@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
title = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
pages = {1 -- 9},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen},
title = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
pages = {107 -- 121},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen},
title = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
pages = {311 -- 333},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
language = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
title = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
pages = {335 -- 344},
year = {2021},
abstract = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Daviter2017,
author = {Daviter, Falk},
title = {Policy analysis in the face of complexity},
series = {Public policy and administration},
volume = {34},
journal = {Public policy and administration},
number = {1},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {London},
issn = {0952-0767},
doi = {10.1177/0952076717733325},
pages = {21},
year = {2017},
abstract = {An ever-increasing number of policy problems have come to be interpreted as representing a particular type of intractable, ill-structured or wicked policy problem. Much of this debate is concerned with the challenges wicked problems pose for program management rather than policy analysis. This article, in contrast, argues that the key challenge in addressing this type of policy problems is in fact analytical. Wicked policy problems are difficult to identify and interpret. The knowledge base for analysing wicked policy problem is typically fragmented and contested. Available evidence is incomplete, inconclusive and incommensurable. In this situation, the evidentiary and the interpretative elements of policy analysis become increasingly indistinguishable and inseparably intertwined. The article reveals the problems this poses for policy analysis and explores the extent to which the consolidation, consensualization and contestation of evidence in policy analysis offer alternative procedural paths to resolve these problems.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Weiss2017,
author = {Weiß, Norman},
title = {Origin and Further Development},
series = {The Council of Europe},
journal = {The Council of Europe},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
address = {Oxford},
isbn = {978-0-19-967252-3},
pages = {3 -- 22},
year = {2017},
language = {en}
}
@article{ElSafadi2021,
author = {El-Safadi, Majd},
title = {Afghanistan-Krieg},
series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
volume = {29},
journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
number = {179},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-947802-66-1},
issn = {0944-8101},
pages = {68 -- 71},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@article{Bruening2020,
author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
title = {Heterogenit{\"a}t},
series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
journal = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
publisher = {Wochenschau},
address = {Frankfurt},
isbn = {978-3-7344-0953-0},
pages = {107 -- 110},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@article{Heucher2019,
author = {Heucher, Angela},
title = {Evolving Order? Inter-Organizational Relations in the Organizational},
series = {Forum for Development Studies},
volume = {46},
journal = {Forum for Development Studies},
number = {3},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0803-9410},
doi = {10.1080/08039410.2018.1562962},
pages = {501 -- 526},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.},
language = {en}
}
@article{GanghofEppner2019,
author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian},
title = {Faire Repr{\"a}sentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide? Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government},
series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
volume = {13},
journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
number = {3},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
issn = {1865-2646},
doi = {10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7},
pages = {375 -- 397},
year = {2019},
abstract = {The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015.},
language = {de}
}
@article{HickmannFuhrHoehneetal.2017,
author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Fuhr, Harald and H{\"o}hne, Chris and Lederer, Markus and Stehle, Fee},
title = {Carbon Governance Arrangements and the Nation-State: The Reconfiguration of Public Authority in Developing Countries},
series = {Public administration and development},
volume = {37},
journal = {Public administration and development},
publisher = {Wiley},
address = {Hoboken},
issn = {0271-2075},
doi = {10.1002/pad.1814},
pages = {331 -- 343},
year = {2017},
abstract = {Several scholars concerned with global policy-making have recently pointed to a reconfiguration of authority in the area of climate politics. They have shown that various new carbon governance arrangements have emerged, which operate simultaneously at different governmental levels. However, despite the numerous descriptions and mapping exercises of these governance arrangements, we have little systematic knowledge on their workings within national jurisdictions, let alone about their impact on public-administrative systems in developing countries. Therefore, this article opens the black box of the nation-state and explores how and to what extent two different arrangements, that is, Transnational City Networks and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, generate changes in the distribution of public authority in nation-states and their administrations. Building upon conceptual assumptions that the former is likely to lead to more decentralized, and the latter to more centralized policy-making, we provide insights from case studies in Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, and India. In a nutshell, our analysis underscores that Transnational City Networks strengthen climate-related actions taken by cities without ultimately decentralizing climate policy-making. On the other hand, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation tends to reinforce the competencies of central governments, but apparently does not generate a recentralization of the forestry sector at large.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Einf{\"u}hrung},
series = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1},
pages = {1 -- 5},
year = {2020},
language = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
author = {Juchler, Ingo},
title = {Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind - Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten},
series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1},
pages = {122 -- 137},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das St{\"u}ck zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen k{\"o}nnen umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie ankn{\"u}pfen. In dem Beitrag wird zun{\"a}chst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind" nachgegangen, vom R{\"o}mischen Reich {\"u}ber die Franz{\"o}sische Revolution, die totalit{\"a}ren Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im St{\"u}ck thematisierten Verh{\"a}ltnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gef{\"u}ge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer {\"U}berlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der M{\"o}glichkeit von Bildung und politischer M{\"u}ndigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten", Bullshit und L{\"u}gen diskutiert.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Droll2020,
author = {Droll, Max},
title = {Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht},
series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13},
pages = {171 -- 180},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Eine relevante und h{\"o}chst aktuelle {\"U}berschneidung fach{\"u}bergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Ph{\"a}nomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing" einer breiten {\"O}ffentlichkeit, die weit {\"u}ber fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erl{\"a}utert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und f{\"u}r ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — h{\"a}ufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts erm{\"o}glicht die Entwicklung und F{\"o}rderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erl{\"a}utert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Fitzi2019,
author = {Fitzi, Gregor},
title = {Max Weber's concept of 'modern politics},
series = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
volume = {19},
journal = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
number = {4},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {London},
issn = {1468-795X},
doi = {10.1177/1468795X19851368},
pages = {361 -- 376},
year = {2019},
abstract = {In a critical approach to Mommsen's classical thesis, which states the dependence of Weber's sociology on his political position, the article reconstructs the foundation of Weber's 'The Profession and Vocation of Politics' on his sociological analyses of the political domain in the manuscripts for the posthumous publication of Economy and Society. The first two pages of his 1919 lecture particularly show that Weber can fall back on the definitions of State and politics that he had already developed for his political sociology. Yet, to appreciate the full extent of this theoretical contribution, it is necessary to present Weber's entire ideal-typical analysis of the political. The article then shows that Weber provides an unlabelled definition of 'modern politics' that negates ante litteram Carl Schmitt's foundation of politics on the idea of enmity. In this context, Weber's sound plea for parliamentarism and against the fascination of civil war comes to the fore that he wanted to deliver to his audience of young revolutionaries in January 1919.},
language = {en}
}
@article{RuheLeibWeidmannetal.2020,
author = {Ruhe, Constantin and Leib, Julia and Weidmann, Nils B. and Bussmann, Margit},
title = {Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland},
series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
volume = {9},
journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
number = {2},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Wiesbaden},
issn = {2524-6976},
doi = {10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8},
pages = {443 -- 454},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und erg{\"a}nzt die aktuelle Diskussion {\"u}ber die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erl{\"a}utern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarit{\"a}t, Internationalit{\"a}t und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch f{\"u}r die Politikberatung ist. Zuk{\"u}nftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen ber{\"u}cksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu st{\"a}rken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.},
language = {de}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
series = {European Political Science},
volume = {19},
journal = {European Political Science},
number = {3},
issn = {1682-0983},
doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
pages = {336 -- 351},
year = {2020},
abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Leib2016,
author = {Leib, Julia},
title = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding},
series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
journal = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
number = {22},
publisher = {Univ.},
address = {Bradford},
issn = {1742-0601},
pages = {25 -- 76},
year = {2016},
abstract = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Leib2019,
author = {Leib, Julia},
title = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process},
series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
volume = {25},
journal = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
number = {4},
publisher = {de Gruyter},
address = {Berlin},
issn = {1554-8597},
doi = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033},
pages = {6},
year = {2019},
abstract = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Liese2013,
author = {Liese, Andrea Margit},
title = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?},
isbn = {978-1-10-760936-5},
year = {2013},
language = {en}
}
@article{BeisheimLiese2014,
author = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit},
title = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research},
isbn = {978-1-137-35925-0},
year = {2014},
language = {en}
}
@article{Teichler2021,
author = {Teichler, Hans Joachhim},
title = {Rezension zu: Nordalm, Jens: Der sch{\"o}ne Deutsche: das Leben des Gottfried von Cramm. - Hamburg: Rowohlt, 2021. - 286 S. - ISBN 978-3-498-00207-7},
series = {Berliner Debatte Initial : sozial- und geisteswissenschaftliches Journal},
volume = {32},
journal = {Berliner Debatte Initial : sozial- und geisteswissenschaftliches Journal},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-947802-73-9},
issn = {0863-4564},
pages = {162 -- 165},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@article{Doerfler2018,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Die Sanktionsaussch{\"u}sse zwischen Macht und Regeln},
series = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen},
volume = {66},
journal = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen},
number = {2},
publisher = {BWV},
address = {Berlin},
issn = {0042-384X},
pages = {62 -- 66},
year = {2018},
abstract = {Sanktionen sind ein wichtiges Instrument des UN-Sicherheitsrats zur Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Viele zentrale Entscheidungen, wie etwa die Listung und Entlistung terrorverd{\"a}chtiger Personen, werden fernab der {\"O}ffentlichkeit in Sanktionsaussch{\"u}ssen getroffen. Die Einsetzung dieser Aussch{\"u}sse hat die Entscheidungsdynamiken im Rat erheblich ver{\"a}ndert.},
language = {de}
}
@article{GehringDoerfler2019,
author = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices},
series = {Review of International Studies},
volume = {45},
journal = {Review of International Studies},
number = {1},
publisher = {Univ.},
address = {Cambridge},
issn = {0260-2105},
doi = {10.1017/S0260210518000268},
pages = {120 -- 140},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).},
language = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
title = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
series = {European journal of international relations},
volume = {27},
journal = {European journal of international relations},
number = {3},
publisher = {Sage},
address = {London},
issn = {1354-0661},
doi = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
pages = {753 -- 778},
year = {2021},
abstract = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Die Manosphere},
series = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
volume = {33},
journal = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
number = {2},
publisher = {de Gruyter},
address = {Berlin},
issn = {2192-4848},
doi = {10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041},
pages = {491 -- 505},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Die sogenannte Manosphere - eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich haupts{\"a}chlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beitr{\"a}ge und Ideologien auszeichnet - ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschl{\"a}gen in der letzten Zeit verst{\"a}rkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang h{\"a}ufig vernachl{\"a}ssigte Rolle digitaler R{\"a}ume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewaltt{\"a}tige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewaltt{\"a}tigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
series = {International feminist journal of politics},
volume = {22},
journal = {International feminist journal of politics},
number = {5},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {London},
issn = {1461-6742},
doi = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
pages = {720 -- 741},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
author = {Reiners, Nina},
title = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
volume = {43},
journal = {Human Rights Quarterly},
number = {2},
publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
address = {New York},
issn = {1085-794X},
doi = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
pages = {329 -- 343},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
language = {en}
}
@article{LieseReiners2019,
author = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina},
title = {The Eye of the Beholder?},
series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
journal = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
address = {Oxford},
isbn = {0191879398},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021},
pages = {335 -- 343},
year = {2019},
language = {en}
}
@article{SeyfriedAnsmann2018,
author = {Seyfried, Markus and Ansmann, Moritz},
title = {Unfreezing higher education institutions?},
series = {Higher Education},
volume = {75},
journal = {Higher Education},
number = {6},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Dordrecht},
issn = {0018-1560},
doi = {10.1007/s10734-017-0185-2},
pages = {1061 -- 1076},
year = {2018},
abstract = {Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly "infected" the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin's seminal concept of "unfreezing" organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
author = {Fuhr, Harald},
title = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
series = {Third world quarterly},
volume = {42},
journal = {Third world quarterly},
number = {11},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0143-6597},
doi = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
pages = {2724 -- 2746},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Kalczewiak2020,
author = {Kalczewiak, Mariusz},
title = {Yiddish Buenos Aires and the struggle to leave the margins},
series = {East European Jewish affairs},
volume = {50},
journal = {East European Jewish affairs},
number = {1-2},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {1350-1674},
doi = {10.1080/13501674.2020.1774275},
pages = {115 -- 133},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Yiddish culture developed in Argentina within the context of a self-perception that figured Buenos Aires as a marginal and peripheral locale on the global Yiddish map. Against this backdrop, Argentine Yiddish culturalists argued for the strengthening of local Yiddish culture with a goal of elevating Buenos Aires's status within the international hierarchies of Yiddish culture. Buenos Aires indeed emerged in the 1920s as a producer of Yiddish cultural contents, maintained networks of international cultural contacts with other Yiddish centers, financially supported Eastern European Yiddish establishments, and hoped that these contacts would allow for solving Buenos Aires reputation problems. The pre-World War II preoccupation with the status of Buenos Aires as a center of Yiddish culture provided a basis upon which post-Holocaust discourse of Argentine Jewish responsibility for the maintenance of Yiddish culture was constructed.},
language = {en}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
volume = {87},
journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
number = {4},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
issn = {0020-8523},
doi = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
pages = {775 -- 793},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work.
Points for practitioners
National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2022,
author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Angriffe auf die Changengleichheit},
series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
volume = {30},
journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
number = {185},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-947802-84-5},
issn = {0944-8101},
pages = {28 -- 33},
year = {2022},
language = {de}
}
@article{FleischerReiners2021,
author = {Fleischer, Julia and Reiners, Nina},
title = {Connecting international relations and public administration},
series = {International studies review},
volume = {23},
journal = {International studies review},
number = {4},
publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press},
address = {Oxford},
issn = {1521-9488},
doi = {10.1093/isr/viaa097},
pages = {1230 -- 1247},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.},
language = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan},
title = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union},
series = {International Journal of Public Administration},
volume = {40},
journal = {International Journal of Public Administration},
number = {14},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {Philadelphia},
issn = {0190-0692},
doi = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267},
pages = {1237 -- 1249},
year = {2017},
abstract = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Schmidt2018,
author = {Schmidt, Peter},
title = {Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy?},
series = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics},
volume = {28},
journal = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics},
number = {4},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {New York},
issn = {0936-9937},
doi = {10.1007/s00191-018-0564-6},
pages = {785 -- 803},
year = {2018},
abstract = {This paper reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticizes the fact that neoclassical reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is more than surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. In addition, it is shown that this "fallacy of failure thinking" even finds its continuation in the alternative concept of "system failure" with which some evolutionary economists try to explain and legitimate policy interventions in local, regional or national innovation systems. The paper argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Finally, the paper delivers an alternative evolutionary explanation of economic policy which is able to overcome the theory-immanent contradiction of the hitherto evolutionary view on this subject.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Crome2021,
author = {Crome, Erhard},
title = {Weltsozialforum - R{\"u}ckblick nach 20 Jahren},
series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
volume = {29},
journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
number = {180},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-947802-67-8},
issn = {0944-8101},
pages = {58 -- 64},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@article{Schreiber2021,
author = {Schreiber, Wilfried},
title = {Zwei mal zwanzig Jahre},
series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
volume = {29},
journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
number = {180},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-947802-67-8},
issn = {0944-8101},
pages = {70 -- 71},
year = {2021},
language = {de}
}
@article{Yilmaz2018,
author = {Yilmaz, Zafer},
title = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey},
series = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
volume = {29},
journal = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
number = {3},
publisher = {Duke Univ. Press},
address = {Durham},
issn = {1047-4552},
doi = {10.1215/10474552-7003168},
pages = {55 -- 77},
year = {2018},
abstract = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Wenzel2018,
author = {Wenzel, Bertolt},
title = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?},
series = {Public Policy and Administration},
volume = {33},
journal = {Public Policy and Administration},
number = {2},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {London},
issn = {0952-0767},
doi = {10.1177/0952076716683764},
pages = {149 -- 169},
year = {2018},
abstract = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Wallraf2022,
author = {Wallraf, Wolfram},
title = {Der Konflikt um die Ukraine und die deutschen Interessen},
series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
volume = {30},
journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal},
number = {184},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-947802-83-8},
issn = {0944-8101},
pages = {4 -- 6},
year = {2022},
language = {de}
}
@article{Burkert2022,
author = {Burkert, Rebecca},
title = {Moving mountains?},
series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7},
pages = {110 -- 127},
year = {2022},
language = {en}
}
@article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017,
author = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika},
title = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks},
series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
volume = {97},
journal = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
publisher = {Elsevier},
address = {Oxford},
issn = {0016-3287},
doi = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004},
pages = {35 -- 46},
year = {2017},
abstract = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Pittel2021,
author = {Pittel, Harald},
title = {Fin du globe},
series = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
volume = {162},
journal = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
number = {1},
publisher = {Sage},
address = {London},
issn = {0725-5136},
doi = {10.1177/0725513621994702},
pages = {121 -- 136},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This essay argues that Oscar Wilde noticeably contributed to the emerging discourse about world literature, even though his views in this regard have to be unearthed from the margins of his works, from his early and unpublished American lectures and 'between the lines' of his major critical essays. Wilde's implicit ideas around world literature can be understood as being closely related to his broader endeavour of redirecting and revaluing the pejorative discourse around 'decadence' in art and literature. More specifically, the arch-aesthete preferred to use the word 'romance' rather than 'decadence' (a term he hardly used at all in his writings), signalling a sensitivity attuned to what he called the 'love of things impossible'. This reconceptualization of the decadent outlook was to inspire a critical ideal of literature which relied on creatively activating the other as Other, culminating in a vision of intersubjective, transcultural and unlimited literary communication. Wilde's thought can be more specifically understood as anticipating central tenets of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's evocations of the planetary, thus preparing the way for an alterity-oriented understanding of literary cosmopolitanism.},
language = {en}
}
@article{OPUS4-56886,
title = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt},
editor = {Lian, Yuru and Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7},
pages = {261},
year = {2022},
abstract = {Vor 50 Jahren nahmen China und Deutschland diplomatische Beziehungen auf. Das ist der Anlass f{\"u}r diesen Sammelband. Er umfasst chinesische und deutsche Autoren und gibt dem deutschen Publikum profunde Einblicke in die aktuellen Entwicklungen in China und die chinesische Diplomatie auf den verschiedenen Feldern der Weltpolitik. Sie vermitteln chinesische Weltsichten, die hierzulande wahrgenommen und respektiert werden sollten. In einer Zeit, in der auch das Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen China und Deutschland schwieriger ist, ist es wichtig, offen f{\"u}r das Andere zu sein.},
language = {de}
}
@article{Crome2022,
author = {Crome, Erhard},
title = {Chinas Aufstieg und die BRICS-Gruppe},
series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen},
journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7},
pages = {171 -- 176},
year = {2022},
language = {de}
}
@article{LianKraemer2022,
author = {Lian, Yuru and Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund},
title = {Einleitung},
series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen},
journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen},
publisher = {WeltTrends},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7},
pages = {8 -- 11},
year = {2022},
language = {de}
}
@article{Knoth2011,
author = {Knoth, Alexander Henning},
title = {Entgrenzte Staatsb{\"u}rgerschaft?},
series = {WeltTrends-Papiere},
journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere},
number = {19},
publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
address = {Potsdam},
issn = {1864-0656},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-63532},
pages = {104 -- 110},
year = {2011},
abstract = {Inhalt: Ein ethnisches Problem? ; Ein politisches Problem? ; Aktuelle Debatte ; Formale Mitgliedschaft ; „Wir" und „Andere" ; Identit{\"a}t, Mitgliedschaft und Rechte ; Literaturverzeichnis},
language = {de}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Introduction},
series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_1},
pages = {1 -- 7},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Does political repression work and if so, under what conditions? Many contributions to the empirical study of non-democratic rule assume it does. As a consequence, strong convictions on political repression abound, but empirical investigations into the matter remain rare. This introduction sets the agenda for the chapters to come and outlines the answers given to the three motivating questions of this volume. First, what variants of political repression are there, and how do they interact? Second, what impact does the interaction of different forms of political repression have on the problem of authoritarian control? Finally, what difference does the complementary use of violence and restrictions make for the problem of authoritarian power-sharing?},
language = {en}
}