@book{OPUS4-50023,
title = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
series = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
journal = {Palgrave Studies in Sub-National Governance},
editor = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50979-8},
issn = {2523-8256},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8},
pages = {XXV, 350},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This book presents an overview of European migration policy and the various institutional arrangements within and between various actors, such as local councils, local media, local economies, and local civil society initiatives. Both the role of local authorities in this policy field and their cooperation with civil society initiatives or networks are under-explored topics for research. In response, this book provides a range of detailed case studies focusing on the six main groups of national and administrative traditions in Europe: Germanic, Scandinavian, Napoleonic, Southeastern European, Central-Eastern European and Anglo-Saxon.},
language = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
title = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
pages = {1 -- 9},
year = {2021},
abstract = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen},
title = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
pages = {107 -- 121},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen},
title = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
pages = {311 -- 333},
year = {2021},
abstract = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
language = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
author = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
title = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
journal = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-50978-1},
issn = {2523-8248},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
pages = {335 -- 344},
year = {2021},
abstract = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Weiss2017,
author = {Weiß, Norman},
title = {Origin and Further Development},
series = {The Council of Europe},
journal = {The Council of Europe},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
address = {Oxford},
isbn = {978-0-19-967252-3},
pages = {3 -- 22},
year = {2017},
language = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
series = {European Political Science},
volume = {19},
journal = {European Political Science},
number = {3},
issn = {1682-0983},
doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
pages = {336 -- 351},
year = {2020},
abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Leib2016,
author = {Leib, Julia},
title = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding},
series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
journal = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
number = {22},
publisher = {Univ.},
address = {Bradford},
issn = {1742-0601},
pages = {25 -- 76},
year = {2016},
abstract = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Leib2019,
author = {Leib, Julia},
title = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process},
series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
volume = {25},
journal = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
number = {4},
publisher = {de Gruyter},
address = {Berlin},
issn = {1554-8597},
doi = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033},
pages = {6},
year = {2019},
abstract = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Liese2013,
author = {Liese, Andrea Margit},
title = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?},
isbn = {978-1-10-760936-5},
year = {2013},
language = {en}
}
@article{BeisheimLiese2014,
author = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit},
title = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research},
isbn = {978-1-137-35925-0},
year = {2014},
language = {en}
}
@article{GehringDoerfler2019,
author = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices},
series = {Review of International Studies},
volume = {45},
journal = {Review of International Studies},
number = {1},
publisher = {Univ.},
address = {Cambridge},
issn = {0260-2105},
doi = {10.1017/S0260210518000268},
pages = {120 -- 140},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).},
language = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
title = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
series = {European journal of international relations},
volume = {27},
journal = {European journal of international relations},
number = {3},
publisher = {Sage},
address = {London},
issn = {1354-0661},
doi = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
pages = {753 -- 778},
year = {2021},
abstract = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
language = {en}
}
@book{Doerfler2019,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Security council sanctions governance},
series = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
journal = {Routledge research on the United Nations ; 6},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-42944-232-2},
doi = {10.4324/9780429442322},
pages = {xiii, 239},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Little is known about how far-reaching decisions in UN Security Council sanctions committees are made. Developing a novel committee governance concept and using examples drawn from sanctions imposed on Iraq, Al-Qaida, Congo, Sudan and Iran, this book shows that Council members tend to follow the will of the powerful, whereas sanctions committee members often decide according to the rules. This is surprising since both Council and committees are staffed by the same member states. Offering a fascinating account of Security Council micro-politics and decision-making processes on sanctions, this rigorous comparative and theory-driven analysis treats the Council and its sanctions committees as distinguishable entities that may differ in decision practice despite having the same members. Drawing extensively on primary documents, diplomatic cables, well-informed press coverage, reports by close observers and extensive interviews with committee members, Council diplomats and sanctions experts, it contrasts with the conventional wisdom on decision-making within these bodies, which suggests that the powerful permanent members would not accept rule-based decisions against their interests. This book will be of interest to policy practitioners and scholars working in the broad field of international organizations and international relations theory as well as those specializing in sanctions, international law, the Security Council and counter-terrorism.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
title = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism},
series = {International feminist journal of politics},
volume = {22},
journal = {International feminist journal of politics},
number = {5},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {London},
issn = {1461-6742},
doi = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967},
pages = {720 -- 741},
year = {2020},
abstract = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Reiners2021,
author = {Reiners, Nina},
title = {Despite or Because of Contestation?},
series = {Human Rights Quarterly},
volume = {43},
journal = {Human Rights Quarterly},
number = {2},
publisher = {Johns Hopkins Univ.},
address = {New York},
issn = {1085-794X},
doi = {10.1353/hrq.2021.0021},
pages = {329 -- 343},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Almost twenty years after its recognition in international human rights law, the human right to water continues to spark discussions about its scope and meaning. This article revisits the evolution and contestation of the right's first international legal framework, General Comment No. 15 from the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The analysis highlights the contestation of economic and social rights as a universal phenomenon at multiple levels, but argues that these meaning-making practices can support their validation and recognition.},
language = {en}
}
@article{LieseReiners2019,
author = {Liese, Andrea Margit and Reiners, Nina},
title = {The Eye of the Beholder?},
series = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
journal = {The International Rule of Law: Rise or Decline?},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
address = {Oxford},
isbn = {0191879398},
doi = {10.1093/oso/9780198843603.003.0021},
pages = {335 -- 343},
year = {2019},
language = {en}
}
@article{Fuhr2021,
author = {Fuhr, Harald},
title = {The rise of the Global South and the rise in carbon emissions},
series = {Third world quarterly},
volume = {42},
journal = {Third world quarterly},
number = {11},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0143-6597},
doi = {10.1080/01436597.2021.1954901},
pages = {2724 -- 2746},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63\% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60\% and the top 10 countries for some 78\% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22\%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.},
language = {en}
}
@article{BuschFeilHeinzeletal.2021,
author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Feil, Hauke and Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Herold, Jana and Kempken, Mathies and Liese, Andrea},
title = {Policy recommendations of international bureaucracies},
series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
volume = {87},
journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
number = {4},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {Los Angeles, Calif.},
issn = {0020-8523},
doi = {10.1177/00208523211013385},
pages = {775 -- 793},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work.
Points for practitioners
National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{HosliDoerfler2015,
author = {Hosli, Madeleine O. and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {The United Nations Security Council},
series = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
booktitle = {Rising powers and multilateral institutions (International Political Economy Series)},
editor = {Lesage, Dries and Van de Graaf, Thijs},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-1-349-48504-8},
doi = {10.1057/9781137397607_8},
pages = {135 -- 152},
year = {2015},
abstract = {The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is one of the most important multilateral institutions having the ambition to shape global governance and the only organ of the global community that can adopt legally binding resolutions for the maintenance of international peace and security and, if necessary, authorize the use of force. Created in the aftermath of World War II by its victors, the UNSC's constellation looks increasingly anachronistic, however, in light of the changing global distribution of power. Adapting the institutional structure and decision-making procedures of the UNSC has proven to be one of the most difficult challenges of the last decades, while it is the institution that has probably been faced with the most vociferous calls for reform. Although there have been changes to the informal ways in which outside actors are drawn into the UNSC's work and activities, many of the major players in the current international system seem to be deprived from equal treatment in its core patterns of decision-making. Countries such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, alongside emerging African nations such as Nigeria and South Africa, are among the states eager to secure permanent representation on the Council. By comparison, selected BRICS countries, China and Russia - in contrast to their role in other multilateral institutions - are permanent members of the UNSC and with this, have been "insiders" for a long time. This renders the situation of the UNSC different from global institutions, in which traditionally, Western powers have dominated the agenda.},
language = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerHolzingerBiesenbender2017,
author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Holzinger, Katharina and Biesenbender, Jan},
title = {Constitutional Dynamics in the European Union},
series = {International Journal of Public Administration},
volume = {40},
journal = {International Journal of Public Administration},
number = {14},
publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
address = {Philadelphia},
issn = {0190-0692},
doi = {10.1080/01900692.2017.1295267},
pages = {1237 -- 1249},
year = {2017},
abstract = {Despite high institutional hurdles for constitutional change, one observes surprisingly many EU treaty revisions. This article takes up the questions of what determines whether a treaty provision is successfully changed and why provisions are renegotiated at subsequent Intergovernmental Conferences. The article presents an institutionalist theory explaining success and renegotiation and tests the theory using all core institutional provisions by means of Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The causal analysis shows that low conflict potential of an issue is sufficient for successfully changing the treaties. Furthermore, high conflict potential of an issue and its fundamental change are sufficient for it to be renegotiated.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Yilmaz2018,
author = {Yilmaz, Zafer},
title = {Revising the culture of political protest after the gezi uprising in Turkey},
series = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
volume = {29},
journal = {Mediterranean Quarterly},
number = {3},
publisher = {Duke Univ. Press},
address = {Durham},
issn = {1047-4552},
doi = {10.1215/10474552-7003168},
pages = {55 -- 77},
year = {2018},
abstract = {The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Wenzel2018,
author = {Wenzel, Bertolt},
title = {Rational instrument or symbolic signal?},
series = {Public Policy and Administration},
volume = {33},
journal = {Public Policy and Administration},
number = {2},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {London},
issn = {0952-0767},
doi = {10.1177/0952076716683764},
pages = {149 -- 169},
year = {2018},
abstract = {This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{FuhrHickmannKern2017,
author = {Fuhr, Harald and Hickmann, Thomas and Kern, Kristine},
title = {The role of cities in multi-level climate governance},
series = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
volume = {30},
journal = {Current opinion in environmental sustainability},
publisher = {Elsevier},
address = {Oxford},
issn = {1877-3435},
doi = {10.1016/j.cosust.2017.10.006},
pages = {1 -- 6},
year = {2017},
abstract = {The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Burkert2022,
author = {Burkert, Rebecca},
title = {Moving mountains?},
series = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
journal = {The condition of democracy. - Volume 3 : Postcolonial and settler colonial contexts},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
isbn = {978-0-367-74538-7},
pages = {110 -- 127},
year = {2022},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
author = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
title = {Conclusion},
series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
editor = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
publisher = {Cham},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_9},
pages = {211 -- 224},
year = {2016},
abstract = {This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{EsguerraHelmerichRisse2016,
author = {Esguerra, Alejandro and Helmerich, Nicole and Risse, Thomas},
title = {Introduction},
series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood: Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, Cham},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_1},
pages = {1 -- 22},
year = {2016},
abstract = {The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book's in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Esguerra2016,
author = {Esguerra, Alejandro},
title = {"A Comment That Might Help Us to Move Along"},
series = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
journal = {Sustainability Politics and Limited Statehood : Contesting the New Modes of Governance},
publisher = {Cham},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-3-319-39871-6},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-39871-6_2},
pages = {25 -- 46},
year = {2016},
abstract = {This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for 'arguing' having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Daviter2017,
author = {Daviter, Falk},
title = {Coping, taming or solving},
series = {Policy studies},
volume = {38},
journal = {Policy studies},
number = {6},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {0144-2872},
doi = {10.1080/01442872.2017.1384543},
pages = {571 -- 588},
year = {2017},
abstract = {One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.},
language = {en}
}
@incollection{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Toward a theory of political repression},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2},
pages = {9 -- 41},
year = {2020},
abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3},
pages = {43 -- 75},
year = {2020},
abstract = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.},
language = {en}
}
@article{DorschDoerfler2014,
author = {Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
title = {Organized hypocrisy of the international community},
series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
volume = {15},
journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Genozidforschung},
number = {1-2},
publisher = {Velbr{\"u}ck Wissenschaft},
address = {Weilerswist},
issn = {1438-8332},
doi = {10.5771/1438-8332-2014-1-2-8},
pages = {8 -- 31},
year = {2014},
language = {en}
}
@article{Borgnaes2017,
author = {Borgn{\"a}s, Kajsa},
title = {Indicators as 'circular argumentation constructs'?},
series = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
volume = {19},
journal = {Environment, Development and Sustainability},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Dordrecht},
issn = {1387-585X},
doi = {10.1007/s10668-016-9764-0},
pages = {769 -- 790},
year = {2017},
abstract = {This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of 'circular argumentation construct'. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.},
language = {en}
}
@book{Koss2011,
author = {Koss, Michael},
title = {The politics of party funding},
series = {Comparative politics},
journal = {Comparative politics},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
address = {Oxford},
isbn = {978-0-19-957275-5},
pages = {XIII, 261},
year = {2011},
abstract = {'The Politics of Party Funding' analyses an increasingly popular institutional choice - the introduction of state funding to political parties - and represents a first step towards a theory which explains differences and similarities in party funding regimes.},
language = {en}
}
@misc{SchulzeGabrechten2019,
author = {Schulze-Gabrechten, Lena},
title = {An organizational approach to public governance},
series = {Public administration},
volume = {97},
journal = {Public administration},
number = {2},
publisher = {Wiley},
address = {Hoboken},
issn = {0033-3298},
doi = {10.1111/padm.12590},
pages = {483 -- 485},
year = {2019},
abstract = {In this volume, Egeberg and Trondal put forward an 'organizational approach to public governance' (p. 1) that, in their view, complements existing explanations for organizational change and behaviour in governance processes ('Understanding') and produces relevant advice for practitioners, specifically anyone involved in reorganizing public administration ('Design'). Following the authors' introduction of the theoretical reasoning behind their approach (chapter 1), they present supporting findings that are based on new material (chapters 2 and 9), but mainly draw on six previously published research articles (chapters 3-8). Egeberg and Trondal conclude with possible 'design implications' of said findings (chapter 9). Their 'organizational approach' focuses on the impact of selected organizational characteristics on decision-making in and on behalf of government organizations in policy-making generally ('public governance') and administrative politics more specifically ('meta-governance'). The authors concentrate on three sets of 'classical' organizational characteristics: structure (mainly vertical and horizontal specialization), demography (personnel composition), and locus (geographical location). The conceptual part of the volume convincingly summarizes 'formal organization matters'—arguments from the literature for each of the individual organizational factors. Their main, already well-established argument is that the way an organization is formally set up makes some (reform) decisions more likely than others—a line of reasoning that the authors present as neglected in governance literature. In the following five empirical chapters, the authors show that aspects of horizontal and vertical specialization—mainly operationalized by Gulicks' principles of horizontal specialization and the idea of primary versus secondary affiliation of staff—affect organizational behaviour. Readers learn that whether government levels are organized according to a territorial or non-territorial principle impacts the power relationship between levels: non-territorial organization at the supranational level tends to empower the centre against lower levels of government. There are two chapters on the decision-making behaviour of commissioners and officials in the European Commission, both showing that organizational affiliation trumps demographic background factors such as nationality, even with temporary staff. Chapter 5 addresses coordination dynamics in the European multi-level system and finds that coordination at the territorially organized national level thwarts non-territorially organized coordination at the supranational level, resulting in the phenomenon of 'direct' national administration bypassing their national executives. Further, the authors show that vertical specialization—while controlling for other factors such as issue salience—has an effect on officials' behaviour at the national level: agency officials in Norway report significantly less sensitivity towards political signals from the political executive than their colleagues in ministries. Chapter 7 discusses the relevance of geographical location for the relationship between subordinated organizations and their political executive. The authors find that the site of Norwegian agencies does not significantly affect their autonomy, influence, or inter-institutional coordination with the superior ministry. The last empirical chapter focuses on the effect of formal organization on meta-governance, that is, administrative politics. Based on a qualitative case study of a reorganization process in Norway in 2003 involving the synchronized relocation of several agencies after many failed attempts, the authors conclude that administrative reforms can be politically steered and controlled through the organization of the reform process. They argue that amongst other factors the strategic exclusion of opposing actors from the reform process as well as the deliberate increase in situations demanding quick decisions ('action rationality', p. 119) by political leaders helps explain the reform's unexpected success. The last chapter is dedicated to the synthesis of the results and to design implications. Supported by new data from a 2016 survey among Norwegian public officials, the authors conclude that organizational position is the most important influencer of decision-making behaviour, with educational background and previous job experience also playing a large role (p. 135). Consequently, their suggestions for practitioners involved in meta-governance processes concentrate on aspects of the deliberate crafting of organizational specialization to shape organizational positions, and spend less time discussing location and employee demographics. The authors illustrate and contextualize their recommendations with the help of three empirical examples: organizing good governance by balancing political control and independence in the case of agencification, organizing for coping with boundary-spanning challenges such as climate change through inter-organizational structural arrangements, and designing permanent organizational structures for innovative reforms in the public sector (pp. 137 ff.). This volume is an excellent compilation of theoretically informed applications of the all too often undefined 'organization matters' argument. It juxtaposes—particularly in the theory chapter and in the last chapter on design implications—organizational arguments against other explanations of organizational change like historical institutionalism or the garbage can model of decision-making. However, two major aspects of the book's approach are less convincing. First, supplementary explanations such as the garbage can model that are discussed in the reflections on meta-governance are neither argumentatively nor empirically applied to public governance; why should, for example, the 'solutions in search of a problem' idea only be applicable to decisions on reform policy, but not to decisions in all other policy areas? Similarly, it would have been nice to read more on the authors' idea on the interaction between organizational factors and between them and other explanations in the empirical cases on public governance—this would have allowed the reader to get a better idea about how much formal organization matters. The view on bureaucrats' demographic background is slightly confusing: it is presented as a competing approach (p. 7), but also as one of the main organizational factors (p. 12). Second, as the authors themselves state, the concept of governance is about 'steering through collective action' (p. 3) and focuses on interactive processes, and explicitly includes non-governmental actors in the policy-making equation. Against this background it seems unfortunate that most of the work presented in the book takes an exclusively governmental perspective and the justification for it remains rather superficial. It would be preferable and even necessary to see the organizational arguments—at least theoretically or through discussing appropriate literature—applied to interactive governance processes involving other actors and/or to non-bureaucratic organizations. Regarding its methodology, the specifics of the proposed approach deserve to be addressed more systematically and critically in the book. Except for chapters 2, 3 and 5 (literature-based studies) as well as chapter 8 (single case study), the empirical studies follow a quantitative logic and are informed by data on self-reported behaviour through large-N panel surveys with public officials. In terms of analysis, descriptive statistics or basic inferential statistics (linear regression) are employed. Certainly, the authors are aware of the limitations of their data sources, such as the results being possibly affected by social desirability, and they discuss and justify them in the chapters individually (e.g., on pp. 47, 89). Still, their approach could be strengthened with a more cautious account on the extent to which their choice of data and methods is able to uncover the 'causal impact of organizational factors in public governance processes' (p. 131, emphasis added) and with some suggestions for widening their methodological toolbox in the future. On this note, the survey method presented as new on p. 135 is not a particularly convincing choice. The authors do not lay out a research agenda; a surprising omission. This is, however, somewhat made up for by the concluding chapter's stimulating discussion of the possible real-world implications of their findings and perspective, skilfully using organization theory as a 'craft' (p. 29).},
language = {en}
}
@misc{Heucher2019,
author = {Heucher, Angela},
title = {Reconsidering overlap in global food security governance},
series = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
volume = {11},
journal = {Food security : the science, sociology and economics of food production and access to food},
number = {3},
publisher = {Springer Netherlands},
address = {Dordrecht},
issn = {1876-4517},
doi = {10.1007/s12571-019-00916-z},
pages = {555 -- 558},
year = {2019},
language = {en}
}
@article{SeyfriedReith2019,
author = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian},
title = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research},
series = {Quality in higher education},
volume = {25},
journal = {Quality in higher education},
number = {3},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {1353-8322},
doi = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943},
pages = {289 -- 303},
year = {2019},
abstract = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Nuesiri2018,
author = {Nuesiri, Emmanuel O.},
title = {Strengths and Limitations of Conservation NGOs in Meeting Local Needs},
series = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS},
journal = {the Anthropology of Conservation NGOS},
publisher = {Palgrave},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-3-319-60579-1},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-60579-1_8},
pages = {203 -- 225},
year = {2018},
abstract = {Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Hustedt2018,
author = {Hustedt, Thurid},
title = {Germany: the smooth and silent emergence of advisory roles},
series = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)},
journal = {Ministers, minders and Mandarins : an international study of relationships at the executive summit of parliamentary democracies (2018)},
publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing LTD},
address = {Cheltenham},
isbn = {978-1-78643-169-1},
pages = {72 -- 90},
year = {2018},
language = {en}
}
@article{ElsaesserHickmannStehle2018,
author = {Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp and Hickmann, Thomas and Stehle, Fee},
title = {The Role of Cities in South Africa's Energy Gridlock},
series = {Case Studies in the Environment},
volume = {2},
journal = {Case Studies in the Environment},
number = {1},
publisher = {University of California Press},
address = {Oakland},
issn = {2473-9510},
doi = {10.1525/cse.2018.001297},
pages = {1 -- 7},
year = {2018},
abstract = {South Africa's energy sector finds itself in a gridlock situation. The sector is controlled by the state-owned utility Eskom holding the monopoly on the generation and transmission of electricity, which is almost exclusively produced from domestically extracted coal. At the same time, the constitutional mandate enables municipalities to distribute and sell electricity generated by Eskom to local consumers, which constitutes a large part of the cities' municipal income. This is a strong disincentive for city governments to promote reductions in energy consumption and substantially limits the scope for urban action on energy efficiency and renewable energies. In the present case study, we portray the current development in South Africa's energy policy and trace how deadlocked legal, financial, and institutional barriers block the transition from a coal-based energy system toward a greener and more sustainable energy economy. We furthermore point to the efforts of major South African cities to introduce low-carbon strategies in their jurisdictions and highlight key challenges for the future development of the country's energy sector. By engaging with this case study, readers will become familiar with a prime example of the wider phenomenon of national political-economic obstacles to the progress in sustainable urban development.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Scheller2018,
author = {Scheller, Henrik},
title = {German Federalism: On the Way to a "Cooperative Centralism"?},
series = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives},
journal = {Identities, trust, and cohesion in federal systems: public perspectives},
publisher = {McGill-Queens University Press},
address = {Montreal},
isbn = {978-1-55339-535-5},
pages = {255 -- 279},
year = {2018},
abstract = {Germany has a long tradition of federalism extending far back in history (Ziblatt 2004; Broschek 2011). This tradition has always been characterized by a discrepancy between the attitudes of the public to its federalism and the reform ideas of the (political) elites. While the public has a strong desire for an equality of living conditions, solidarity, social cohesion, and cooperation between the orders of government, academic discourse is shaped by calls for wide-ranging federalism reforms, which are oriented toward the American model of "dual federalism." Against this background, this chapter contrasts public attitudes on key aspects of the federal system with long-lasting academic recommendations for reform. Light will be shed on the general perception of the federal system as a whole, the division of powers, and in particular the issue of joint decision-making (Politikverflechtung) between the orders of government-all issues that have been repeatedly interrogated in various surveys. A further aspect of these polls is the question of the extent to which solidarity or competition shall be realized between the federal and Land governments-a question that is highly controversial in politics and academia (especially in the fiscal equalization debate), though public perceptions are quite different.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Pschichholz2020,
author = {Pschichholz, Christin},
title = {The First World Warasa Caesura?},
series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
journal = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres},
publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot},
address = {Berlin},
isbn = {978-3-428-18146-9},
pages = {7 -- 12},
year = {2020},
language = {en}
}
@article{GanghofEppner2017,
author = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian},
title = {Patterns of accountability and representation},
series = {Politics},
volume = {39},
journal = {Politics},
number = {1},
publisher = {Sage Publ.},
address = {London},
issn = {0263-3957},
doi = {10.1177/0263395717710566},
pages = {113 -- 130},
year = {2017},
abstract = {Arend Lijphart uses an average of five standardized variables - the executive-parties dimension (EPD) - to describe patterns of democracy and explain differences in democracies' performance. The article suggests ways to improve the descriptive part of the project. It argues that the EPD maps different approaches to achieving accountability and representation, rather than differences in consensus. This re-conceptualization leads to a more coherent and valid measurement. It is also argued that more systematic adjustments are needed for differences in constitutional structures (presidentialism and bicameralism). The article presents data on a revised EPD and its components for 36 democracies in the period from 1981 to 2010. As to the explanatory part of the project, we contend that the EPD often hinders adequate causal analysis rather than facilitating it. We show this by re-analysing democracies' performance with respect to turnout and capital punishment.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Mielke2019,
author = {Mielke, Jahel},
title = {Signals for 2 degrees C},
series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment},
volume = {9},
journal = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment},
number = {2},
publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
address = {Abingdon},
issn = {2043-0795},
doi = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809},
pages = {87 -- 115},
year = {2019},
abstract = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.},
language = {en}
}
@article{BuschLiese2016,
author = {Busch, Per-Olof and Liese, Andrea},
title = {The authority of international public administrations},
series = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research},
journal = {International Bureaucracy: Challenges and Lessons for Public Administration Research},
publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan, London},
address = {Basingstoke},
isbn = {978-1-349-94977-9},
doi = {10.1057/978-1-349-94977-9_5},
pages = {97 -- 122},
year = {2016},
abstract = {This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.},
language = {en}
}
@article{FleischerCarstens2021,
author = {Fleischer, Julia and Carstens, Nora},
title = {Policy labs as arenas for boundary spanning},
series = {Public Management Review},
volume = {24},
journal = {Public Management Review},
number = {8},
publisher = {Routledge},
address = {London},
issn = {1470-1065},
doi = {10.1080/14719037.2021.1893803},
pages = {1208 -- 1225},
year = {2021},
abstract = {The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.},
language = {en}
}
@article{LieseHeroldFeiletal.2021,
author = {Liese, Andrea and Herold, Jana and Feil, Hauke and Busch, Per-Olof},
title = {The heart of bureaucratic power},
series = {Review of international studies : RIS},
volume = {47},
journal = {Review of international studies : RIS},
number = {3},
publisher = {Cambridge Univ. Press},
address = {Cambridge},
issn = {0260-2105},
doi = {10.1017/S026021052100005X},
pages = {353 -- 376},
year = {2021},
abstract = {Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?},
series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule},
publisher = {Springer},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4},
pages = {77 -- 120},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.},
language = {en}
}
@article{Tanneberg2020,
author = {Tanneberg, Dag},
title = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?},
series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?},
publisher = {Springer Nature},
address = {Cham},
isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0},
issn = {2198-7289},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5},
pages = {121 -- 162},
year = {2020},
abstract = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.},
language = {en}
}
@article{TranMaiNguyenetal.2018,
author = {Tran, C. T. and Mai, N. T. and Nguyen, V. T. and Nguyen, H. X. and Meharg, A. and Carey, M. and Dultz, S. and Marone, F. and Cichy, Sarah Bettina and Nguyen, Minh N.},
title = {Phytolith-associated potassium in fern},
series = {Soil use and Management},
volume = {34},
journal = {Soil use and Management},
number = {1},
publisher = {Wiley},
address = {Hoboken},
issn = {0266-0032},
doi = {10.1111/sum.12409},
pages = {28 -- 36},
year = {2018},
abstract = {In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3\%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.},
language = {en}
}