum f{\"u}r Ethik und Armutsforschung}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.1.12}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Serene Khader ist eine der wenigen feministischen Philosoph:innen in der anglos{\"a}chsischen Philosophie, die sich gezielt mit globaler Ungerechtigkeit und Imperialismus aus Sicht jener Frauen besch{\"a}ftigen, die von kolonialer und kultureller Herrschaft betroffen sind. Hierbei entlarvt sie eindrucksvoll die oftmals westliche Pr{\"a}gung von Feminismus, Gleichstellungspolitik und Philosophie und verfolgt so das Ziel, die Autonomie und Entscheidungskraft aller Frauen anzuerkennen. So zielt Khader in Decolonizing Universalism: A Transnational Feminist Ethic auf eine Neuausrichtung der feministischen Perspektive, welche es schafft, dekolonial und anti-imperialistisch zu sein, ohne gleichzeitig dem Universalismus komplett abzuschw{\"o}ren. Die folgende Buchdiskussion begibt sich in eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit Khaders interessanter wie wichtiger Theorie. Einleitend werden wir einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber Khaders Grundgedanken geben. Es schließen sich kritische Kommentare von Tamara Jugov, Mirjam M{\"u}ller, Kerstin Reibold sowie Hilkje C. H{\"a}nel und Fabian Schuppert an, auf die Serene Khader abschließend antwortet.}, language = {de} } @article{HolzscheiterGholiaghaLiese2022, author = {Holzscheiter, Anna and Gholiagha, Sassan and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Advocacy coalition constellations and norm collisions}, series = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations}, volume = {36}, journal = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations}, number = {1}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1360-0826}, doi = {10.1080/13600826.2021.1885352}, pages = {25 -- 48}, year = {2022}, abstract = {To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-62186, title = {Das neue Unbehagen}, series = {Haskala - Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen}, volume = {53}, journal = {Haskala - Wissenschaftliche Abhandlungen}, editor = {Gl{\"o}ckner, Olaf and Jikeli, G{\"u}nther}, edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte}, publisher = {Olms}, address = {Hildesheim}, isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9}, pages = {264}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Damit hatte niemand gerechnet, jedenfalls nicht so schnell: Auf europ{\"a}ischen Straßen werden wieder Juden beleidigt, angegriffen oder sogar get{\"o}tet. Auch in Deutschland h{\"a}ufen sich seit Jahren die Negativerfahrungen. Hassmails, Beschimpfungen, Vandalismus und die Bedrohung j{\"u}discher Kinder an {\"o}ffentlichen Schulen verunsichern die j{\"u}dische Gemeinschaft, mit fatalen Folgen: Ein Teil der Menschen zieht sich ins Private zur{\"u}ck und m{\"o}chte nicht mehr als j{\"u}disch wahrgenommen werden. Andere denken sogar an Auswanderung. Das neue Unbehagen sitzt tief, auch wenn manche Politiker sich f{\"u}r solidarisch erkl{\"a}ren. Was hat den Hass und die Abneigung gegen{\"u}ber Juden in Deutschland so sp{\"u}rbar verst{\"a}rkt? Zw{\"o}lf Experten und Akteure gehen in diesem Band Ursachen f{\"u}r den Wiederanstieg des Antisemitismus nach. Sie scheuen sich nicht, kontroverse Themen aufzugreifen und antisemitische Potentiale zu benennen -egal ob in rechtsextremen, linksradikalen oder islamistischen Milieus, oder in von entsprechenden Weltanschauungen beeinflussten Personenkreisen, die weit in die Mitte der Gesellschaft reichen. Ein Buch mit erschreckenden Befunden, aber auch Beispielen resoluter zivilgesellschaftlicher Gegenwehr.}, language = {de} } @article{BruttelGuethNithammeretal.2022, author = {Bruttel, Lisa Verena and G{\"u}th, Werner and Nithammer, Juri and Orland, Andreas}, title = {Inefficient cooperation under stochastic and strategic uncertainty}, series = {Conflict resolution}, volume = {66}, journal = {Conflict resolution}, number = {4-5}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0022-0027}, doi = {10.1177/00220027211066614}, pages = {755 -- 782}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Stochastic uncertainty can cause coordination problems that may hinder mutually beneficial cooperation. We propose a mechanism of ex-post voluntary transfers designed to circumvent these coordination problems and ask whether it can increase efficiency. To test this transfer mechanism, we implement a controlled laboratory experiment based on a repeated Ultimatum Game with a stochastic endowment. Contrary to our hypothesis, we find that allowing voluntary transfers does not lead to an efficiency increase. We suggest and analyze two major reasons for this failure: first, stochastic uncertainty forces proposers intending to cooperate to accept high strategic uncertainty, which many proposers avoid; second, many responders behave only incompletely conditionally cooperatively, which hinders cooperation in future periods.}, language = {en} } @article{Verlaan2022, author = {Verlaan, Stephanie}, title = {The Misapplication of Western Conflict and Reconciliation Theories on New World Wars}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57014}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570149}, pages = {11 -- 38}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This chapter deals with the problem that theories of peace building, conflict resolution and reconciliation were predominately created in the West and, therefore, do not necessarily fit the understanding of peace, conflict, and resolution in non-Western societies and cultures. Within these societies, the acceptance of suffering may also be higher, which leads to different priorities of conflict resolution approaches. Furthermore, this chapter deals with the question of whether the current understanding of wars and the nature of conflict change the basis of established conflict theories. These theoretical approaches are then applied in Sierra Leone as a non-Western negotiation scenario.}, language = {en} } @article{Roethlisberger2022, author = {R{\"o}thlisberger, Livia}, title = {Transformative Justice in South Sudan}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57048}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570480}, pages = {167 -- 191}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This chapter takes the ongoing conflict in South Sudan as a starting point for assessing the concept of transitional justice as such and its implementation in the country in particular. Following a brief description of the conflict and the peace processes, the author sheds light on the shortcomings of the established concept of transitional justice in the situation at hand. Then, the author outlines the alternate concept of transformational justice und takes a closer look at its implications on the situation in South Sudan. The author highlights existing initiatives of transformative justice and is very much in favour of their victim-centered approach.}, language = {en} } @article{MarUngerWalderdorffetal.2022, author = {Mar, Kathleen A. and Unger, Charlotte and Walderdorff, Ludmila and Butler, Tim}, title = {Beyond CO2 equivalence}, series = {Environmental science \& policy}, volume = {134}, journal = {Environmental science \& policy}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1462-9011}, doi = {10.1016/j.envsci.2022.03.027}, pages = {127 -- 136}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In this article we review the physical and chemical properties of methane (CH4) relevant to impacts on climate, ecosystems, and air pollution, and examine the extent to which this is reflected in climate and air pollution governance. Although CH4 is governed under the UNFCCC climate regime, its treatment there is limited to the ways in which it acts as a "CO2 equivalent" climate forcer on a 100-year time frame. The UNFCCC framework neglects the impacts that CH4 has on near-term climate, as well its impacts on human health and ecosystems, which are primarily mediated by methane's role as a precursor to tropospheric ozone. Frameworks for air quality governance generally address tropospheric ozone as a pollutant, but do not regulate CH4 itself. Methane's climate and air quality impacts, together with its alarming rise in atmospheric concentrations in recent years, make it clear that mitigation of CH4 emissions needs to be accelerated globally. We examine challenges and opportunities for further progress on CH4 mitigation within the international governance landscapes for climate change and air pollution.}, language = {en} }