@misc{Heucher2019,
  author    = {Heucher, Angela},
  title     = {Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance},
  series = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer Netherlands},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {1876-4517},
  doi       = {10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z},
  pages     = {555 -- 558},
  year      = {2019},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Wenzel2018,
  author    = {Wenzel, Bertolt},
  title     = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?},
  series = {Public Policy and Administration},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Public Policy and Administration},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0952-0767},
  doi       = {10.1177/0952076716683764},
  pages     = {149 -- 169},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{GrumGronau2018,
  author    = {Grum, Marcus and Gronau, Norbert},
  title     = {Process modeling within augmented reality},
  series = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018},
  volume    = {319},
  journal   = {Business Modeling and Software Design, BMSD 2018},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-94214-8},
  issn      = {1865-1348},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-94214-8_7},
  pages     = {99 -- 115},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019,
  author    = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making},
  series = {Journal of international relations and development},
  volume    = {22},
  journal   = {Journal of international relations and development},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  issn      = {1581-1980},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5},
  pages     = {107 -- 135},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-52932,
  title     = {Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  series = {The condition of democracy},
  volume    = {3},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy},
  editor    = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74538-7},
  doi       = {10.4324/9781003158387},
  pages     = {ix, 205},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Classical liberal democratic theory has provided crucial ideas for a still dominant and hegemonic discourse that rests on ideological conceptions of freedom, equality, peacefulness, inclusive democratic participation, and tolerance. While this may have held some truth for citizens in Western liberal-capitalist societies, such liberal ideals have never been realized in colonial, postcolonial and settler colonial contexts. Liberal democracies are not simply forms of rule in domestic national contexts but also geo-political actors. As such, they have been the drivers of processes of global oppression, colonizing and occupying countries and people, appropriating indigenous land, annihilating people with eliminatory politics right up to genocides. There can be no doubt that the West - with its civilizational Judeo-Christian idea and divine mission 'to subdue the world' - has destroyed other civilizations, countries, trading systems, and traditional ways of life and is responsible for the death of hundreds of millions of human beings in the course of colonizing the world from its Empires of trade through colonialism to settler colonialism and today's politics of regime change. The book discusses the settler colonial regime that Israel has established in Palestine while still claiming to be a democracy. It discusses the failures of liberal democracy to overcome the structural and racist inequalities in post-Apartheid South Africa, and it presents hopeful outlooks on new ideas and forms of democracy in social movements in the MENA region.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
  pages     = {775 -- 793},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerCarstens2021,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora},
  title     = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning},
  series = {Public Management Review},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Public Management Review},
  number    = {8},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1470-1065},
  doi       = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803},
  pages     = {1208 -- 1225},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{TranMaiNguyenetal.2018,
  author    = {Tran, C. T. and Mai, N. T. and Nguyen, V. T. and Nguyen, H. X. and Meharg, A. and Carey, M. and Dultz, S. and Marone, F. and Cichy, Sarah Bettina and Nguyen, Minh N.},
  title     = {Phytolith-associated potassium in fern},
  series = {Soil use and Management},
  volume    = {34},
  journal   = {Soil use and Management},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Wiley},
  address   = {Hoboken},
  issn      = {0266-0032},
  doi       = {10.1111/sum.12409},
  pages     = {28 -- 36},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3\%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannBogumil2018,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg},
  title     = {Performance measurement and benchmarking as "reflexive institutions" for local governments},
  series = {International journal of public sector management},
  volume    = {31},
  journal   = {International journal of public sector management},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Emerald Group Publishing Limited},
  address   = {Bingley},
  issn      = {0951-3558},
  doi       = {10.1108/IJPSM-01-2017-0004},
  pages     = {543 -- 562},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective. Design/methodology/approach These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation. Findings The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution. Originality/value It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GanghofEppner2017,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian},
  title     = {Patterns of accountability and representation},
  series = {Politics},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Politics},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0263-3957},
  doi       = {10.1177/0263395717710566},
  pages     = {113 -- 130},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables - the executive-parties dimension (EPD) - to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies' performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies' performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Weiss2017,
  author    = {Weiß, Norman},
  title     = {Origin and Further Development},
  series = {The Council of Europe},
  journal   = {The Council of Europe},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-967252-3},
  pages     = {3 -- 22},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DorschDoerfler2014,
  author    = {Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Organized hypocrisy of the international community},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
  number    = {1-2},
  publisher = {Velbr{\"u}ck Wissenschaft},
  address   = {Weilerswist},
  issn      = {1438-8332},
  doi       = {10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8},
  pages     = {8 -- 31},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerPruin2023,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Pruin, Andree},
  title     = {Organizational reputation in executive politics},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/00208523221132228},
  pages     = {16},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {In recent years, governments have increased their efforts to strengthen the citizen-orientation in policy design. They have established temporary arenas as well as permanent units inside the machinery of government to integrate citizens into policy formulation, leading to a "laboratorization" of central government organizations. We argue that the evolution and role of these units herald new dynamics in the importance of organizational reputation for executive politics. These actors deviate from the classic palette of organizational units inside the machinery of government and thus require their own reputation vis-{\`a}-vis various audiences within and outside their parent organization. Based on a comparative case study of two of these units inside the German federal bureaucracy, we show how ambiguous expectations of their audiences challenge their organizational reputation. Both units resolve these tensions by balancing their weaker professional and procedural reputation with a stronger performative and moral reputation. We conclude that government units aiming to improve citizen orientation in policy design may benefit from engaging with citizens as their external audience to compensate for a weaker reputation in the eyes of their audiences inside the government organization. Points for practitioners: many governments have introduced novel means to strengthen citizen-centered policy design, which has led to an emergence of novel units inside central government that differ from traditional bureaucratic structures and procedures ; this study analyzes how these new units may build their organizational reputation vis-{\`a}-vis internal and external actors in government policymaking. ; we show that such units assert themselves primarily based on their performative and moral reputation.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{RothermelKellyJasser2022,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Kelly, Megan and Jasser, Greta},
  title     = {Of victims, mass murder, and "real men"},
  series = {Male supremacism in the United States},
  booktitle = {Male supremacism in the United States},
  editor    = {Carian, Emily K. and DiBranco, Alex and Ebin, Chelsea},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-1-003-16472-2},
  doi       = {10.4324/9781003164722-9},
  pages     = {117 -- 141},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as "the pattern of practice that allowed men's dominance over women to continue." Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men's Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they "repudiat[e] and reif[y]" hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Liese2024,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Norm research on conflictive norm relations how norms collide in times of complexity, contestation, and crisis},
  series = {Contesting the world},
  booktitle = {Contesting the world},
  editor    = {Orchard, Phil and Wiener, Antje},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  isbn      = {978-1-00-947917-2},
  pages     = {64 -- 84},
  year      = {2024},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 9},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HickmannElsaesser2020,
  author    = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp},
  title     = {New alliances in global environmental governance},
  series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
  volume    = {20},
  journal   = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1567-9764},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5},
  pages     = {459 -- 481},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-52929,
  title     = {Neoliberal politics and sociological perspectives},
  series = {The condition of democracy},
  volume    = {1},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy},
  editor    = {Mackert, J{\"u}rgen and Wolf, Hannah and Turner, Bryan S.},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-1-00-040191-2},
  pages     = {xi, 186},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{GriscomBuschCookPattonetal.2020,
  author    = {Griscom, Bronson W. and Busch, Jonah and Cook-Patton, Susan C. and Ellis, Peter W. and Funk, Jason and Leavitt, Sara M. and Lomax, Guy and Turner, Will R. and Chapman, Melissa and Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {National mitigation potential from natural climate solutions in the tropics},
  series = {Biological sciences},
  volume    = {375},
  journal   = {Biological sciences},
  number    = {1794},
  publisher = {The Royal Society Publishing},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0962-8436},
  doi       = {10.1098/rstb.2019.0126},
  pages     = {1 -- 11},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Better land stewardship is needed to achieve the Paris Agreement's temperature goal, particularly in the tropics, where greenhouse gas emissions from the destruction of ecosystems are largest, and where the potential for additional land carbon storage is greatest. As countries enhance their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) to the Paris Agreement, confusion persists about the potential contribution of better land stewardship to meeting the Agreement's goal to hold global warming below 2 degrees C. We assess cost-effective tropical country-level potential of natural climate solutions (NCS)-protection, improved management and restoration of ecosystems-to deliver climate mitigation linked with sustainable development goals (SDGs). We identify groups of countries with distinctive NCS portfolios, and we explore factors (governance, financial capacity) influencing the feasibility of unlocking national NCS potential. Cost-effective tropical NCS offers globally significant climate mitigation in the coming decades (6.56 Pg CO(2)e yr(-1) at less than 100 US\$ per Mg CO(2)e). In half of the tropical countries, cost-effective NCS could mitigate over half of national emissions. In more than a quarter of tropical countries, cost-effective NCS potential is greater than national emissions. We identify countries where, with international financing and political will, NCS can cost-effectively deliver the majority of enhanced NDCs while transforming national economies and contributing to SDGs. This article is part of the theme issue 'Climate change and ecosystems: threats, opportunities and solutions'.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Burkert2022,
  author    = {Burkert, Rebecca},
  title     = {Moving mountains?},
  series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  journal   = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-74538-7},
  pages     = {110 -- 127},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BuschHeinzelKempkenetal.2020,
  author    = {Busch, Per-Olof and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Mind the gap?},
  series = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {Journal of comparative policy analysis : research and practice},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1387-6988},
  doi       = {10.1080/13876988.2020.1820866},
  pages     = {230 -- 253},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Many authors have argued that International Public Administration can influence policy-making through their expert authority. The article compares de jure and de facto expert authority of IPAs to evaluate their conformity. It comparatively assesses the two kinds of authority for five important IPAs (BIS, FAO, IMF, OECD and World Bank) active in agriculture or financial policy. It shows that, on average, de jure and de facto authority seem to conform. At the same time, it demonstrates that gaps between de jure and de facto authority exist at the level of the IPAs, the policy areas and the IPAs' addressees},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Karolewski2020,
  author    = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel},
  title     = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland},
  series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
  booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya},
  editor    = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {London, New York},
  isbn      = {978-0-429-45481-3},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780429454813},
  pages     = {239 -- 256},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Heinzel2022,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {Mediating power?},
  series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR},
  volume    = {24},
  journal   = {The British journal of politics \& international relations : BJPIR},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1467-856X},
  doi       = {10.1177/1369148121992761},
  pages     = {153 -- 170},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The selection of the executive heads of international organisations represents a key decision in the politics of international organisations. However, we know little about what dynamics influence this selection. The article focuses on the nationality of selected executive heads. It argues that institutional design impacts the factors that influence leadership selection by shaping the costs and benefits of attaining the position for member states' nationals. The argument is tested with novel data on the nationality of individuals in charge of 69 international organisation bureaucracies between 1970 and 2017. Two findings stand out: first, powerful countries are more able to secure positions in international organisations in which executive heads are voted in by majority voting. Second, less consistent evidence implies that powerful countries secure more positions when bureaucracies are authoritative. The findings have implications for debates on international cooperation by illustrating how power and institutions interact in the selection of international organisation executive heads.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannSeyfriedBrajnik2017,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Seyfried, Markus and Brajnik, Irena Baclija},
  title     = {Mayors and administrative reforms},
  series = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy},
  journal   = {Political Leaders and Changing Local Democracy},
  publisher = {Palgrave},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-67410-0},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-67410-0_13},
  pages     = {387 -- 409},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors' perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Managing performance and winning trust},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-744X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4},
  pages     = {625 -- 653},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Kuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective},
  series = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  booktitle = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  editor    = {Callanan, Mark and Loughlin, John},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-83910-663-7},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781839106644.00013},
  pages     = {111 -- 132},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{JasserKellyRothermel2020,
  author    = {Jasser, Greta and Kelly, Megan and Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Male supremacism and the Hanau terrorist attack},
  publisher = {International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT)},
  address   = {Den Haag},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FruhstorferHudson2022,
  author    = {Fruhstorfer, Anna and Hudson, Alexander},
  title     = {Majorities for minorities},
  series = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association},
  volume    = {75},
  journal   = {Political research quarterly : PRQ ; official journal of Western Political Science Association, Pacific Northwest Political Science Association, Southern California Political Science Association, Northern California Political Science Association},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {Thousand Oaks},
  issn      = {1065-9129},
  doi       = {10.1177/1065912920984246},
  pages     = {103 -- 117},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Does the process of making a constitution affect the expansiveness of rights protections in the constitution? In particular, is more participation in constitution-making processes better for minority rights protections? While the process of constitution making and its impact on various outcomes have received significant attention, little is known about the impact public participation or deliberation in this process has on the scope and content of minority rights. Using a wide variety of data to empirically assess the relationship between constitution-making processes and the protection of rights for minorities, we find a positive relationship between participatory drafting processes and the inclusion of minority protections in constitutions under some conditions. The article's findings have important implications for understanding political representation and lend support to core arguments about the role of the public in constitutional design.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{NewmanDebreNayloretal.2022,
  author    = {Newman, Abraham and Debre, Maria Josepha and Naylor, Tristen and Regilme, Salvador Santino Fulo Regilme Jr. and Viola, Lora Anne},
  title     = {Lora Anne Viola. The closure of the international system: how institutions create political equalities and hierarchies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. ISBN: 9781108482257 (hardback, \$99.99).},
  series = {H-Diplo roundtable},
  volume    = {XXIII},
  journal   = {H-Diplo roundtable},
  number    = {49},
  editor    = {Labrosse, Diane and Szarejko, Andrew and Fujii, George},
  publisher = {H-Net: Humanities \& Social Sciences Online},
  address   = {East Lansing, MI},
  pages     = {5 -- 8},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-50023,
  title     = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  journal   = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
  editor    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50979-8},
  issn      = {2523-8256},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8},
  pages     = {XXV, 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Ganghof2023,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Justifying types of representative democracy},
  series = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy},
  journal   = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1369-8230},
  doi       = {10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665},
  pages     = {1 -- 12},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FleischerWanckel2023,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Wanckel, Camilla},
  title     = {Job satisfaction and the digital transformation of the public sector},
  series = {Review of Public Personnel Administration},
  journal   = {Review of Public Personnel Administration},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0734-371X},
  doi       = {10.1177/0734371X221148403},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Worldwide, governments have introduced novel information and communication technologies (ICTs) for policy formulation and service delivery, radically changing the working environment of government employees. Following the debate on work stress and particularly on technostress, we argue that the use of ICTs triggers "digital overload" that decreases government employees' job satisfaction via inhibiting their job autonomy. Contrary to prior research, we consider job autonomy as a consequence rather than a determinant of digital overload, because ICT-use accelerates work routines and interruptions and eventually diminishes employees' freedom to decide how to work. Based on novel survey data from government employees in Germany, Italy, and Norway, our structural equation modeling (SEM) confirms a significant negative effect of digital overload on job autonomy. More importantly, job autonomy partially mediates the negative relationship between digital overload and job satisfaction, pointing to the importance of studying the micro-foundations of ICT-use in the public sector.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016,
  author    = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
  title     = {Introduction},
  series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  journal   = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham},
  address   = {Basingstoke},
  isbn      = {978-3-319-39871-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 22},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RothermelShepherd2022,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin and Shepherd, Laura J.},
  title     = {Introduction},
  series = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {1753-9153},
  doi       = {10.1080/17539153.2022.2101535},
  pages     = {523 -- 532},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism, and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LundgrenSquatritoSommereretal.2023,
  author    = {Lundgren, Magnus and Squatrito, Theresa and Sommerer, Thomas and Tallberg, Jonas},
  title     = {Introducing the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD)},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-023-09492-6},
  pages     = {117 -- 146},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {There is a growing recognition that international organizations (IOs) formulate and adopt policy in a wide range of areas. IOs have emerged as key venues for states seeking joint solutions to contemporary challenges such as climate change or COVID-19, and to establish frameworks to bolster trade, development, security, and more. In this capacity, IOs produce both extraordinary and routine policy output with a multitude of purposes, ranging from policies of historic significance like admitting new members to the more mundane tasks of administering IO staff. This article introduces the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD), which covers close to 37,000 individual policy acts of 13 multi-issue IOs in the 1980-2015 period. The dataset fills a gap in the growing body of literature on the comparative study of IOs, providing researchers with a fine-grained perspective on the structure of IO policy output and data for comparisons across time, policy areas, and organizations. This article describes the construction and coverage of the dataset and identifies key temporal and cross-sectional patterns revealed by the data. In a concise illustration of the dataset's utility, we apply models of punctuated equilibria in a comparative study of the relationship between institutional features and broad policy agenda dynamics. Overall, the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset offers a unique resource for researchers to analyze IO policy output in a granular manner and to explore questions of responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy of IOs.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Doerfler2021,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control},
  series = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  journal   = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  editor    = {Lohmann, Sascha and Vorrath, Judith},
  publisher = {Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik},
  address   = {Berlin},
  pages     = {23 -- 31},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
  pages     = {311 -- 333},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{KuhlmannFranzkePetersetal.2024,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Franzke, Jochen and Peters, Niklas and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
  title     = {Institutional designs and dynamics of crisis governance at the local level},
  series = {Policy design and practice},
  journal   = {Policy design and practice},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {2574-1292},
  doi       = {10.1080/25741292.2024.2344784},
  pages     = {1 -- 21},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {This article analyses the institutional design variants of local crisis governance responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and their entanglement with other locally impactful crises from a cross-country comparative perspective (France, Germany, Poland, Sweden, and the UK/England). The pandemic offers an excellent empirical lens for scrutinizing the phenomenon of polycrises governance because it occurred while European countries were struggling with the impacts of several prior, ongoing, or newly arrived crises. Our major focus is on institutional design variants of crisis governance (dependent variable) and the influence of different administrative cultures on it (independent variable). Furthermore, we analyze the entanglement and interaction of institutional responses to other (previous or parallel) crises (polycrisis dynamics). Our findings reveal a huge variance of institutional designs, largely evoked by country-specific administrative cultures and profiles. The degree of de-/centralization and the intensity of coordination or decoupling across levels of government differs significantly by country. Simultaneously, all countries were affected by interrelated and entangled crises, resulting in various patterns of polycrisis dynamics. While policy failures and "fatal remedies" from previous crises have partially impaired the resilience and crisis preparedness of local governments, we have also found some learning effects from previous crises.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Teitscheid2023,
  author    = {Teitscheid, Jana},
  title     = {Information and communication technologies usage and the effects on the human mind},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {XII, 228},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {The digitization has permeated almost all aspects of an individual's life. In the work context as well as in the private sphere, one readily encounters and relies on Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), such as Social Networking Sites (SNS), smartphones and so forth. By communicating with as well as obtaining information via such technologies, ICTs engage one's mind as interaction happens. This interaction of ICTs and the human mind form the focal topic of this thesis. Within this thesis, the human mind is represented on behalf of a facilitated model comprising a perceptual, a cognitive and a motor subsystem. ICTs represent an external stimulus, which triggers the human mind's perceptual subsystem, the cognitive subsystem and eventually leads to a motoric response via the motor subsystem. The external stimulus causing this event chain is within this thesis an ICT. The digital environment and related ICTs are high attention environments offering large and easily accessible amounts of information. Not surprisingly, issues may arise, when the human mind deals with ICTs. Thus, the interplay between ICTs and the human mind entails downsides. This thesis investigates these downsides and in addition the ICT-based factors that cause these downsides. More specifically, the thesis investigates these two aspects as research questions in the context of SNSs as well as other ICTs (such as smartphones, e-learning etc.). Addressing the research questions, 8 articles are submitted within this thesis which address the topic with different methodologies, including quantitative, qualitative, mixed methods as well as systematic literature reviews. Article 1 investigates factors that lead to SNS fatigue and discontinuance intentions in a mixed-methods design. Article 2 explores if certain factors encountered on a newsfeed hamper sensemaking. Article 3 proposes a study design to explore the link between disorderly perceptions of a SNSs newsfeed and gender stereotype activations. Article 4 considers the interplay between users and algorithms via the newsfeed interface and the implications for relevance perceptions. Article 5 explores information acquisition, hampering factors and verification strategies of social media users. Article 6 systematically reviews addiction scales of various ICTs. Article 7 investigates click behavior in e-learning contexts and how this is linked to cultural and personality traits. Finally, article 8 offers a comprehensive overview of the antecedents and consequences of children's smartphone usage. Within the specific context of SNSs, the thesis suggests that the cognitive tolls imposed on users' minds cause adverse effects, such as impaired sensemaking, fatigue, stereotype activation as well as intentions to discontinue the service. Other ICTs lead to addiction, and i.e., smartphones evidence to cause cognitive impairments in children. Factors on the ICT side that promote these adverse effects are linked to specific features, such as the newsfeed for SNSs and entail overload or perceptions of disorder. The thesis adds theoretically to the understanding of downsides that arise from the interplay between human minds and ICTs. Especially, the context of SNSs is spotlighted and insights add to the growing body of literature on experiences and perceptions. For instance, one study's result suggests that considering information organization is as important as merely decreasing overload perceptions from the users in countering adverse effects of SNS usage. Practically, the thesis emphasizes the importance of mindful interaction with ICTs. Future research is welcome to build on the exploratory investigations and may draw an even more holistic picture to enhance the interaction between ICTs and the human mind.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Borgnaes2017,
  author    = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa},
  title     = {Indicators as 'circular argumentation constructs'?},
  series = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Dordrecht},
  issn      = {1387-585X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0},
  pages     = {769 -- 790},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation construct'. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {Immune to COVID?},
  publisher = {London School of Economics and Political Science},
  address   = {London},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Botsch2022,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Identifying extreme-right terrorism},
  series = {A transnational history of right-wing terrorism},
  booktitle = {A transnational history of right-wing terrorism},
  editor    = {Dafinger, Johannes and Florin, Moritz},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London ; New York},
  isbn      = {978-1-003-10525-1},
  doi       = {10.4324/9781003105251-17},
  pages     = {241 -- 257},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Extreme-right terrorism is a threat that is often underestimated by the public at large. As this paper argues, this is partly due to a concept of terrorism utilized by policymakers, intelligence agents, and police investigators that is based on experience of international terrorism perpetrated by leftists or jihadists as opposed to domestic extreme-right violence. This was one reason why investigators failed to identify the crimes committed by the National Socialist Underground (NSU) in Germany (2000-2011) as extreme-right terrorism, for example. While scholarly debate focused on the Red Army Faction and Al Qaeda, terrorist tendencies among those perpetrating racist and extreme-right violence tended to be disregarded. Influential researchers in the field of "extremism" denied that terrorist acts were committed by right-wingers. By mapping the specifics regarding the strategic use of violence, target selection, addressing of different audiences etc., this paper proposes a more accurate definition of extreme-right terrorism. In comparing it to other forms of terrorism, extreme-right terrorism is distinguished by its specific framework of ideologies and practices, with the underlying idea of an essential inequality that is compensated for through the affirmation of violence. It can be differentiated from other forms of extreme-right violence based on its use of strategic, premeditated and planned attacks against targets of a symbolic nature.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
  author    = {Tanneberg, Dag},
  title     = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression},
  series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  journal   = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-35477-0},
  issn      = {2198-7289},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3},
  pages     = {43 -- 75},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{KrauseGahn2024,
  author    = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina},
  title     = {How powerful are polls in influencing election outcomes?},
  series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog},
  journal   = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog},
  publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research},
  address   = {Colchester},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Werner Krause and Christina Gahn argue that we need to pay more attention to how the media communicates the results of opinion polls to the public. Reporting methodological details, such as margins of error, can alter citizens' vote choices on election day. This has important implications for elections around the world},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Pruin2022,
  author    = {Pruin, Andree},
  title     = {How organizational factors shape e-participation},
  series = {Engaging citizens in policy making : e-participation practices in Europe},
  booktitle = {Engaging citizens in policy making : e-participation practices in Europe},
  editor    = {Randma-Liiv, Tiina and Lember, Veiko},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA},
  isbn      = {9781800374362},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781800374362.00022},
  pages     = {209 -- 224},
  year      = {2022},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{HeinzelKoenigArchibugi2022,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias},
  title     = {Harmful side effects},
  series = {British journal of political science},
  volume    = {53},
  journal   = {British journal of political science},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0007-1234},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0007123422000564},
  pages     = {1293 -- 1310},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Governments have increasingly adopted laws restricting the activities of international non-governmental organizations INGOs within their borders. Such laws are often intended to curb the ability of critical INGOs to discover and communicate government failures and abuses to domestic and international audiences. They can also have the unintended effect of reducing the presence and activities of INGOs working on health issues, and depriving local health workers and organizations of access to resources, knowledge and other forms of support. This study assesses whether legislative restrictions on INGOs are associated with fewer health INGOs in a wide range of countries and with the ability of those countries to mitigate disability-adjusted life years lost because of twenty-one disease categories between 1993 and 2017. The findings indicate that restrictive legislation hampered efforts by civil society to lighten the global burden of disease and had adverse side effects on the health of citizens worldwide.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerHeinzel2022,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {Greening global governance},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {18},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-022-09462-4},
  pages     = {117 -- 143},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {The last decades have seen a remarkable expansion in the number of International Organizations (IOs) that have mainstreamed environmental issues into their policy scope—in many cases due to the pressure of civil society. We hypothesize that International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs), whose headquarters are in proximity to the headquarters of IOs, are more likely to affect IOs' expansion into the environmental domain. We test this explanation by utilizing a novel dataset on the strength of environmental global civil society in proximity to the headquarters of 76 IOs between 1950 and 2017. Three findings stand out. First, the more environmental INGOs have their secretariat in proximity to the headquarter of an IO, the more likely the IO mainstreams environmental policy. Second, proximate INGOs' contribution increases when they can rely on domestically focused NGOs in member states. Third, a pathway case reveals that proximate INGOs played an essential role in inside lobbying, outside lobbying and information provision during the campaign to mainstream environmental issues at the World Bank. However, their efforts relied to a substantial extent on the work of local NGOs on the ground.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{QuitzowBersalliLilliestametal.2023,
  author    = {Quitzow, Rainer and Bersalli, Germ{\´a}n and Lilliestam, Johan and Prontera, Andrea},
  title     = {Green recovery},
  series = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics},
  booktitle = {Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics},
  editor    = {Rayner, Tim and Szulecki, Kacper and Jordan, Andrew J. and Oberth{\"u}r, Sebastian},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  isbn      = {978-1-78990-698-1},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781789906981.00039},
  pages     = {351 -- 366},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {This chapter reviews how the European Union has fared in enabling a green recovery in the aftermath of the Covid-19 crisis, drawing comparisons to developments after the financial crisis. The chapter focuses on the European Commission and its evolving role in promoting decarbonisation efforts in its Member States, paying particular attention to its role in financing investments in low-carbon assets. It considers both the direct effects of green stimulus policies on decarbonisation in the EU and how these actions have shaped the capacities of the Commission as an actor in the field of climate and energy policy. The analysis reveals a significant expansion of the Commission's role compared to the period following the financial crisis. EU-level measures have provided incentives for Member States to direct large volumes of financing towards investments in climate-friendly assets. Nevertheless, the ultimate impact will largely be shaped by implementation at the national level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{CamposdeAndrade2023,
  author    = {Campos de Andrade, Andr{\´e} Luiz},
  title     = {Governing climate change in Brazil},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-58733},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587336},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xxvii, 272},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Enacted in 2009, the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC) is a milestone in the institutionalisation of climate action in Brazil. It sets greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and a set of principles and directives that are intended to lay the foundations for a cross-sectoral and multilevel climate policy in the country. However, after more than a decade since its establishment, the PNMC has experienced several obstacles related to its governance, such as coordination, planning and implementation issues. All of these issues pose threats to the effectiveness of GHG mitigation actions in the country. By looking at the intragovernmental and intergovernmental relationships that have taken place during the lifetime of the PNMC and its sectoral plans on agriculture (the Sectoral Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change for the Consolidation of a Low-Carbon Economy in Agriculture [ABC Plan]), transport and urban mobility (the Sectoral Plan for Transportation and Urban Mobility for Mitigation and Adaption of Climate Change [PSTM]), this exploratory qualitative research investigates the Brazilian climate change governance guided by the following relevant questions: how are climate policy arrangements organised and coordinated among governmental actors to mitigate GHG emissions in Brazil? What might be the reasons behind how such arrangements are established? What are the predominant governance gaps of the different GHG mitigation actions examined? Why do these governance gaps occur? Theoretically grounded in the literature on multilevel governance and coordination of public policies, this study employs a novel analytical framework that aims to identify and discuss the occurrence of four types of governance gaps (i.e. politics, institutions and processes, resources and information) in the three GHG mitigation actions (cases) examined (i.e. the PNMC, ABC Plan and PSTM). The research results are twofold. First, they reveal that Brazil has struggled to organise and coordinate governmental actors from different policy constituencies and different levels of government in the implementation of the GHG mitigation actions examined. Moreover, climate policymaking has mostly been influenced by the Ministry of Environment (MMA) overlooking the multilevel and cross-sectoral approaches required for a country's climate policy to mitigate and adapt to climate change, especially if it is considered an economy-wide Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), as the Brazilian one is. Second, the study identifies a greater manifestation of gaps in politics (e.g. lack of political will in supporting climate action), institutions and processes (e.g. failures in the design of institutions and policy instruments, coordination and monitoring flaws, and difficulties in building climate federalism) in all cases studied. It also identifies that there have been important advances in the production of data and information for decision-making and, to a lesser extent, in the allocation of technical and financial resources in the cases studied; however, it is necessary to highlight the limitation of these improvements due to turf wars, a low willingness to share information among federal government players, a reduced volume of financial resources and an unequal distribution of capacities among the federal ministries and among the three levels of government. A relevant finding is that these gaps tend to be explained by a combination of general and sectoral set aspects. Regarding the general aspects, which are common to all cases examined, the following can be mentioned: i) unbalanced policy capabilities existing among the different levels of government, ii) a limited (bureaucratic) practice to produce a positive coordination mode within cross-sectoral policies, iii) the socioeconomic inequalities that affect the way different governments and economic sectors perceive the climate issue (selective perception) and iv) the reduced dialogue between national and subnational governments on the climate agenda (poor climate federalism). The following sectoral aspects can be mentioned: i) the presence of path dependencies that make the adoption of transformative actions harder and ii) the absence of perceived co-benefits that the climate agenda can bring to each economic sector (e.g. reputational gains, climate protection and access to climate financial markets). By addressing the theoretical and practical implications of the results, this research provides key insights to tackle the governance gaps identified and to help Brazil pave the way to achieving its NDCs and net-zero targets. At the theoretical level, this research and the current country's GHG emissions profile suggest that the Brazilian climate policy is embedded in a cross-sectoral and multilevel arena, which requires the effective involvement of different levels of political and bureaucratic powers and the consideration of the country's socioeconomic differences. Thus, the research argues that future improvements of the Brazilian climate policy and its governance setting must frame climate policy as an economic development agenda, the ramifications of which go beyond the environmental sector. An initial consequence of this new perspective may be a shift in the political and technical leadership from the MMA to the institutions of the centre of government (Executive Office of the President of Brazil) and those in charge of the country's economic policy (Ministry of Economy). This change could provide greater capacity for coordination, integration and enforcement as well as for addressing certain expected gaps (e.g. financial and technical resources). It could also lead to greater political prioritisation of the agenda at the highest levels of government. Moreover, this shift of the institutional locus could contribute to greater harmonisation between domestic development priorities and international climate politics. Finally, the research also suggests that this approach would reduce bureaucratic elitism currently in place due to climate policy being managed by Brazilian governmental institutions, which is still a theme of a few ministries and a reason for the occurrence of turf wars.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DijkstraDebreHeinkelmannWild2023,
  author    = {Dijkstra, Hylke and Debre, Maria Josepha and Heinkelmann-Wild, Tim},
  title     = {Governance abhors a vacuum},
  series = {The British journal of politics \& international relations},
  journal   = {The British journal of politics \& international relations},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1369-1481},
  doi       = {10.1177/13691481231202642},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {International organisations have become increasingly contested resulting in worries about their decline and termination. While international organisation termination is indeed a regular event in international relations, this article shows that other institutions carry the legacy of terminated international organisations. We develop the novel concept of international organisation afterlife and suggest indicators to systematically assess it. Our analysis of 26 major terminated international organisations reveals legal-institutional and asset continuity in 21 cases. To further illustrate this point, the article zooms in on the afterlife of the International Institute of Agriculture in the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Refugee Organization in the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the Western European Union in the European Union. In these three cases, international organisation afterlife inspired and structured the design of their successor institutions. While specific international organisations might be terminated, international cooperation therefore often lives on in other institutions.},
  language  = {en}
}