@article{Leib2016, author = {Leib, Julia}, title = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding}, series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, journal = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal}, number = {22}, publisher = {Univ.}, address = {Bradford}, issn = {1742-0601}, pages = {25 -- 76}, year = {2016}, abstract = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.}, language = {en} } @misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {Conclusion}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9}, pages = {211 -- 224}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.}, language = {en} } @misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas}, title = {Introduction}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1}, pages = {1 -- 22}, year = {2016}, abstract = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.}, language = {en} } @misc{Esguerra2016, author = {Esguerra, Alejandro}, title = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"}, series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance}, publisher = {Cham}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2}, pages = {25 -- 46}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.}, language = {en} } @article{Klinnert2016, author = {Klinnert, Anne}, title = {Rohstoffpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {24}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {118}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-25-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {24 -- 29}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In den 2000er-Jahren stiegen die Rohstoffpreise enorm an. Ausl{\"o}ser waren die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der Schwellenl{\"a}nder, allen voran Chinas, sowie der gestiegene Rohstoffbedarf durch technologische Innovationen. Diese „Rohstoffkrise" ver{\"a}nderte das Verh{\"a}ltnis der Rohstoff exportierenden und importierenden Staaten zueinander. Auch wird Rohstoffpolitik nicht mehr nur unter wirtschaftlichen, sondern ebenso unter {\"o}kologischen und sozialen Kriterien betrachtet. Der Beitrag erl{\"a}utert die Ursachen und benennt Auswirkungen der Krise.}, language = {de} } @article{Nix2016, author = {Nix, Andreas}, title = {Karl Mannheims Konservatismus}, series = {Kultursoziologie : Kultursozologie an deutschen Universit{\"a}ten}, volume = {2016}, journal = {Kultursoziologie : Kultursozologie an deutschen Universit{\"a}ten}, number = {2}, editor = {Geier, Wolfgang}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-24-8}, issn = {0941-343X}, pages = {102 -- 108}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @article{Wernert2016, author = {Wernert, Yann}, title = {Die Zeit der Großen Reformen in Russland}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal [24 (2016), 121]}, volume = {24}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal [24 (2016), 121]}, number = {121}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-33-0}, pages = {52 -- 55}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @book{Juchler2016, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Amerikaner in Berlin}, publisher = {Links Verlag}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-86153-883-7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {117}, year = {2016}, abstract = {An keinem anderen Ort wird die besondere Bedeutung der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika f{\"u}r Deutschland so deutlich wie in Berlin. In rund 80 Eintr{\"a}gen versammelt der Band eine Vielzahl US-amerikanischer Pers{\"o}nlichkeiten und stellt Orte vor, an denen sie in Berlin gelebt und gewirkt haben oder noch wirken. Die Berliner Erlebnisse von Diplomaten, Intellektuellen, Wissenschaftlern, Sportlern oder ber{\"u}hmten K{\"u}nstlerinnen aller Sparten machen die Geschichte der deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen von den Anf{\"a}ngen 1776 bis heute anschaulich und lebendig. Ausklappbare Karten, Infok{\"a}sten, ein farbiges Orientierungssystem und zahlreiche historische sowie aktuelle Fotos er{\"o}ffnen die M{\"o}glichkeit, den Spuren von Mildred Harnack, Martin Luther King, Angela Davis, Iggy Pop, Georg Bush, Daniel Liebeskind, Jonathan Franzen und vielen anderen in der deutschen Hauptstadt zu folgen.}, language = {de} } @book{OPUS4-9860, title = {Grenzen in den internationalen Beziehungen}, series = {WeltTrends-Lehrtexte ; 14}, journal = {WeltTrends-Lehrtexte ; 14}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, edition = {2. erw., Aufl.}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-28-6}, issn = {1861-5139}, pages = {244}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Grenzen sind immanenter Bestandteil der internationalen Beziehungen. Deren Kern besteht ja darin, dass Akteure {\"u}ber (nationalstaatliche) Grenzen hinweg handeln. Die Grenze und deren {\"U}berschreitung sind somit eine conditio sine qua non von internationalen Beziehungen. Das stellt sich in Europa, Amerika und Afrika sehr verschieden dar und wird auch unterschiedlich diskutiert. Der vorliegende Band bildet dies ab: die theoretische Debatte und die empirische Verschiedenheit in den Regionen, wobei die Europ{\"a}ische Union den regionalen Schwerpunkt bildet.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Schmidt2016, author = {Schmidt, Peter}, title = {Contributions to EU regional policy}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-90837}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {xii, 137}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This cumulative dissertation contains four self-contained articles which are related to EU regional policy and its structural funds as the overall research topic. In particular, the thesis addresses the question if EU regional policy interventions can at all be scientifically justified and legitimated on theoretical and empirical grounds from an economics point of view. The first two articles of the thesis ("The EU structural funds as a means to hamper migration" and "Internal migration and EU regional policy transfer payments: a panel data analysis for 28 EU member countries") enter into one particular aspect of the debate regarding the justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. They theoretically and empirically analyse as to whether regional policy or the market force of the free flow of labour (migration) in the internal European market is the better instrument to improve and harmonise the living and working conditions of EU citizens. Based on neoclassical market failure theory, the first paper argues that the structural funds of the EU are inhibiting internal migration, which is one of the key measures in achieving convergence among the nations in the single European market. It becomes clear that European regional policy aiming at economic growth and cohesion among the member states cannot be justified and legitimated if the structural funds hamper instead of promote migration. The second paper, however, shows that the empirical evidence on the migration and regional policy nexus is not unambiguous, i.e. different empirical investigations show that EU structural funds hamper and promote EU internal migration. Hence, the question of the scientific justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy cannot be readily and unambiguously answered on empirical grounds. This finding is unsatisfying but is in line with previous theoretical and empirical literature. That is why, I take a step back and reconsider the theoretical beginnings of the thesis, which took for granted neoclassical market failure theory as the starting point for the positive explanation as well as the normative justification and legitimisation of EU regional policy. The third article of the thesis ("EU regional policy: theoretical foundations and policy conclusions revisited") deals with the theoretical explanation and legitimisation of EU regional policy as well as the policy recommendations given to EU regional policymakers deduced from neoclassical market failure theory. The article elucidates that neoclassical market failure is a normative concept, which justifies and legitimates EU regional policy based on a political and thus subjective goal or value-judgement. It can neither be used, therefore, to give a scientifically positive explanation of the structural funds nor to obtain objective and practically applicable policy instruments. Given this critique of neoclassical market failure theory, the third paper consequently calls into question the widely prevalent explanation and justification of EU regional policy given in static neoclassical equilibrium economics. It argues that an evolutionary non-equilibrium economics perspective on EU regional policy is much more appropriate to provide a realistic understanding of one of the largest policies conducted by the EU. However, this does neither mean that evolutionary economic theory can be unreservedly seen as the panacea to positively explain EU regional policy nor to derive objective policy instruments for EU regional policymakers. This issue is discussed in the fourth article of the thesis ("Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy? A critique from an evolutionary perspective"). This article reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticises the fact that neoclassical failure reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. The paper therefore argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Taken together, the main finding of this thesis is that European regional policy and its structural funds can neither theoretically nor empirically be justified and legitimated from an economics point of view. Moreover, the thesis finds that the prevalent positive and instrumental explanation of EU regional policy given in the literature needs to be reconsidered, because these theories can neither scientifically explain the emergence and development of this policy nor are they appropriate to derive objective and scientific policy instruments for EU regional policymakers.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Schiller2016, author = {Schiller, Christof}, title = {The Politics of Welfare State Transformation in Germany}, series = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, journal = {Routledge-EUI studies in the political economy of welfare ; 17}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-315-62390-0}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {273}, year = {2016}, language = {en} } @techreport{Weiss2016, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Weiß, Norman}, title = {Frauen, Frieden und Sicherheit - was hat Resolution 1325 gebracht?}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {2509-6974}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-92932}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Nowadays, the issues women and peace are connected strongly on the level of UN's security policy as a consequence of resolution 1325 (2000). Which are the legal and factual impli-cations of this development both for the UN and for the Member States? Does their implementation meet the expectations? The study outlines the structure of today's WPS-agenda and discusses how the UN deals with it. Germany's activities to implement her obligations are also discussed.}, language = {de} } @misc{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {The Policy Influence of Sustainability Indicators}, doi = {10.1080/09644008.2016.1193160}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-96342}, pages = {1 -- 20}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In 2002 Germany adopted an ambitious national sustainability strategy, covering all three sustainability spheres and circling around 21 key indicators. The strategy stands out because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its high status and increasingly coercive nature. This article analyses the strategy's role in the policy process, focusing on the use and influence of indicators as a central steering tool. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of consensus about policy goals and the institutional setting of the indicators, are found to explain differences in use and influence both across indicators and over time. Moreover, the study argues that the indicators have been part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which conceptual and instrumental use together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy.}, language = {en} } @book{OPUS4-10114, title = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwortung}, editor = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-31-6}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {184}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Deutsche Außenpolitik zu Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts und die Linke im Spannungsfeld zwischen Nation und Internationalismus: F{\"u}r Erhard Crome geht es um nicht weniger als die Frage, wie deutsche Außenpolitik von links gedacht und konzipiert werden sollte. In der vorliegenden Festschrift gehen Kolleginnen und Kollegen dieser Frage gemeinsam mit dem Jubilar nach. Ein Pl{\"a}doyer f{\"u}r eine nicht-hegemoniale Verantwortung Deutschlands.}, language = {de} } @incollection{Kraemer2016, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Produktivit{\"a}t als Antwort}, series = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, booktitle = {Zwischen Hegemonie und Verantwort : Die Linke und die deutsche Außenpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-945878-31-6}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {9 -- 13}, year = {2016}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Kaltschew2016, author = {Kaltschew, Kristian}, title = {Die politische Opposition in autorit{\"a}ren Regimen}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-103930}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {237}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Die Empirie des beginnenden 21. Jahrhunderts weist mehr autorit{\"a}re Regime aus als am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts angenommen. Die gegenw{\"a}rtige Autoritarismusforschung versucht die Fortdauer dieses Regimetyps in Hinblick auf die politischen Institutionen zu erkl{\"a}ren - dabei bleiben politische Akteure, die nicht zum Herrschaftszentrum geh{\"o}ren, außen vor. Das vorliegende Projekt untersucht die Rolle und Funktion politischer Opposition in autorit{\"a}ren Regimen. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass sich an der Opposition eine signifikante Charakteristik autorit{\"a}rer Regime manifestiert. Das akteurszentrierte Projekt ist der qualitativ orientierten Politikwissenschaft zuzurechnen und verkn{\"u}pft das Autoritarismuskonzept von Juan Linz mit klassischen Ans{\"a}tzen der Oppositionsforschung und macht diese Theorien f{\"u}r die gegenw{\"a}rtige Autoritarismusforschung nutzbar. Die eigens entwickelte elitenorientierte Oppositionstypologie wird am Beispiel Kenias im Zeitraum 1990-2005 angewendet. Die Oppositionsgruppen werden im Institutionengef{\"u}ge autorit{\"a}rer Regime verortet und ihr politisches Agieren in den Dimensionen Handlungsstatus, Handlungs{\"u}berzeugung und Handlungsstrategie analysiert. Unter Beachtung der historisch gewachsenen regionalen und kulturellen Spezifika wird angenommen, dass generelle, Regionen {\"u}bergreifende Aussagen zur Opposition in autorit{\"a}ren Regimen getroffen werden k{\"o}nnen: Kein Oppositionstyp kann allein einen Herrschaftswechsel bewirken. Der Wechsel bzw. die Fortdauer der Herrschaft h{\"a}ngt von der Dominanz bestimmter Oppositionstypen im Oppositionsgeflecht sowie der gleichzeitigen Schw{\"a}che anderer Oppositionstypen ab. Durch die konzeptionelle Besch{\"a}ftigung mit Opposition sowie deren empirische Erschließung soll ein substantieller Beitrag f{\"u}r die notwendige Debatte um autorit{\"a}re Regime im 21. Jahrhundert geleistet werden.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Borgnaes2016, author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa}, title = {Governing through 'governing images'}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, year = {2016}, abstract = {In the debate on how to govern sustainable development, a central question concerns the interaction between knowledge about sustainability and policy developments. The discourse on what constitutes sustainable development conflict on some of the most basic issues, including the proper definitions, instruments and indicators of what should be 'developed' or 'sustained'. Whereas earlier research on the role of (scientific) knowledge in policy adopted a rationalist-positivist view of knowledge as the basis for 'evidence-based policy making', recent literature on knowledge creation and transfer processes has instead pointed towards aspects of knowledge-policy 'co-production' (Jasanoff 2004). It is highlighted that knowledge utilisation is not just a matter of the quality of the knowledge as such, but a question of which knowledge fits with the institutional context and dominant power structures. Just as knowledge supports and justifies certain policy, policy can produce and stabilise certain knowledge. Moreover, rather than viewing knowledge-policy interaction as a linear and uni-directional model, this conceptualization is based on an assumption of the policy process as being more anarchic and unpredictable, something Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) has famously termed the 'garbage-can model'. The present dissertation focuses on the interplay between knowledge and policy in sustainability governance. It takes stock with the practice of 'Management by Objectives and Results' (MBOR: Lundqvist 2004) whereby policy actors define sustainable development goals (based on certain knowledge) and are expected to let these definitions guide policy developments as well as evaluate whether sustainability improves or not. As such a knowledge-policy instrument, Sustainability Indicators (SI:s) help both (subjectively) construct 'social meaning' about sustainability and (objectively) influence policy and measure its success. The different articles in this cumulative dissertation analyse the development, implementation and policy support (personal and institutional) of Sustainability Indicators as an instrument for MBOR in a variety of settings. More specifically, the articles centre on the question of how sustainability definitions and measurement tools on the one hand (knowledge) and policy instruments and political power structures on the other, are co-produced. A first article examines the normative foundations of popular international SI:s and country rankings. Combining theoretical (constructivist) analysis with factor analysis, it analyses how the input variable structure of SI:s are related to different sustainability paradigms, producing a different output in terms of which countries (developed versus developing) are most highly ranked. Such a theoretical input-output analysis points towards a potential problem of SI:s becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation constructs'. The article thus, highlights on a quantitative basis what others have noted qualitatively - that different definitions and interpretations of sustainability influence indicator output to the point of contradiction. The normative aspects of SI:s does thereby not merely concern the question of which indicators to use for what purposes, but also the more fundamental question of how normative and political bias are intrinsically a part of the measurement instrument as such. The study argues that, although no indicator can be expected to tell the sustainability 'truth-out-there', a theoretical localization of indicators - and of the input variable structure - may help facilitate interpretation of SI output and the choice of which indicators to use for what (policy or academic) purpose. A second article examines the co-production of knowledge and policy in German sustainability governance. It focuses on the German sustainability strategy 'Perspektiven f{\"u}r Deutschland' (2002), a strategy that stands out both in an international comparison of national sustainability strategies as well as among German government policy strategies because of its relative stability over five consecutive government constellations, its rather high status and increasingly coercive nature. The study analyses what impact the sustainability strategy has had on the policy process between 2002 and 2015, in terms of defining problems and shaping policy processes. Contrasting rationalist and constructivist perspectives on the role of knowledge in policy, two factors, namely the level of (scientific and political) consensus about policy goals and the 'contextual fit' of problem definitions, are found to be main factors explaining how different aspects of the strategy is used. Moreover, the study argues that SI:s are part of a continuous process of 'structuring' in which indicator, user and context factors together help structure the sustainability challenge in such a way that it becomes more manageable for government policy. A third article examines how 31 European countries have built supportive institutions of MBOR between 1992 and 2012. In particular during the 1990s and early 2000s much hope was put into the institutionalisation of Environmental Policy Integration (EPI) as a way to overcome sectoral thinking in sustainability policy making and integrate issues of environmental sustainability into all government policy. However, despite high political backing (FN, EU, OECD), implementation of EPI seems to differ widely among countries. The study is a quantitative longitudinal cross-country comparison of how countries' 'EPI architectures' have developed over time. Moreover, it asks which 'EPI architectures' seem to be more effective in producing more 'stringent' sustainability policy.}, language = {en} } @article{BuschLiese2016, author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Liese, Andrea}, title = {The authority of international public administrations}, series = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, journal = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-1-349-94977-9}, doi = {10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5}, pages = {97 -- 122}, year = {2016}, abstract = {This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.}, language = {en} } @misc{CaliendoSchmidl2016, author = {Caliendo, Marco and Schmidl, Ricarda}, title = {Youth unemployment and active labor market policies in Europe}, series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {125}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-43695}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-436950}, pages = {32}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Since the economic crisis in 2008, European youth unemployment rates have been persistently high at around 20\% on average. The majority of European countries spends significant resources each year on active labor market programs (ALMP) with the aim of improving the integration prospects of struggling youths. Among the most common programs used are training courses, job search assistance and monitoring, subsidized employment, and public work programs. For policy makers, it is of upmost importance to know which of these programs work and which are able to achieve the intended goals - may it be the integration into the first labor market or further education. Based on a detailed assessment of the particularities of the youth labor market situation, we discuss the pros and cons of different ALMP types. We then provide a comprehensive survey of the recent evidence on the effectiveness of these ALMP for youth in Europe, highlighting factors that seem to promote or impede their effectiveness in practice. Overall, the findings with respect to employment outcomes are only partly promising. While job search assistance (with and without monitoring) results in overwhelmingly positive effects, we find more mixed effects for training and wage subsidies, whereas the effects for public work programs are clearly negative. The evidence on the impact of ALMP on furthering education participation as well as employment quality is scarce, requiring additional research and allowing only limited conclusions so far.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Widdau2016, author = {Widdau, Christoph Sebastian}, title = {Cassirers Leibniz und die Begr{\"u}ndung der Menschenrechte}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-12677-3}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {142}, year = {2016}, abstract = {Christoph Sebastian Widdau leistet mit seinem Buch einen innovativen Beitrag zur Cassirer-Forschung, zu den Leibniz-Studien und zur Begr{\"u}ndung der Menschenrechte. Er wirft ein ideengeschichtlich und philosophisch neues Licht auf die 'Natur' im Naturrecht, die kulturelle Bedeutung des Individuums und den Pluralismus politischer Ordnungen. Mit 'Cassirers Leibniz' zeigt Widdau auf, dass Menschenrechte kein beliebiger Zusatz zur Kultur, sondern vielmehr kulturkonstitutiv sind.}, language = {de} }