@article{CohenKrauseAbouChadi2024, author = {Cohen, Denis and Krause, Werner and Abou-Chadi, Tarik}, title = {Comparative vote switching}, series = {The journal of politics}, volume = {86}, journal = {The journal of politics}, number = {2}, publisher = {University of Chicago Press}, address = {Chicago, IL}, issn = {0022-3816}, doi = {10.1086/726952}, pages = {597 -- 607}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties' policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change.}, language = {en} } @article{Thomeczek2024, author = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp}, title = {B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist?}, series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, journal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift}, publisher = {Springer VS}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {0032-3470}, doi = {10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z}, pages = {18}, year = {2024}, abstract = {Germany's relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht's B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10\% are within reach. While Wagenknecht's positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht's and BSW's populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005-2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW's manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of "the majority". Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate.}, language = {en} } @article{DannemannGuertler2024, author = {Dannemann, Udo and G{\"u}rtler, Friedemann}, title = {Meine Krise, deine Krise - unsere Krise(n)?}, series = {POLIS}, volume = {28}, journal = {POLIS}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt, M.}, issn = {2749-4861}, doi = {10.46499/2377.3002}, pages = {22 -- 25}, year = {2024}, language = {de} } @article{RockstroemKotzeMilutinovićetal.2024, author = {Rockstr{\"o}m, Johan and Kotz{\´e}, Louis and Milutinović, Svetlana and Biermann, Frank and Brovkin, Victor and Donges, Jonathan and Ebbesson, Jonas and French, Duncan and Gupta, Joyeeta and Kim, Rakhyun and Lenton, Timothy and Lenzi, Dominic and Nakicenovic, Nebojsa and Neumann, Barbara and Schuppert, Fabian and Winkelmann, Ricarda and Bosselmann, Klaus and Folke, Carl and Lucht, Wolfgang and Schlosberg, David and Richardson, Katherine and Steffen, Will}, title = {The planetary commons}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, volume = {121}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America}, number = {5}, publisher = {National Academy of Sciences}, address = {Washington, DC}, issn = {1091-6490}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.2301531121}, pages = {10}, year = {2024}, abstract = {The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.}, language = {en} } @article{Rashidi2023, author = {Rashidi, Laleh}, title = {Iran - das Pulverfass explodiert}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {195}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-06-2}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {48 -- 53}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{ZimmermannBerdefy2023, author = {Zimmermann, Andreas and Berdefy, Alina-Camille}, title = {Strafverfolgung und Beendigung von Straflosigkeit angesichts des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine}, series = {Ukraine-Krieg und Recht}, volume = {2}, journal = {Ukraine-Krieg und Recht}, number = {4}, publisher = {C.H. Beck}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, pages = {164 -- 167}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Kleinwaechter2023, author = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Lutz}, title = {Die politische Verzwergung des Westens}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {100 -- 102}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Juliane}, title = {Mehr als nur Ehefrauen}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {55 -- 60}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{ZimmeringWahl2023, author = {Zimmering, Raina and Wahl, Achim}, title = {Internationale Neupositionierung Brasiliens unter Lula}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {23 -- 31}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Klinnert2023, author = {Klinnert, Anne}, title = {Frauen im Widerstand}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {1175490-4}, pages = {54 -- 54}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{D'Souza2023, author = {D'Souza, Shanthie Mariet}, title = {Krisen in Afganisthan}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {6 -- 11}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Andres2023, author = {Andres, Maximilian}, title = {Four essays on communication, cooperation, and text mining in experimental economics}, pages = {248}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Zelt2023, author = {Zelt, Thomas}, title = {Finnland und Schweden}, series = {Welttrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, number = {197}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-05-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {15 -- 19}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Guenduez2023, author = {G{\"u}nd{\"u}z, Zuhala Ye{\c{s}}ilyurt}, title = {Wahlen in der T{\"u}rkei}, series = {WeltTrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, volume = {197}, journal = {WeltTrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-05-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {27 -- 31}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2023, author = {Crome, Eberhard}, title = {BRICS und die neue Weltordnung}, series = {WeltTrends: Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, volume = {31}, journal = {WeltTrends: Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, number = {197}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-05-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {32 -- 37}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Wahl2023, author = {Wahl, Achim}, title = {Brasilien in den BRICS}, series = {WeltTrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, volume = {31}, journal = {WeltTrends : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r internationale Politik}, number = {197}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-05-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {60 -- 68}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Ganghof2023, author = {Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Justifying types of representative democracy}, series = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, journal = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-8230}, doi = {10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665}, pages = {1 -- 12}, year = {2023}, abstract = {This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.}, language = {en} } @article{TsebelisThiesCheibubetal.2023, author = {Tsebelis, George and Thies, Michael and Cheibub, Jos{\´e} Antonio and Dixon, Rosalind and Bog{\´e}a, Daniel and Ganghof, Steffen}, title = {Review symposium}, series = {European political science}, journal = {European political science}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1680-4333}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-023-00426-9}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Steffen Ganghof's Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism: Democratic Design and the Separation of Powers (Oxford University Press, 2021) posits that "in a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not" (Ganghof, 2021). To consider, examine and theorise about this, Ganghof urges engagement with semi-parliamentarism. As explained by Ganghof, legislative power is shared between two democratically legitimate sections of parliament in a semi-parliamentary system, but only one of those sections selects the government and can remove it in a no-confidence vote. Consequently, power is dispersed and not concentrated in the hands of any one person, which, Ganghof argues, can lead to an enhanced form of parliamentary democracy. In this book review symposium, George Tsebelis, Michael Thies, Jos{\´e} Antonio Cheibub, Rosalind Dixon and Daniel Bog{\´e}a review Steffen Ganghof's book and engage with the author about aspects of research design, case selection and theoretical argument. This symposium arose from an engaging and constructive discussion of the book at a seminar hosted by Texas A\&M University in 2022. We thank Prof Jos{\´e} Cheibub (Texas A\&M) for organising that seminar and Dr Anna Fruhstorfer (University of Potsdam) for initiating this book review symposium.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBuzogany2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Buzog{\´a}ny, Aron}, title = {Unboxing international public administrations}, series = {The American review of public administration}, volume = {53}, journal = {The American review of public administration}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Thousand Oaks, Calif.}, issn = {0275-0740}, doi = {10.1177/02750740221136488}, pages = {23 -- 35}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Recent debates in international relations increasingly focus on bureaucratic apparatuses of international organizations and highlight their role, influence, and autonomy in global public policy. In this contribution we follow the recent call made by Moloney and Rosenbloom in this journal to make use of "public administrative theory and empirically based knowledge in analyzing the behavior of international and regional organizations" and offer a systematic analysis of the inner structures of these administrative bodies. Changes in these structures can reflect both the (re-)assignment of responsibilities, competencies, and expertise, but also the (re)allocation of resources, staff, and corresponding signalling of priorities. Based on organizational charts, we study structural changes within 46 international bureaucracies in the UN system. Tracing formal changes to all internal units over two decades, this contribution provides the first longitudinal assessment of structural change at the international level. We demonstrate that the inner structures of international bureaucracies in the UN system became more fragmented over time but also experienced considerable volatility with periods of structural growth and retrenchment. The analysis also suggests that IO's political features yield stronger explanatory power for explaining these structural changes than bureaucratic determinants. We conclude that the politics of structural change in international bureaucracies is a missing piece in the current debate on international public administrations that complements existing research perspectives by reiterating the importance of the political context of international bureaucracies as actors in global governance.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerPruin2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Pruin, Andree}, title = {Organizational reputation in executive politics}, series = {International review of administrative sciences}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Los Angeles, Calif.}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/00208523221132228}, pages = {16}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a "laboratorization" of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-{\`a}-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-{\`a}-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerWanckel2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla}, title = {Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector}, series = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, journal = {Review of Public Personnel Administration}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0734-371X}, doi = {10.1177/0734371X221148403}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers "digital overload" that decreases government employees' job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees' freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector.}, language = {en} } @article{LundgrenSquatritoSommereretal.2023, author = {Lundgren, Magnus and Squatrito, Theresa and Sommerer, Thomas and Tallberg, Jonas}, title = {Introducing the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD)}, series = {The review of international organizations}, volume = {19}, journal = {The review of international organizations}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Boston}, issn = {1559-7431}, doi = {10.1007/s11558-023-09492-6}, pages = {117 -- 146}, year = {2023}, abstract = {There is a growing recognition that international organizations (IOs) formulate and adopt policy in a wide range of areas. IOs have emerged as key venues for states seeking joint solutions to contemporary challenges such as climate change or COVID-19, and to establish frameworks to bolster trade, development, security, and more. In this capacity, IOs produce both extraordinary and routine policy output with a multitude of purposes, ranging from policies of historic significance like admitting new members to the more mundane tasks of administering IO staff. This article introduces the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD), which covers close to 37,000 individual policy acts of 13 multi-issue IOs in the 1980-2015 period. The dataset fills a gap in the growing body of literature on the comparative study of IOs, providing researchers with a fine-grained perspective on the structure of IO policy output and data for comparisons across time, policy areas, and organizations. This article describes the construction and coverage of the dataset and identifies key temporal and cross-sectional patterns revealed by the data. In a concise illustration of the dataset's utility, we apply models of punctuated equilibria in a comparative study of the relationship between institutional features and broad policy agenda dynamics. Overall, the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset offers a unique resource for researchers to analyze IO policy output in a granular manner and to explore questions of responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy of IOs.}, language = {en} } @article{LundgrenTallbergSommereretal.2023, author = {Lundgren, Magnus and Tallberg, Jonas and Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa}, title = {When are international organizations responsive to policy problems?}, series = {International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association}, volume = {67}, journal = {International studies quarterly : the journal of the International Studies Association}, number = {3}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0020-8833}, doi = {10.1093/isq/sqad045}, pages = {14}, year = {2023}, abstract = {When are international organizations (IOs) responsive to the policy problems that motivated their establishment? While it is a conventional assumption that IOs exist to address transnational challenges, the question of whether and when IO policy-making is responsive to shifts in underlying problems has not been systematically explored. This study investigates the responsiveness of IOs from a large-n, comparative approach. Theoretically, we develop three alternative models of IO responsiveness, emphasizing severeness, dependence, and power differentials. Empirically, we focus on the domain of security, examining the responsiveness of eight multi-issue IOs to armed conflict between 1980 and 2015, using a novel and expansive dataset on IO policy decisions. Our findings suggest, first, that IOs are responsive to security problems and, second, that responsiveness is not primarily driven by dependence or power differentials but by problem severity. An in-depth study of the responsiveness of the UN Security Council using more granular data confirms these findings. As the first comparative study of whether and when IO policy adapts to problem severity, the article has implications for debates about IO responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy.}, language = {en} } @article{DuitLimSommerer2023, author = {Duit, Andreas and Lim, Sijeong and Sommerer, Thomas}, title = {The state and the environment}, series = {Politics \& policy}, volume = {51}, journal = {Politics \& policy}, number = {6}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Hoboken, NJ}, issn = {1555-5623}, doi = {10.1111/polp.12561}, pages = {1046 -- 1068}, year = {2023}, abstract = {The limitations and possibilities of the state in solving societal problems are perennial issues in the political and policy sciences and increasingly so in studies of environmental politics. With the aim of better understanding the role of the state in addressing environmental degradation through policy making, this article investigates the nexus between the environmental policy outputs and the environmental performance. Drawing on three theoretical perspectives on the state and market nexus in the environmental dilemma, we identify five distinct pathways. We then examine the extent to which these pathways are manifested in the real world. Our empirical investigation covers up to 37 countries for the period 1970-2010. While we see no global pattern of linkages between policy outputs and performance, our exploratory analysis finds evidence of policy effects, which suggest that the state can, under certain circumstances, improve the environment through policy making.}, language = {en} } @article{Rashidi2023, author = {Rashidi, Laleh}, title = {Die Wut, die zu tanzen begann}, series = {Frauen im Widerstand}, journal = {Frauen im Widerstand}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-29-1}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {9 -- 12}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Krause2023, author = {Krause, Juliane}, title = {Mehr als nur Ehefrauen}, series = {Frauen im Widerstand}, journal = {Frauen im Widerstand}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-29-1}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {5 -- 8}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Guenduez2023, author = {G{\"u}nd{\"u}z, Zuhal Yesilyurt}, title = {F{\"u}r die Istanbul-Konvention - gegen Gewalt gegen{\"u}ber Frauen}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {73 -- 81}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Rashidi2023, author = {Rashidi, Laleh}, title = {Die Wut, die zu tanzen begann}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {61 -- 66}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Wahl2023, author = {Wahl, Achim}, title = {Die Lula-Regierung und ihre Herausforderungen}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {31}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {196}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-03-1}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {38 -- 47}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Guenduez2023, author = {G{\"u}nd{\"u}z, Zuhal Yesilyurt}, title = {F{\"u}r die Istanbul-Konvention - gegen Gewalt gegen{\"u}ber Frauen}, series = {Frauen im Widerstand}, journal = {Frauen im Widerstand}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-29-1}, issn = {2193-0627}, pages = {17 -- 22}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Doerfler2023, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Why rules matter: shaping security council sanctions policy in counterterrorism and beyond}, series = {Journal of global security studies}, volume = {8}, journal = {Journal of global security studies}, number = {1}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {2057-3170}, doi = {10.1093/jogss/ogac041}, pages = {19}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Sanctions are critical to the Security Council's efforts to fight terrorism. What is striking is that the Council's sanctions regimes are subject to detailed sets of rules and decision criteria. The scholarship on human rights in counterterrorism assumes that rights advocacy and court litigation have prompted this development. The article complements this literature by highlighting an unexplored internal driver of legal-regulatory decision-making and explores how mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members have affected the extent of committee regulations and the content of decisions taken by sanctions committees. Based on internal documents and diplomatic cables, a comparative analysis of the Iraq sanctions regime and the counterterrorism sanctions regime demonstrates that mixed-motive interest constellations among Security Council members provide incentives to elaborate rules to guide decision-making resulting in legal-regulatory sanctions governance, even if the human rights of targeted individuals are not at stake. For comparative leverage and to assess the limits of the proposed mechanism, the analysis is briefly extended to other sanctions regimes targeting individuals (Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan). The findings have implications for this essential tool of the Security Council to react to threats to peace as diverse as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, and internal armed conflict.}, language = {en} } @article{Goese2023, author = {G{\"o}se, Frank}, title = {Zwischen Rittergut und Kanzlei}, series = {Preußische Staatsm{\"a}nner : Herkunft, Erziehung und Ausbildung, Karrieren, Dienstalltag und Weltbilder zwischen 1740 und 1806}, journal = {Preußische Staatsm{\"a}nner : Herkunft, Erziehung und Ausbildung, Karrieren, Dienstalltag und Weltbilder zwischen 1740 und 1806}, editor = {Eckert, Georg and Groppe, Carola and H{\"o}roldt, Ulrike}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humboldt}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-428-18869-7}, pages = {231 -- 254}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{UllmannvonStaden2023, author = {Ullmann, Andreas J. and von Staden, Andreas}, title = {A room full of 'views'}, series = {Journal of conflict resolution}, volume = {68}, journal = {Journal of conflict resolution}, number = {2-3}, publisher = {Sage Publications}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0022-0027}, doi = {10.1177/00220027231160460}, pages = {534 -- 561}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Quantitative research into the effectiveness of the UN human rights treaty bodies (UNTBs) in eliciting remedial responses from states is impeded by a lack of usable data on how states respond to their decisions. The new Treaty Body Views Dataset (TBVD) aims to fill this gap. It comprises details on all published decisions in individual complaints cases issued by the UNTBs between 1979 and 2019 and matches these with information on their state of compliance. The TBVD can be used for research on the activities of the treaty bodies, the nature of the decisions themselves, or state behavior following a decision. An empirical application illustrates how the TBVD can advance knowledge about the factors that correlate with compliance with adverse UNTB decisions. Results show that the likelihood of implementation hinges critically on decision-level characteristics, and reveal differences and similarities between compliance with UNTB decisions and regional human rights court judgments.}, language = {en} } @article{KrauseGahn2023, author = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina}, title = {Should we include margins of error in public opinion polls?}, series = {European journal of political research}, volume = {Early view}, journal = {European journal of political research}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0304-4130}, doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12633}, pages = {26}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Public opinion polls have become vital and increasingly visible parts of election campaigns. Previous research has frequently demonstrated that polls can influence both citizens' voting intentions and political parties' campaign strategies. However, they are also fraught with uncertainty. Margins of error can reflect (parts of) this uncertainty. This paper investigates how citizens' voting intentions change due to whether polling estimates are presented with or without margins of error. Using a vignette experiment (N=3224), we examine this question based on a real-world example in which different election polls were shown to nationally representative respondents ahead of the 2021 federal election in Germany. We manipulated the display of the margins of error, the interpretation of polls and the closeness of the electoral race. The results indicate that margins of error can influence citizens' voting intentions. This effect is dependent on the actual closeness of the race and additional interpretative guidance provided to voters. More concretely, the results consistently show that margins of error increase citizens' inclination to vote for one of the two largest contesting parties if the polling gap between these parties is small, and an interpretation underlines this closeness. The findings of this study are important for three reasons. First, they help to determine whether margins of error can assist citizens in making more informed (strategic) vote decisions. They shed light on whether depicting opinion-poll uncertainty affects the key features of representative democracy, such as democratic accountability. Second, the results stress the responsibility of the media. The way polls are interpreted and contextualized influences the effect of margins of error on voting behaviour. Third, the findings of this paper underscore the significance of including methodological details when communicating scientific research findings to the broader public.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2023, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {The role of evidence-based misogyny in antifeminist online communities of the 'manosphere'}, series = {Big data \& society}, volume = {10}, journal = {Big data \& society}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Thousand Oaks, Calif.}, issn = {2053-9517}, doi = {10.1177/20539517221145671}, pages = {1}, year = {2023}, abstract = {In recent years, there have been a growing number of online and offline attacks linked to a loosely connected network of misogynist and antifeminist online communities called 'the manosphere'. Since 2016, the ideas spread among and by groups of the manosphere have also become more closely aligned with those of other Far-Right online networks. In this commentary, I explore the role of what I term 'evidence-based misogyny' for mobilization and radicalization into the antifeminist and misogynist subcultures of the manosphere. Evidence-based misogyny is a discursive strategy, whereby members of the manosphere refer to (and misinterpret) knowledge in the form of statistics, studies, news items and pop-culture and mimic accepted methods of knowledge presentation to support their essentializing, polarizing views about gender relations in society. Evidence-based misogyny is a core aspect for manosphere-related mobilization as it provides a false sense of authority and forges a collective identity, which is framed as a supposed 'alternative' to mainstream gender knowledge. Due to its core function to justify and confirm the misogynist sentiments of users, evidence-based misogyny serves as connector between the manosphere and both mainstream conservative as well as other Far-Right and conspiratorial discourses.}, language = {en} } @article{Jansen2023, author = {Jansen, Till}, title = {Der Sinn des Lebens}, series = {Zeitschrift F{\"u}hrung + Organisation}, journal = {Zeitschrift F{\"u}hrung + Organisation}, number = {03}, publisher = {Sch{\"a}ffer-Poeschel}, address = {Stuttgart}, issn = {0722-7485}, pages = {157 -- 158}, year = {2023}, language = {de} } @article{Giesen2023, author = {Giesen, Michael}, title = {Framing gender-based violence in multi-level contexts}, series = {European journal of politics and gender}, volume = {6}, journal = {European journal of politics and gender}, number = {1}, publisher = {Bristol University Press}, address = {Bristol}, issn = {2515-1088}, doi = {10.1332/251510821X16693059192022}, pages = {76 -- 91}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International institutions are an essential driving force of contemporary policies to combat gender-based violence but remain toothless if political actors do not implement them in domestic policies. How can scholars conceptualise the transposition of international gender-based violence norms into domestic policies? I argue that discourse network analysis provides a powerful conceptual and methodological extension of critical frame analysis to understand how frames shape the meaning of gender-based violence norms in multi-level institutional contexts. Frames' normative and cognitive network structure invites combining discourse network and frame analysis techniques that locate frames' power in their ability to connect different institutional spheres temporally and spatially. I outline a multi-level research agenda that traces the framing processes of international norms and their domestic implementation through gender-based violence policies in the Council of Europe's Istanbul Convention. This agenda includes avenues to study how complex transnational policy frameworks like the Istanbul Convention play out in domestic policy implementation.}, language = {en} } @article{DijkstraDebreHeinkelmannWild2023, author = {Dijkstra, Hylke and Debre, Maria Josepha and Heinkelmann-Wild, Tim}, title = {Governance abhors a vacuum}, series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations}, journal = {The British journal of politics \& international relations}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {1369-1481}, doi = {10.1177/13691481231202642}, pages = {20}, year = {2023}, abstract = {International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our analysis of 26 major terminated international organisations reveals legal-institutional and asset continuity in 21 cases. To further illustrate this point, the article zooms in on the afterlife of the International Institute of Agriculture in the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Refugee Organization in the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the Western European Union in the European Union. In these three cases, international organisation afterlife inspired and structured the design of their successor institutions. While specific international organisations might be terminated, international cooperation therefore often lives on in other institutions.}, language = {en} } @article{DebreDijkstra2023, author = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke}, title = {Are international organisations in decline?}, series = {Global policy}, volume = {14}, journal = {Global policy}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.13170}, pages = {16 -- 30}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Many international organisations (IOs) are currently challenged, yet are they also in decline? Despite much debate on the crisis of liberal international order, con-testation, loss of legitimacy, gridlock, pathologies and exiting member states, there is little research on IO decline. This article seeks to clarify this concept and argues that decline can be considered in absolute and relative terms. Absolute decline involves a decrease in the number of IOs and their authority, member-ship and output, whereas relative decline concerns a decrease in the centrality of IOs in international relations. Reviewing a wide range of indicators, this article argues that, whereas there is limited decline in absolute terms since 1945, there may well be important decline in relative terms. Relative decline is more difficult to measure, but to probe its significance this article presents data from speeches during the United Nations General Assembly General Debate. It shows that IOs were most often mentioned in 1996 and that there has been a decline since. These findings indicate that, whereas IOs might survive as institutions, they are decreasingly central to international relations.}, language = {en} } @article{Haenel2023, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.}, title = {Germany's silence: testimonial injustice in the NSU investigation and willful ignorance in the NSU trial}, series = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, journal = {Constellations : an international journal of critical and democratic theory}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1351-0487}, doi = {10.1111/1467-8675.12703}, pages = {1 -- 16}, year = {2023}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Angriffe auf die Changengleichheit}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {185}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-84-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {28 -- 33}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{HartmannLang2022, author = {Hartmann, Eddy and Lang, Felix}, title = {The crisis of social trust in non-violent routines}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3}, pages = {104}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{Wallraf2022, author = {Wallraf, Wolfram}, title = {Der Konflikt um die Ukraine und die deutschen Interessen}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {184}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-83-8}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {4 -- 6}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Burkert2022, author = {Burkert, Rebecca}, title = {Moving mountains?}, series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7}, pages = {110 -- 127}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{OPUS4-56886, title = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt}, editor = {Lian, Yuru and Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {261}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Vor 50 Jahren nahmen China und Deutschland diplomatische Beziehungen auf. Das ist der Anlass f{\"u}r diesen Sammelband. Er umfasst chinesische und deutsche Autoren und gibt dem deutschen Publikum profunde Einblicke in die aktuellen Entwicklungen in China und die chinesische Diplomatie auf den verschiedenen Feldern der Weltpolitik. Sie vermitteln chinesische Weltsichten, die hierzulande wahrgenommen und respektiert werden sollten. In einer Zeit, in der auch das Verh{\"a}ltnis zwischen China und Deutschland schwieriger ist, ist es wichtig, offen f{\"u}r das Andere zu sein.}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {Chinas Aufstieg und die BRICS-Gruppe}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {171 -- 176}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{LianKraemer2022, author = {Lian, Yuru and Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Einleitung}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {8 -- 11}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {China in der Welt des 21. Jahrhunderts}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {113}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Zimmering2022, author = {Zimmering, Raina}, title = {Zeitwende auf lateinamerikanisch?}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {193}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-92-0}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {35 -- 38}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {In tempore belli 2022}, volume = {30}, number = {193}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-92-0}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {22 -- 28}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {F{\"u}nf gegen einen Atomkrieg}, volume = {30}, number = {184}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-83-8}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {68 -- 69}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Baumgardt2022, author = {Baumgardt, Iris}, title = {Politisches Denken}, series = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, journal = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {180 -- 188}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Baumgardt2022, author = {Baumgardt, Iris}, title = {Berufswelt}, series = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, journal = {Young Citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {292 -- 298}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{BaumgardtLange2022, author = {Baumgardt, Iris and Lange, Dirk}, title = {Einleitung}, series = {Young citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, journal = {Young citizens : Handbuch politische Bildung in der Grundschule}, publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung}, address = {Bonn}, isbn = {978-3-7425-0777-8}, pages = {12 -- 15}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{SchmidtWellenburg2022, author = {Schmidt-Wellenburg, Christian}, title = {Democratization or politicization?}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {106 -- 128}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{ForlenzaTurner2022, author = {Forlenza, Rosario and Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Roman Catholicism and democracy}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {149 -- 164}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Von Menschen und anderen Tieren im Berliner Tiergarten}, series = {Atopien im Politischen : Politische Bildung nach dem Ende der Zukunft}, journal = {Atopien im Politischen : Politische Bildung nach dem Ende der Zukunft}, publisher = {Transcript}, address = {Bielefeld}, isbn = {978-3-8376-5201-7}, pages = {105 -- 132}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Rashidi2022, author = {Rashidi, Laleh}, title = {Wohin steuert der Iran?}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {188}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-87-6}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {9 -- 12}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Angelow2022, author = {Angelow, J{\"u}rgen}, title = {Rapallo}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {188}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-87-6}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {59 -- 63}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Kraemer2022, author = {Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund}, title = {Am nuklearen Abgrund}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {192}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-91-3}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {60 -- 64}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {Geopolitisches Wunschdenken}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {192}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-91-3}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {70 -- 71}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Thielicke2022, author = {Thielicke, Hubert}, title = {Nukleares Nichtverbreitungsregime in Schwierigkeiten?}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {192}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-91-3}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {4 -- 8}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {Erkl{\"a}rungen im Widerstreit}, series = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {Welttrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {185}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-84-5}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {70 -- 71}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{BrenneckeErtugKovacsetal.2022, author = {Brennecke, Julia and Ertug, Gokhan and Kov{\´a}cs, Bal{\´a}zs and Zou, Tengjian}, title = {What does homophily do?}, series = {Academy of Management Annals}, volume = {16}, journal = {Academy of Management Annals}, number = {1}, publisher = {Erlbaum}, address = {Mahwah}, issn = {1941-6520}, doi = {10.5465/annals.2020.0230}, pages = {38 -- 69}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Understanding the consequences of homophily, which is among the most widely observed social phenomena, is important, with implications for management theory and practice. Therefore, we review management research on the consequences of homophily. As these consequences have been studied at the individual, dyad, team, organizational, and macro levels, we structure our review accordingly. We highlight findings that are consistent and contradictory, as well as those that point to boundary conditions or moderators. In conducting our review, we also derive implications for management research from insights gained by research in other disciplines on this topic. We raise specific issues and opportunities for future research at each level, and conclude with a discussion of broader future research directions, both empirical and conceptual, that apply across levels. We hope that our review will open new vistas in research on this important topic.}, language = {en} } @article{Crome2022, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {50 jahre Grundlagenvertrag}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-91-3}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {56 -- 60}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{EtteRen2022, author = {Ette, Ottmar and Ren, Haiyan}, title = {Humboldt in China angekommen}, series = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, volume = {30}, journal = {WeltTrends : das außenpolitische Journal}, number = {194}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-93-7}, issn = {0944-8101}, pages = {8 -- 12}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{RenEtte2022, author = {Ren, Haiyan and Ette, Ottmar}, title = {China und Humboldt}, series = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, journal = {China und Deutschland in einer turbulenten Welt : 50 Jahre diplomatische Beziehungen}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-949887-01-7}, pages = {233 -- 239}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Girnus2022, author = {Girnus, Luisa}, title = {Interpretieren oder berechnen?}, series = {Methoden der politikdidaktischen Theoriebildung und empirischen Forschung}, journal = {Methoden der politikdidaktischen Theoriebildung und empirischen Forschung}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1415-2}, pages = {242 -- 258}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{RothermelShepherd2022, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.}, title = {Introduction}, series = {Critical studies on terrorism}, volume = {15}, journal = {Critical studies on terrorism}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1753-9153}, doi = {10.1080/17539153.2022.2101535}, pages = {523 -- 532}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism, and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions.}, language = {en} } @article{Demmke2022, author = {Demmke, Christoph}, title = {The Legitimacy of civil services in the 21 st century}, series = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, journal = {The Oxford encyclopedia of public administration ; Vol 2}, publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-0-19-762812-6}, pages = {928 -- 944}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{DanielsenFleischer2022, author = {Danielsen, Ole Andreas and Fleischer, Julia}, title = {The effects of political design and organizational dynamics on structural disaggregation and integration in Norway 1947-2019}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley-Blackwell}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1468-0491}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12669}, pages = {299 -- 320}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In countries with long-standing agency traditions, the creation of new agencies rarely comes as a large-scale reform but rather as one structural choice of many possible, most notably a ministerial division. In order to make sense of these choices, the article discusses the role of political design-focusing on the role of political motivations, such as ideological turnover, replacement risks and ideological stands toward administrative efficiency-and organizational dynamics-focusing on the role of administrative legacies and existing organizational palettes. The article utilizes data on organizational creations in the Norwegian central state between 1947 and 2019, in order to explore how political design and organizational dynamics help us understand the creation of agencies relative to ministry divisions over time. We find that political motives matter a great deal for the structural choices made by consecutive Norwegian governments, but that structural path dependencies may also be at play.}, language = {en} } @article{Burek2022, author = {Burek, Wojciech}, title = {Reservations to the Istanbul Convention and the role of GREVIO: A call for new approach}, series = {Human rights law review}, volume = {22}, journal = {Human rights law review}, number = {4}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1461-7781}, doi = {10.1093/hrlr/ngac030}, pages = {1 -- 18}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The question of whether the monitoring bodies have competence concerning reservations is at the centre of the discussion of reservations to human rights treaties that has occupied many international legal scholars over the last few decades. The Istanbul Convention's treaty monitoring body, GREVIO, is the only human rights treaty monitoring body with a direct competence concerning reservations. However, as practice to date shows, it does not make much use of this power. This is a big disappointment considering all the efforts of other bodies in the past and the doctrinal positions of various scholars. The main aims of this article are threefold to: present GREVIO's practice to date concerning reservations, provide a brief historical overview of how other human rights treaty bodies have approached their role concerning reservations, and finally, attempt to explain why GREVIO has abandoned a more proactive position on reservations.}, language = {en} } @article{Heinzel2022, author = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa}, title = {Mediating power?}, series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR}, volume = {24}, journal = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {1467-856X}, doi = {10.1177/1369148121992761}, pages = {153 -- 170}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The selection of the executive heads of international organisations represents a key decision in the politics of international organisations. However, we know little about what dynamics influence this selection. The article focuses on the nationality of selected executive heads. It argues that institutional design impacts the factors that influence leadership selection by shaping the costs and benefits of attaining the position for member states' nationals. The argument is tested with novel data on the nationality of individuals in charge of 69 international organisation bureaucracies between 1970 and 2017. Two findings stand out: first, powerful countries are more able to secure positions in international organisations in which executive heads are voted in by majority voting. Second, less consistent evidence implies that powerful countries secure more positions when bureaucracies are authoritative. The findings have implications for debates on international cooperation by illustrating how power and institutions interact in the selection of international organisation executive heads.}, language = {en} } @article{JanzPeters2022, author = {Janz, Norbert and Peters, Wilfried}, title = {Everything goes}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r das gesamte Sicherheitsrecht}, volume = {5}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r das gesamte Sicherheitsrecht}, number = {3}, publisher = {C.H. Beck}, address = {M{\"u}nchen}, issn = {2567-3823}, pages = {132 -- 134}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Die Versammlungsfreiheit des Art. 8 GG stellt sich - auch und gerade in j{\"u}ngster Zeit - immer wieder aufs Neue als ein h{\"o}chst lebendiges und streitbares Grundrecht dar. Unver{\"a}ndert analog bietet es den B{\"u}rgerinnen und B{\"u}rgern r{\"a}umlich die M{\"o}glichkeit, ihre Anliegen {\"o}ffentlichkeits- und medienwirksam zur Sprache zu bringen. Der Klimaschutz und der Ukrainekrieg sind aktuell zwei zentrale Themenstellungen. Auch die Covid-19-Pandemie beschert den Rechtsanwendern neue und oftmals fundamentale Fragestellungen, auf die Antworten gegeben werden m{\"u}ssen. So sieht sich das Versammlungsrecht mit seinem Art. 8 GG als Basisnorm mit einer Vielzahl neuartiger Probleme konfrontiert. Zu Beginn standen der Pandemie vor allem die teilweise absoluten und fl{\"a}chendeckenden Versammlungsverbote im Streit. Seit kurzem sind Verbote von „Corona-Spazierg{\"a}ngen" durch Allgemeinverf{\"u}gungen in der Diskussion, und zwar f{\"u}r den Zeitraum einiger Wochen und begrenzt f{\"u}r das Gebiet einer Gemeinde oder eines Landkreises. Der nachfolgende Beitrag besch{\"a}ftigt sich mit dieser Thematik.}, language = {de} } @article{Rieck2022, author = {Rieck, Christian E.}, title = {Strange New Worlds}, series = {European Strategic Approaches to the Indo-Pacific}, volume = {2021}, journal = {European Strategic Approaches to the Indo-Pacific}, number = {1}, publisher = {Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung}, address = {Singapore}, issn = {0119-5204}, pages = {39 -- 53}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The Indo-Pacific is fast becoming the main arena for great power competition. After explaining the regional power hierarchy, the paper describes how the EU defines like-mindedness as an explicit partnership category in the Indo-Pacific and which of the countries qualify. Finally, the paper also examines the structural problems the EU faces when projecting power into a faraway region such as this one. The paper argues that for China's rise to remain peaceful and in the absence of fully regional security arrangements, other Asian actors are increasingly looking for new regional structures that combine elements of cooperation, competition and containment vis-{\`a}-vis China - including a more pronounced EU role in the region.}, language = {en} } @article{TuttnauerWegmann2022, author = {Tuttnauer, Or and Wegmann, Simone}, title = {Voting for Votes}, series = {American political science review}, volume = {116}, journal = {American political science review}, number = {4}, publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press}, address = {New York}, issn = {0003-0554}, doi = {10.1017/S0003055422000338}, pages = {1357 -- 1374}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Scholars frequently expect parties to act strategically in parliament, hoping to affect their electoral fortunes. Voters assumingly assess parties by their activity and vote accordingly. However, the retrospective voting literature looks mostly at the government's outcomes, leaving the opposition understudied. We argue that, for opposition parties, legislative voting constitutes an effective vote-seeking activity as a signaling tool of their attitude toward the government. We suggest that conflictual voting behavior affects voters through two mechanisms: as a signal of opposition valence and as means of ideological differentiation from the government. We present both aggregate- and individual-level analyses, leveraging a dataset of 169 party observations from 10 democracies and linking it to the CSES survey data of 27,371 respondents. The findings provide support for the existence of both mechanisms. Parliamentary conflict on legislative votes has a general positive effect on opposition parties' electoral performance, conditional on systemic and party-specific factors.}, language = {en} } @article{FruhstorferHudson2022, author = {Fruhstorfer, Anna and Hudson, Alexander}, title = {Majorities for minorities}, series = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association}, volume = {75}, journal = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {1065-9129}, doi = {10.1177/1065912920984246}, pages = {103 -- 117}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Does the process of making a constitution affect the expansiveness of rights protections in the constitution? In particular, is more participation in constitution-making processes better for minority rights protections? While the process of constitution making and its impact on various outcomes have received significant attention, little is known about the impact public participation or deliberation in this process has on the scope and content of minority rights. Using a wide variety of data to empirically assess the relationship between constitution-making processes and the protection of rights for minorities, we find a positive relationship between participatory drafting processes and the inclusion of minority protections in constitutions under some conditions. The article's findings have important implications for understanding political representation and lend support to core arguments about the role of the public in constitutional design.}, language = {en} } @article{BiegertBradyHipp2022, author = {Biegert, Thomas and Brady, David and Hipp, Lena}, title = {Cross-national variation in the relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment}, series = {The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science}, volume = {702}, journal = {The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science}, number = {1}, publisher = {SAGE Publishing}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0002-7162}, doi = {10.1177/00027162221120760}, pages = {37 -- 54}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Reform of the U.S. welfare system in 1996 spurred claims that cuts to welfare programs effectively incentivized single mothers to find employment. It is difficult to assess the veracity of those claims, however, absent evidence of how the relationship between welfare benefits and single mother employment generalizes across countries. This study combines data from the European Union Labour Force Survey and the U.S. Current Population Survey (1992-2015) into one of the largest samples of single mothers ever, testing the relationships between welfare generosity and single mothers' employment and work hours. We find no consistent evidence of a negative relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment outcomes. Rather, we find tremendous cross-national heterogeneity, which does not clearly correspond to well-known institutional variations. Our findings demonstrate the limitations of single country studies and the pervasive, salient interactions between institutional contexts and social policies.}, language = {en} } @article{JikeliGloeckner2022, author = {Jikeli, G{\"u}nther and Gl{\"o}ckner, Olaf}, title = {Einleitung}, series = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, journal = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte}, publisher = {Olms}, address = {Hildesheim}, isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9}, pages = {7 -- 19}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Gloeckner2022, author = {Gl{\"o}ckner, Olaf}, title = {Kampf um die "Brit Mila"}, edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte}, publisher = {Olms}, address = {Hildesheim}, isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9}, pages = {93 -- 107}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Turner2022, author = {Turner, Bryan S.}, title = {Introduction}, series = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, journal = {The condition of democracy : Volume 1: Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-00-040191-2}, pages = {1 -- 15}, year = {2022}, language = {en} } @article{FleischerBezesJamesetal.2022, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Bezes, Philippe and James, Oliver and Yesilkagit, Kutsal}, title = {The politics of government reorganization in Western Europe}, series = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, volume = {36}, journal = {Governance : an international journal of policy and administration and institutions}, number = {1}, publisher = {Wiley}, address = {Hoboken}, issn = {0952-1895}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12670}, pages = {255 -- 274}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.}, language = {en} } @article{Botsch2022, author = {Botsch, Gideon}, title = {Rechtsextremismus und "neuer Antisemitismus"}, series = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, journal = {Das neue Unbehagen - Antisemitismus in Deutschland heute}, edition = {2. unver{\"a}nderte}, publisher = {Olms}, address = {Hildesheim}, isbn = {978-3-7582-0358-9}, pages = {21 -- 38}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{Grohmann2022, author = {Grohmann, Nils-Hendrik}, title = {Tracing the development of the proportionality analysis in relation to forced evictions under the ICESCR}, series = {Human rights law review}, volume = {22}, journal = {Human rights law review}, number = {3}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1461-7781}, doi = {10.1093/hrlr/ngac025}, pages = {1 -- 24}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Since 2013, the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights can examine individual communications under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). This opens up the possibility to interpret Covenant provisions in a thorough manner. With regard to forced evictions and the right to housing under Article 11 ICESCR, one can discern a fast-developing approach concerning the proportionality analysis of evictions, entailing the establishment of specific criteria that may guide such analysis. This paper seeks to delineate these developments and will also shed light on possible general trends on the topic of limitations within the Committee's emerging jurisprudence. In doing so, the paper will address if, and how, the developing proportionality analysis under the individual complaints procedure takes into consideration multi-discriminatory dimensions of State measures and how it specifically relates to or incorporates other ICESCR-concepts, such as minimum core obligations or the reasonableness review under Article 8(4) OP ICESCR.}, language = {en} } @article{LoewenthalMiaariAbrahams2022, author = {Loewenthal, Amit and Miaari, Sami H. and Abrahams, Alexei}, title = {How civilian attitudes respond to the state's violence}, series = {Conflict management and peace science}, journal = {Conflict management and peace science}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0738-8942}, doi = {10.1177/07388942221097325}, pages = {23}, year = {2022}, abstract = {States, in their conflicts with militant groups embedded in civilian populations, often resort to policies of collective punishment to erode civilian support for the militants. We attempt to evaluate the efficacy of such policies in the context of the Gaza Strip, where Israel's blockade and military interventions, purportedly intended to erode support for Hamas, have inflicted hardship on the civilian population. We combine Palestinian public opinion data, Palestinian labor force surveys, and Palestinian fatalities data, to understand the relationship between exposure to Israeli policies and Palestinian support for militant factions. Our baseline strategy is a difference-in-differences specification that compares the gap in public opinion between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank during periods of intense punishment with the gap during periods when punishment is eased. Consistent with previous research, we find that Palestinian fatalities are associated with Palestinian support for more militant political factions. The effect is short-lived, however, dissipating after merely one quarter. Moreover, the blockade of Gaza itself appears to be only weakly associated with support for militant factions. Overall, we find little evidence to suggest that Israeli security policies toward the Gaza Strip have any substantial lasting effect on Gazan support for militant factions, neither deterring nor provoking them relative to their West Bank counterparts. Our findings therefore call into question the logic of Israel's continued security policies toward Gaza, while prompting a wider re-examination of the efficacy of deterrence strategies in other asymmetric conflicts.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2022, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Mit narrativen Medien lernen}, series = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, journal = {Handbuch politische Bildung}, edition = {5., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1362-9}, issn = {1435-7526}, pages = {476 -- 483}, year = {2022}, language = {de} } @article{HaenelSchuppert2022, author = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Schuppert, Fabian}, title = {Einleitung zu Serene Khaders "Decolonizing universalism: transnational feminist ethic"}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r praktische Philosophie}, number = {1}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Salzburg, Zentrum f{\"u}r Ethik und Armutsforschung}, address = {Salzburg}, issn = {2409-9961}, doi = {10.22613/zfpp/9.1.12}, pages = {305 -- 314}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Serene Khader ist eine der wenigen feministischen Philosoph:innen in der anglos{\"a}chsischen Philosophie, die sich gezielt mit globaler Ungerechtigkeit und Imperialismus aus Sicht jener Frauen besch{\"a}ftigen, die von kolonialer und kultureller Herrschaft betroffen sind. Hierbei entlarvt sie eindrucksvoll die oftmals westliche Pr{\"a}gung von Feminismus, Gleichstellungspolitik und Philosophie und verfolgt so das Ziel, die Autonomie und Entscheidungskraft aller Frauen anzuerkennen. So zielt Khader in Decolonizing Universalism: A Transnational Feminist Ethic auf eine Neuausrichtung der feministischen Perspektive, welche es schafft, dekolonial und anti-imperialistisch zu sein, ohne gleichzeitig dem Universalismus komplett abzuschw{\"o}ren. Die folgende Buchdiskussion begibt sich in eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit Khaders interessanter wie wichtiger Theorie. Einleitend werden wir einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber Khaders Grundgedanken geben. Es schließen sich kritische Kommentare von Tamara Jugov, Mirjam M{\"u}ller, Kerstin Reibold sowie Hilkje C. H{\"a}nel und Fabian Schuppert an, auf die Serene Khader abschließend antwortet.}, language = {de} } @article{HolzscheiterGholiaghaLiese2022, author = {Holzscheiter, Anna and Gholiagha, Sassan and Liese, Andrea}, title = {Advocacy coalition constellations and norm collisions}, series = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations}, volume = {36}, journal = {Global society : journal of interdisciplinary international relations}, number = {1}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1360-0826}, doi = {10.1080/13600826.2021.1885352}, pages = {25 -- 48}, year = {2022}, abstract = {To date, there has been little research on how advocacy coalitions influence the dynamic relationships between norms. Addressing norm collisions as a particular type of norm dynamics, we ask if and how advocacy coalitions and the constellations between them bring such norm collisions to the fore. Norm collisions surface in situations in which actors claim that two or more norms are incompatible with each other, promoting different, even opposing, behavioural choices. We examine the effect of advocacy coalition constellations (ACC) on the activation and varying evolution of norm collisions in three issue areas: international drug control, human trafficking, and child labour. These areas have a legally codified prohibitive regime in common. At the same time, they differ with regard to the specific ACC present. Exploiting this variation, we generate insights into how power asymmetries and other characteristics of ACC affect norm collisions across our three issue areas.}, language = {en} } @article{BruttelGuethNithammeretal.2022, author = {Bruttel, Lisa Verena and G{\"u}th, Werner and Nithammer, Juri and Orland, Andreas}, title = {Inefficient cooperation under stochastic and strategic uncertainty}, series = {Conflict resolution}, volume = {66}, journal = {Conflict resolution}, number = {4-5}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0022-0027}, doi = {10.1177/00220027211066614}, pages = {755 -- 782}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Stochastic uncertainty can cause coordination problems that may hinder mutually beneficial cooperation. We propose a mechanism of ex-post voluntary transfers designed to circumvent these coordination problems and ask whether it can increase efficiency. To test this transfer mechanism, we implement a controlled laboratory experiment based on a repeated Ultimatum Game with a stochastic endowment. Contrary to our hypothesis, we find that allowing voluntary transfers does not lead to an efficiency increase. We suggest and analyze two major reasons for this failure: first, stochastic uncertainty forces proposers intending to cooperate to accept high strategic uncertainty, which many proposers avoid; second, many responders behave only incompletely conditionally cooperatively, which hinders cooperation in future periods.}, language = {en} } @article{Verlaan2022, author = {Verlaan, Stephanie}, title = {The Misapplication of Western Conflict and Reconciliation Theories on New World Wars}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57014}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570149}, pages = {11 -- 38}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This chapter deals with the problem that theories of peace building, conflict resolution and reconciliation were predominately created in the West and, therefore, do not necessarily fit the understanding of peace, conflict, and resolution in non-Western societies and cultures. Within these societies, the acceptance of suffering may also be higher, which leads to different priorities of conflict resolution approaches. Furthermore, this chapter deals with the question of whether the current understanding of wars and the nature of conflict change the basis of established conflict theories. These theoretical approaches are then applied in Sierra Leone as a non-Western negotiation scenario.}, language = {en} } @article{Roethlisberger2022, author = {R{\"o}thlisberger, Livia}, title = {Transformative Justice in South Sudan}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57048}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570480}, pages = {167 -- 191}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This chapter takes the ongoing conflict in South Sudan as a starting point for assessing the concept of transitional justice as such and its implementation in the country in particular. Following a brief description of the conflict and the peace processes, the author sheds light on the shortcomings of the established concept of transitional justice in the situation at hand. Then, the author outlines the alternate concept of transformational justice und takes a closer look at its implications on the situation in South Sudan. The author highlights existing initiatives of transformative justice and is very much in favour of their victim-centered approach.}, language = {en} } @article{MarUngerWalderdorffetal.2022, author = {Mar, Kathleen A. and Unger, Charlotte and Walderdorff, Ludmila and Butler, Tim}, title = {Beyond CO2 equivalence}, series = {Environmental science \& policy}, volume = {134}, journal = {Environmental science \& policy}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {1462-9011}, doi = {10.1016/j.envsci.2022.03.027}, pages = {127 -- 136}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In this article we review the physical and chemical properties of methane (CH4) relevant to impacts on climate, ecosystems, and air pollution, and examine the extent to which this is reflected in climate and air pollution governance. Although CH4 is governed under the UNFCCC climate regime, its treatment there is limited to the ways in which it acts as a "CO2 equivalent" climate forcer on a 100-year time frame. The UNFCCC framework neglects the impacts that CH4 has on near-term climate, as well its impacts on human health and ecosystems, which are primarily mediated by methane's role as a precursor to tropospheric ozone. Frameworks for air quality governance generally address tropospheric ozone as a pollutant, but do not regulate CH4 itself. Methane's climate and air quality impacts, together with its alarming rise in atmospheric concentrations in recent years, make it clear that mitigation of CH4 emissions needs to be accelerated globally. We examine challenges and opportunities for further progress on CH4 mitigation within the international governance landscapes for climate change and air pollution.}, language = {en} } @article{CantenarKozera2022, author = {Cantenar, {\"O}mer Faruk and Kozera, Cyprian Aleksander}, title = {Fighting ISIS in Syria}, series = {Small wars \& insurgencies}, volume = {33}, journal = {Small wars \& insurgencies}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {0959-2318}, doi = {10.1080/09592318.2021.1875308}, pages = {350 -- 381}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This paper analyses the Operation Euphrates Shield (OES) al-Bab battle and presents the lessons learned. OES started with a mixed force of Free Syrian Army, Turkish special forces and armoured units. During the operation, the aims and the force structure gradually changed, yet not the command structure. When OES aimed to capture al-Bab, ISIS employed conventional active defence strategy. The OES commander's insistence on employing special forces increased own casualties and al-Bab was seized only after resorting to a conventional urban attack. OES presents tactical and operational lessons for the militaries on structure and execution of operations against an irregular adversary employing conventional means.}, language = {en} } @article{FischerSiegelProelleretal.2022, author = {Fischer, Caroline and Siegel, John and Proeller, Isabella and Drathschmidt, Nicolas}, title = {Resilience through digitalisation}, series = {Public management review}, volume = {25}, journal = {Public management review}, number = {4}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1471-9037}, doi = {10.1080/14719037.2022.2037014}, pages = {808 -- 835}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This article examines public service resilience during the COVID-19 pandemic and studies the switch to telework due to social distancing measures. We argue that the pandemic and related policies led to increasing demands on public organisations and their employees. Following the job demands-resources model, we argue that resilience only can arise in the presence of resources for buffering these demands. Survey data were collected from 1,189 German public employees, 380 participants were included for analysis. The results suggest that the public service was resilient against the crisis and that the shift to telework was not as demanding as expected.}, language = {en} } @article{FranciscoVasquezCarruthers2022, author = {Francisco V{\´a}squez Carruthers, Juan}, title = {Transitional Justice and Political Opportunism}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57015}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570153}, pages = {39 -- 71}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This paper aims to contribute a different approach to transitional justice, one in which political decisions are rocketed to the forefront of the research. Theory asserts that, after a transition to democracy, it is the constituency who defines the direction a country will take. Therefore, pleasing them should be at the fore of the responses taken by those in power. However, reality distances itself from theory. History provides us with many examples of the contrary, which indicates that the politicization of transitional justice is an ever-present event. The first section will outline current definitions and obstacles faced by transitional justice, focusing on the implicit ties between them and the aforementioned politicization. An original categorization of Transitional Justice as a method of analysis will also be introduced, which I denominate Political Opportunism. The case of Argentina, a country that is usually described as a model to export but that after 35 years is still dealing with the consequences brought by the contradictions of using several methods of justice, will then be reinterpreted through this perspective. At the end of the paper, the inevitable question will be posed: can this new angle be exported and implemented in every transition?}, language = {en} } @article{BuenningHipp2022, author = {B{\"u}nning, Mareike and Hipp, Lena}, title = {How can we become more equal?}, series = {Journal of European social policy}, volume = {32}, journal = {Journal of European social policy}, number = {2}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {London}, issn = {0958-9287}, doi = {10.1177/09589287211035701}, pages = {182 -- 196}, year = {2022}, abstract = {This study examines how public policies affect parents' preferences for a more egalitarian division of paid and unpaid work. Based on the assumption that individuals develop their preferences within a specific policy context, we examine how changes in three policies affect mothers' and fathers' work-family preferences: the availability of high-quality, affordable childcare; the right to return to a full-time job after having reduced hours to part-time and an increase in the number of 'partner months' in parental leave schemes. Analysing a unique probability sample of parents with young children in Germany from 2015 (N = 1756), we find that fathers would want to work slightly fewer hours if they had the right to return to a full-time position after working part-time, and mothers would want to work slightly more hours if childcare opportunities were improved. Full-time working parents, moreover, are found to prefer fewer hours independent of the policy setting, while non-employed parents would like to work at least some hours. Last but not least, our analyses show that increasing the number of partner months in the parental leave scheme considerably increases fathers' preferences for longer and mothers' preferences for shorter leave. Increasing the number of partner months in parental schemes hence has the greatest potential to increase gender equality.}, language = {en} } @article{Mair2022, author = {Mair, Theresa}, title = {Transforming Transitional Justice to Address Colonial Crime}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57016}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570160}, pages = {73 -- 109}, year = {2022}, abstract = {While the concept of transitional justice and its range of measures have gained importance on an international level to come to terms with major crimes of the past, colonial crimes and mass violence committed by Western actors have not been addressed by transitional justice so far. In this chapter, the Herero's and Nama's struggle for justice for the genocide on their ancestors by Germany from 1904 - 1908 and the arising challenges are set in relation to conceptual debates in the field of transitional justice. Building on current debates in the field, suggesting more structural and transformative conceptualizations of transitional justice and an approach 'from below', it is argued that decolonial activism of formerly colonized communities and transitional justice debates can inform each other in a dialogic and fruitful form to formulate suggestions for a process towards post-colonial justice.}, language = {en} } @article{Maaser2022, author = {Maaser, Lucas}, title = {Transitional Justice and Nonviolent Resistance}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57047}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570470}, pages = {139 -- 165}, year = {2022}, abstract = {At different times and places, civic engagement in nonviolent resistance (NVR) has repeatedly shown to be an effective tool in times of conflict to initiate societal change from below. History teaches us that there have been successes (Mahatma Gandhi in India) and failures (the Tiananmen Square protests in China). Along with the recognition of the duality between transformative potential and stark consequences, the historical development of NVR was accompanied by the emergence of scholarly debate, fractured along disputes around purpose, character and effectivity of nonviolent actions taken by civil society stakeholders engaged in making their voices heard. One of the field's current points of interest is the examination of the long-term effects of NVR movements resulting in societal transformation on the stability and adequacy of a subsequently altered or emerging democracy, suggesting that NVR contributes positively to the sustainable and representative design of an egalitarian governing system. The conclusion of the Nepalese civil war in 2006 should pose as an unambiguous example for the illustration of this phenomenon, but simultaneously raises the question why there was no successful implementation of a transitional process focusing on the needs of the victims.}, language = {en} } @article{Conner2022, author = {Conner, Sean}, title = {Structural and Socioeconomic Approaches to Justice}, series = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, journal = {Transitional Justice : Theoretical and Practical Approaches (Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik ; 7)}, number = {7}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9}, issn = {1869-2443}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-57017}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-570170}, pages = {111 -- 138}, year = {2022}, abstract = {Transitional justice is conventionally theorized as how a society deals with past injustices after regime change and alongside democratization. Nonetheless, scholars have not reached a consensus on what is to be included or excluded. Recent ideas of transformative justice seek to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include systemic restructuring and socioeconomic considerations. In the context of Nicaragua — where two transitions occurred within an 11-year span — very little transitional justice took place, in terms of the conventional concept of top-down legalistic mechanisms; however, distinct structural changes and socioeconomic policies can be found with each regime change. By analyzing the transformative justice elements of Nicaragua's dual transition, this chapter seeks to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include how these factors influence goals of transitions such as sustainable peace and reconciliation for past injustices. The results argue for increased attention to transformative justice theories and a more nuanced conception of justice.}, language = {en} } @article{JagtianiWellek2022, author = {Jagtiani, Sharinee L. and Wellek, Sophia}, title = {In the Shadow of Ukraine}, series = {Survival}, volume = {64}, journal = {Survival}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {126962024X}, doi = {10.1080/00396338.2022.2078045}, pages = {29 -- 48}, year = {2022}, abstract = {In 2022, India captured global attention over its response to the war in Ukraine. While calling for both parties' return to diplomacy, India abstained from several United Nations resolutions condemning Russian aggression. For a country that ostensibly subscribes to the values of democracy and territorial integrity, its response appeared frustrating and contradictory, but it is broadly consistent with its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Although India's relationship with China is increasingly contentious, New Delhi is not yet fully convinced that it is in India's interest to swing westwards. The country's relations with Russia and China are deep, complex and substantive. In addition to the military and economic benefits it derives from its connection with Russia, New Delhi and Moscow share an avowed preference for a more equal, multipolar world. India will eventually have to reflect on the extent to which it can sustain its balancing act.}, language = {en} }