@article{Heucher2019,
author = {Heucher, Angela},
title = {Evolving Order? Inter-Organizational Relations in the Organizational},
series = {Forum for Development Studies},
volume = {46},
journal = {Forum for Development Studies},
number = {3},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0803-9410},
doi = {10.1080/08039410.2018.1562962},
pages = {501 -- 526},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.},
language = {en}
}
@article{HickmannFuhrHoehneetal.2017,
author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Fuhr, Harald and H{\"o}hne, Chris and Lederer, Markus and Stehle, Fee},
title = {Carbon Governance Arrangements and the Nation-State: The Reconfiguration of Public Authority in Developing Countries},
series = {Public administration and development},
volume = {37},
journal = {Public administration and development},
publisher = {Wiley},
address = {Hoboken},
issn = {0271-2075},
doi = {10.1002/pad.1814},
pages = {331 -- 343},
year = {2017},
abstract = {Several scholars concerned with global policy-making have recently pointed to a reconfiguration of authority in the area of climate politics. They have shown that various new carbon governance arrangements have emerged, which operate simultaneously at different governmental levels. However, despite the numerous descriptions and mapping exercises of these governance arrangements, we have little systematic knowledge on their workings within national jurisdictions, let alone about their impact on public-administrative systems in developing countries. Therefore, this article opens the black box of the nation-state and explores how and to what extent two different arrangements, that is, Transnational City Networks and Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, generate changes in the distribution of public authority in nation-states and their administrations. Building upon conceptual assumptions that the former is likely to lead to more decentralized, and the latter to more centralized policy-making, we provide insights from case studies in Indonesia, South Africa, Brazil, and India. In a nutshell, our analysis underscores that Transnational City Networks strengthen climate-related actions taken by cities without ultimately decentralizing climate policy-making. On the other hand, Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation tends to reinforce the competencies of central governments, but apparently does not generate a recentralization of the forestry sector at large.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Fitzi2019,
author = {Fitzi, Gregor},
title = {Max Weber's concept of 'modern politics},
series = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
volume = {19},
journal = {Journal of Classical Sociology},
number = {4},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {London},
issn = {1468-795X},
doi = {10.1177/1468795X19851368},
pages = {361 -- 376},
year = {2019},
abstract = {In a critical approach to Mommsen's classical thesis, which states the dependence of Weber's sociology on his political position, the article reconstructs the foundation of Weber's 'The Profession and Vocation of Politics' on his sociological analyses of the political domain in the manuscripts for the posthumous publication of Economy and Society. The first two pages of his 1919 lecture particularly show that Weber can fall back on the definitions of State and politics that he had already developed for his political sociology. Yet, to appreciate the full extent of this theoretical contribution, it is necessary to present Weber's entire ideal-typical analysis of the political. The article then shows that Weber provides an unlabelled definition of 'modern politics' that negates ante litteram Carl Schmitt's foundation of politics on the idea of enmity. In this context, Weber's sound plea for parliamentarism and against the fascination of civil war comes to the fore that he wanted to deliver to his audience of young revolutionaries in January 1919.},
language = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Kamprath2014,
author = {Kamprath, Martin},
title = {A microfoundations perspectives on fresight and business models},
pages = {224},
year = {2014},
language = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
series = {European Political Science},
volume = {19},
journal = {European Political Science},
number = {3},
issn = {1682-0983},
doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
pages = {336 -- 351},
year = {2020},
abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Leib2016,
author = {Leib, Julia},
title = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding},
series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
journal = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
number = {22},
publisher = {Univ.},
address = {Bradford},
issn = {1742-0601},
pages = {25 -- 76},
year = {2016},
abstract = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Leib2019,
author = {Leib, Julia},
title = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process},
series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
volume = {25},
journal = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
number = {4},
publisher = {de Gruyter},
address = {Berlin},
issn = {1554-8597},
doi = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033},
pages = {6},
year = {2019},
abstract = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Liese2013,
author = {Liese, Andrea Margit},
title = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?},
isbn = {978-1-10-760936-5},
year = {2013},
language = {en}
}
@article{BeisheimLiese2014,
author = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit},
title = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research},
isbn = {978-1-137-35925-0},
year = {2014},
language = {en}
}
@article{GehringDoerfler2019,
author = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices},
series = {Review of International Studies},
volume = {45},
journal = {Review of International Studies},
number = {1},
publisher = {Univ.},
address = {Cambridge},
issn = {0260-2105},
doi = {10.1017/S0260210518000268},
pages = {120 -- 140},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).},
language = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
title = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
series = {European journal of international relations},
volume = {27},
journal = {European journal of international relations},
number = {3},
publisher = {Sage},
address = {London},
issn = {1354-0661},
doi = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
pages = {753 -- 778},
year = {2021},
abstract = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{DoerflerHosli2013,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Hosli, Madeleine O.},
title = {Reforming the United Nations Security Council},
series = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization},
booktitle = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-415-50143-9},
doi = {10.4324/9780203405345.ch28},
pages = {377 -- 390},
year = {2013},
language = {en}
}
@book{Doerfler2019,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Security council sanctions governance},
series = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
journal = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-42944-232-2},
doi = {10.4324/9780429442322},
pages = {xiii, 239},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
series = {International feminist journal of politics},
volume = {22},
journal = {International feminist journal of politics},
number = {5},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {London},
issn = {1461-6742},
doi = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
pages = {720 -- 741},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
author = {Reiners, Nina},
title = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
volume = {43},
journal = {Human Rights Quarterly},
number = {2},
publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
address = {New York},
issn = {1085-794X},
doi = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
pages = {329 -- 343},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
language = {en}
}
@article{LieseReiners2019,
author = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina},
title = {The Eye of the Beholder?},
series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
journal = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
address = {Oxford},
isbn = {0191879398},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021},
pages = {335 -- 343},
year = {2019},
language = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Reiners2017,
author = {Reiners, Nina},
title = {Transnational lawmaking coalitions for human rights},
school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {221, VI},
year = {2017},
language = {en}
}
@article{SeyfriedAnsmann2018,
author = {Seyfried, Markus and Ansmann, Moritz},
title = {Unfreezing higher education institutions?},
series = {Higher Education},
volume = {75},
journal = {Higher Education},
number = {6},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Dordrecht},
issn = {0018-1560},
doi = {10.1007/s10734-017-0185-2},
pages = {1061 -- 1076},
year = {2018},
abstract = {Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly "infected" the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin's seminal concept of "unfreezing" organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
author = {Fuhr, Harald},
title = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
series = {Third world quarterly},
volume = {42},
journal = {Third world quarterly},
number = {11},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0143-6597},
doi = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
pages = {2724 -- 2746},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Kalczewiak2020,
author = {Kalczewiak, Mariusz},
title = {Yiddish Buenos Aires and the struggle to leave the margins},
series = {East European Jewish affairs},
volume = {50},
journal = {East European Jewish affairs},
number = {1-2},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {1350-1674},
doi = {10.1080/13501674.2020.1774275},
pages = {115 -- 133},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Yiddish culture developed in Argentina within the context of a self-perception that figured Buenos Aires as a marginal and peripheral locale on the global Yiddish map. Against this backdrop, Argentine Yiddish culturalists argued for the strengthening of local Yiddish culture with a goal of elevating Buenos Aires's status within the international hierarchies of Yiddish culture. Buenos Aires indeed emerged in the 1920s as a producer of Yiddish cultural contents, maintained networks of international cultural contacts with other Yiddish centers, financially supported Eastern European Yiddish establishments, and hoped that these contacts would allow for solving Buenos Aires reputation problems. The pre-World War II preoccupation with the status of Buenos Aires as a center of Yiddish culture provided a basis upon which post-Holocaust discourse of Argentine Jewish responsibility for the maintenance of Yiddish culture was constructed.},
language = {en}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
volume = {87},
journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
number = {4},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
issn = {0020-8523},
doi = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
pages = {775 -- 793},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work.
Points for practitioners
National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
language = {en}
}
@article{FleischerReiners2021,
author = {Fleischer, Julia and Reiners, Nina},
title = {Connecting international relations and public administration},
series = {International studies review},
volume = {23},
journal = {International studies review},
number = {4},
publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press},
address = {Oxford},
issn = {1521-9488},
doi = {10.1093/isr/viaa097},
pages = {1230 -- 1247},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The recent debate on administrative bodies in international organizations has brought forward multiple theoretical perspectives, analytical frameworks, and methodological approaches. Despite these efforts to advance knowledge on these actors, the research program on international public administrations (IPAs) has missed out on two important opportunities: reflection on scholarship in international relations (IR) and public administration and synergies between these disciplinary perspectives. Against this backdrop, the essay is a discussion of the literature on IPAs in IR and public administration. We found influence, authority, and autonomy of international bureaucracies have been widely addressed and helped to better understand the agency of such non-state actors in global policy-making. Less attention has been given to the crucial macro-level context of politics for administrative bodies, despite the importance in IR and public administration scholarship. We propose a focus on agency and politics as future avenues for a comprehensive, joint research agenda for international bureaucracies.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{HosliDoerfler2015,
author = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {The United Nations Security Council},
series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
editor = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-1-349-48504-8},
doi = {10.1057/9781137397607_8},
pages = {135 -- 152},
year = {2015},
abstract = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.},
language = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan},
title = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union},
series = {International Journal of Public Administration},
volume = {40},
journal = {International Journal of Public Administration},
number = {14},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {Philadelphia},
issn = {0190-0692},
doi = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267},
pages = {1237 -- 1249},
year = {2017},
abstract = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Schmidt2018,
author = {Schmidt, Peter},
title = {Market failure vs. system failure as a rationale for economic policy?},
series = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics},
volume = {28},
journal = {Journal of Evolutionary Economics},
number = {4},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {New York},
issn = {0936-9937},
doi = {10.1007/s00191-018-0564-6},
pages = {785 -- 803},
year = {2018},
abstract = {This paper reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticizes the fact that neoclassical reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is more than surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. In addition, it is shown that this "fallacy of failure thinking" even finds its continuation in the alternative concept of "system failure" with which some evolutionary economists try to explain and legitimate policy interventions in local, regional or national innovation systems. The paper argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Finally, the paper delivers an alternative evolutionary explanation of economic policy which is able to overcome the theory-immanent contradiction of the hitherto evolutionary view on this subject.},
language = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Gasser2022,
author = {Gasser, Lucy},
title = {East and South},
series = {Transdisciplinary souths},
journal = {Transdisciplinary souths},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-367-72225-8},
school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {vi, 186},
year = {2022},
abstract = {"What is 'Europe' in academic discourse? While Europe tends to be used as shorthand, often interchangeable with the 'West', neither the 'West' nor 'Europe' are homogeneous spaces. Though postcolonial studies have long been debunking Eurocentrism in its multiple guises, there is still work to do in fully comprehending how its imaginations and discursive legacies conceive the figure of Europe, as not all who live on European soil are understood as equally 'European'. This volume explores this immediate need to rethink the axis of postcolonial cultural productions, to disarticulate Eurocentrism, to recognise Europe as a more diverse, plural and fluid space, to draw forward cultural exchanges and dialogues within the Global South. Through analyses of literary texts from East-Central Europe and beyond, this volume sheds light on alternative literary cartographies - the multiplicity of Europes and being European which exist both as they are viewed from the different geographies of the global South, and within the continent itself. Covering a wide spatial and temporal terrain in postcolonial and European cultural productions, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of literature and literary criticism, cultural studies, post-colonial studies, Global South studies and European studies"},
language = {en}
}
@article{Yilmaz2018,
author = {Yilmaz, Zafer},
title = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey},
series = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
volume = {29},
journal = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
number = {3},
publisher = {Duke Univ. Press},
address = {Durham},
issn = {1047-4552},
doi = {10.1215/10474552-7003168},
pages = {55 -- 77},
year = {2018},
abstract = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Wenzel2018,
author = {Wenzel, Bertolt},
title = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?},
series = {Public Policy and Administration},
volume = {33},
journal = {Public Policy and Administration},
number = {2},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {London},
issn = {0952-0767},
doi = {10.1177/0952076716683764},
pages = {149 -- 169},
year = {2018},
abstract = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.},
language = {en}
}
@article{HartmannLang2022,
author = {Hartmann, Eddy and Lang, Felix},
title = {The crisis of social trust in non-violent routines},
series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship},
journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 2: Contesting citizenship},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-367-74536-3},
pages = {104},
year = {2022},
language = {en}
}
@misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017,
author = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine},
title = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance},
series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
volume = {30},
journal = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
publisher = {Elsevier},
address = {Oxford},
issn = {1877-3435},
doi = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006},
pages = {1 -- 6},
year = {2017},
abstract = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Burkert2022,
author = {Burkert, Rebecca},
title = {Moving mountains?},
series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7},
pages = {110 -- 127},
year = {2022},
language = {en}
}
@article{DavydchykMehlhausenPriesmeyerTkocz2017,
author = {Davydchyk, Maria and Mehlhausen, Thomas and Priesmeyer-Tkocz, Weronika},
title = {The price of success, the benefit of setbacks},
series = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
volume = {97},
journal = {Futures : the journal of policy, planning and futures studies},
publisher = {Elsevier},
address = {Oxford},
issn = {0016-3287},
doi = {10.1016/j.futures.2017.06.004},
pages = {35 -- 46},
year = {2017},
abstract = {This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU's neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU's approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Pittel2021,
author = {Pittel, Harald},
title = {Fin du globe},
series = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
volume = {162},
journal = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
number = {1},
publisher = {Sage},
address = {London},
issn = {0725-5136},
doi = {10.1177/0725513621994702},
pages = {121 -- 136},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This essay argues that Oscar Wilde noticeably contributed to the emerging discourse about world literature, even though his views in this regard have to be unearthed from the margins of his works, from his early and unpublished American lectures and 'between the lines' of his major critical essays. Wilde's implicit ideas around world literature can be understood as being closely related to his broader endeavour of redirecting and revaluing the pejorative discourse around 'decadence' in art and literature. More specifically, the arch-aesthete preferred to use the word 'romance' rather than 'decadence' (a term he hardly used at all in his writings), signalling a sensitivity attuned to what he called the 'love of things impossible'. This reconceptualization of the decadent outlook was to inspire a critical ideal of literature which relied on creatively activating the other as Other, culminating in a vision of intersubjective, transcultural and unlimited literary communication. Wilde's thought can be more specifically understood as anticipating central tenets of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's evocations of the planetary, thus preparing the way for an alterity-oriented understanding of literary cosmopolitanism.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Introduction},
series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_1},
pages = {1 -- 7},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Does political repression work and if so, under what conditions? Many contributions to the empirical study of non-democratic rule assume it does. As a consequence, strong convictions on political repression abound, but empirical investigations into the matter remain rare. This introduction sets the agenda for the chapters to come and outlines the answers given to the three motivating questions of this volume. First, what variants of political repression are there, and how do they interact? Second, what impact does the interaction of different forms of political repression have on the problem of authoritarian control? Finally, what difference does the complementary use of violence and restrictions make for the problem of authoritarian power-sharing?},
language = {en}
}
@misc{CaliendoHogenacker2012,
author = {Caliendo, Marco and Hogenacker, Jens},
title = {The German labor market after the Great Recession},
series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
number = {129},
issn = {1867-5808},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-43519},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435195},
pages = {26},
year = {2012},
abstract = {The reaction of the German labor market to the Great Recession 2008/09 was relatively mild - especially compared to other countries. The reason lies not only in the specific type of the recession - which was favorable for the German economy structure - but also in a series of labor market reforms initiated between 2002 and 2005 altering, inter alia, labor supply incentives. However, irrespective of the mild response to the Great Recession, there are a number of substantial future challenges the German labor market will soon have to face. Female labor supply still lies well below that of other countries and a massive demographic change over the next 50 years will have substantial effects on labor supply as well as the pension system. In addition, due to a skill-biased technological change over the next decades, firms will face problems of finding employees with adequate skills. The aim of this paper is threefold. First, we outline why the German labor market reacted in such a mild fashion, describe current economic trends of the labor market in light of general trends in the European Union, and reveal some of the main associated challenges. Thereafter, the paper analyzes recent reforms of the main institutional settings of the labor market which influence labor supply. Finally, based on the status quo of these institutional settings, the paper gives a brief overview of strategies to combat adequately the challenges in terms of labor supply and to ensure economic growth in the future.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{ArniCaliendoKuennetal.2014,
author = {Arni, Patrick and Caliendo, Marco and K{\"u}nn, Steffen and Zimmermann, Klaus F.},
title = {The IZA evaluation dataset survey},
series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
number = {122},
issn = {1867-5808},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-43520},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435204},
pages = {22},
year = {2014},
abstract = {This reference paper describes the sampling and contents of the IZA Evaluation Dataset Survey and outlines its vast potential for research in labor economics. The data have been part of a unique IZA project to connect administrative data from the German Federal Employment Agency with innovative survey data to study the out-mobility of individuals to work. This study makes the survey available to the research community as a Scientific Use File by explaining the development, structure, and access to the data. Furthermore, it also summarizes previous findings with the survey data.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Daviter2015,
author = {Daviter, Falk},
title = {The political use of knowledge in the policy process},
series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
number = {123},
issn = {1867-5808},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-43548},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435481},
pages = {491 -- 505},
year = {2015},
abstract = {The role of knowledge in the policy process remains a central theoretical puzzle in policy analysis and political science. This article argues that an important yet missing piece of this puzzle is the systematic exploration of the political use of policy knowledge. While much of the recent debate has focused on the question of how the substantive use of knowledge can improve the quality of policy choices, our understanding of the political use of knowledge and its effects in the policy process has remained deficient in key respects. A revised conceptualization of the political use of knowledge is introduced that emphasizes how conflicting knowledge can be used to contest given structures of policy authority. This allows the analysis to differentiate between knowledge creep and knowledge shifts as two distinct types of knowledge effects in the policy process. While knowledge creep is associated with incremental policy change within existing policy structures, knowledge shifts are linked to more fundamental policy change in situations when the structures of policy authority undergo some level of transformation. The article concludes by identifying characteristics of the administrative structure of policy systems or sectors that make knowledge shifts more or less likely.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Hoffmann2017,
author = {Hoffmann, Dierk},
title = {The GDR's Westpolitik and everyday anticommunism in West Germany},
series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe},
journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Philosophische Reihe},
number = {167},
issn = {1866-8380},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-43518},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435184},
pages = {17},
year = {2017},
abstract = {West German anticommunism and the SED's Westarbeit were to some extentinterrelated. From the beginning, each German state had attemted to stabilise itsown social system while trying to discredit its political opponent. The claim tosole representation and the refusal to acknowledge each other delineated governmentalaction on both sides. Anticommunism inWest Germany re-developed under theconditions of the Cold War, which allowed it to become virtually the reason ofstate and to serve as a tool for the exclusion of KPD supporters. In its turn, theSED branded the West German State as'revanchist'and instrumentalised itsanticommunism to persecute and eliminate opponents within the GDR. Bothphenomena had an integrative and exclusionary element.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
author = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
title = {Conclusion},
series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
publisher = {Cham},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9},
pages = {211 -- 224},
year = {2016},
abstract = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016,
author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
title = {Introduction},
series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1},
pages = {1 -- 22},
year = {2016},
abstract = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
author = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
title = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"},
series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
publisher = {Cham},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2},
pages = {25 -- 46},
year = {2016},
abstract = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Daviter2017,
author = {Daviter, Falk},
title = {Coping, taming or solving},
series = {Policy studies},
volume = {38},
journal = {Policy studies},
number = {6},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0144-2872},
doi = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543},
pages = {571 -- 588},
year = {2017},
abstract = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Heucher2019,
author = {Heucher, Angela},
title = {Evolving order?},
series = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
journal = {Postprints der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
number = {110},
issn = {1867-5808},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-43308},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-433086},
pages = {26},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in C{\^o}te d'Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of C{\^o}te d'Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an - albeit limited - division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.},
language = {en}
}
@book{WeissVerlaanVasquezCarruthersetal.2022,
author = {Weiß, Norman and Verlaan, Stephanie and Vasquez Carruthers, Juan Francisco and Mair, Theresa and Conner, Sean and Maaser, Lucas and R{\"o}thlisberger, Livia},
title = {Transitional Justice},
series = {Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik},
journal = {Potsdamer Studien zu Staat, Recht und Politik},
number = {7},
editor = {Weiß, Norman},
publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
address = {Potsdam},
isbn = {978-3-86956-473-9},
issn = {1869-2443},
doi = {10.25932/publishup-43171},
url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-431711},
publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
pages = {194},
year = {2022},
abstract = {This publication deals with the topic of transitional justice. In six case studies, the authors link theoretical and practical implications in order to develop some innovative approaches. Their proposals might help to deal more effectively with the transition of societies, legal orders and political systems. Young academics from various backgrounds provide fresh insights and demonstrate the relevance of the topic. The chapters analyse transitions and conflicts in Sierra Leone, Argentina, Nicaragua, Nepal, and South Sudan as well as Germany's colonial genocide in Namibia. Thus, the book provides the reader with new insights and contributes to the ongoing debate about transitional justice.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Liese2022,
author = {Liese, Andrea},
title = {Rezension zu: The power of global performance indicators / Hrsg.: Judith G. Kelley ; Beth A. Simmons. - Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. - 450 p.},
series = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association},
volume = {20},
journal = {Perspectives on politics / American Political Science Association},
number = {1},
publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
address = {Cambridge},
isbn = {978-1-108-48720-7},
issn = {1537-5927},
doi = {10.1017/S1537592721003716},
pages = {380 -- 382},
year = {2022},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Toward a theory of political repression},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2},
pages = {9 -- 41},
year = {2020},
abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3},
pages = {43 -- 75},
year = {2020},
abstract = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Adamik2021,
author = {Adamik, Verena},
title = {Making worlds from literature},
series = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
volume = {162},
journal = {Thesis eleven : critical theory and historical sociology},
number = {1},
publisher = {Sage},
address = {London},
issn = {0725-5136},
doi = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0725513621993308},
pages = {105 -- 120},
year = {2021},
abstract = {While W.E.B. Du Bois's first novel, The Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911), is set squarely in the USA, his second work of fiction, Dark Princess: A Romance (1928), abandons this national framework, depicting the treatment of African Americans in the USA as embedded into an international system of economic exploitation based on racial categories. Ultimately, the political visions offered in the novels differ starkly, but both employ a Western literary canon - so-called 'classics' from Greek, German, English, French, and US American literature. With this, Du Bois attempts to create a new space for African Americans in the world (literature) of the 20th century. Weary of the traditions of this 'world literature', the novels complicate and begin to decenter the canon that they draw on. This reading traces what I interpret as subtle signs of frustration over the limits set by the literature that underlies Dark Princess, while its predecessor had been more optimistic in its appropriation of Eurocentric fiction for its propagandist aims.},
language = {en}
}
@article{EydamGabriadze2021,
author = {Eydam, Ulrich Leonard and Gabriadze, Irakli},
title = {Institutional development in transition economies},
series = {Post-Soviet affairs},
volume = {37},
journal = {Post-Soviet affairs},
number = {2},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {1060-586X},
doi = {10.1080/1060586X.2020.1848171},
pages = {99 -- 118},
year = {2021},
abstract = {To understand the divergent institutional development in transition economies, we examine the role of institutional experience from the pre-Soviet era in institution-building after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To measure institutional experience, we construct an index that captures previous experience with independent non-Soviet institutions. A cross-sectional analysis shows that institutional experience is statistically significantly associated with the quality of political, administrative, and legal institutions in transition economies today. To provide a more comprehensive picture and to control for confounding factors, in a second step, we apply a Hausman-Taylor estimator on panel data. This analysis confirms the positive relationship between institutional experience and institutional development. Moreover, the results suggest that the association between institutional experience and political institutions is stronger than the association to the other dimensions of institutions. Overall, the analysis highlights the importance of institutional experience and provides a rationale for the persistency of institutions.},
language = {en}
}
@article{CoeruetCoeruet2021,
author = {C{\"o}r{\"u}t, G{\"o}zde Yaz{\i}c{\i} and C{\"o}r{\"u}t, İlker},
title = {The neo-liberal conception of empowerment and its limits},
series = {Central Asian survey},
volume = {41},
journal = {Central Asian survey},
number = {1},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0263-4937},
doi = {10.1080/02634937.2021.1969897},
pages = {118 -- 137},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Through qualitative research conducted in the bazaars of Bishkek, this paper examines the posited tripartite relationship between the free market, micro-finance and women's empowerment by focusing on how loans from micro-finance institutions in Bishkek influence the lives of female loanees. The neo-liberal conception of 'individual autonomy' and 'empowerment', it is argued, may not adequately serve as indicators of actual female empowerment/disempowerment in Bishkek and lead us to fail to recognize moments of self-exploitation and forms of claim-making. The research also underlines the disempowering effects of the affectional burden, that is, the constant sense of anxiety, that the loanees have to manage in order to survive in the neo-liberal business environment, which offers high interest rate loans and exposes the loanees to over-indebtedness. These effects can be followed through the analysis of the role the desire for stability and 'ontological security' plays in the formation of the identities/world views of the loanees.},
language = {en}
}