@misc{Carl2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Carl, Kea},
  title     = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere: eine Unterrichtskonzeption f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51512},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515129},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {127},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Entwicklung der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung sowie der Entstehung der Human-Animal Studies (HAS) mit der Frage, welche M{\"o}glichkeiten es gibt, um das Bewusstsein der Menschen f{\"u}r einen moralischen und sensiblen Umgang mit Tieren zu sensibilisieren. Konkret geht die vorliegende Arbeit der Frage nach, wie die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere Bestandteil des Politikunterrichts werden k{\"o}nnen. Um das gewaltige Repertoire an M{\"o}glichkeiten, das sich mit dieser {\"U}berlegung {\"o}ffnet, einzugrenzen, wurde die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung schwerpunktm{\"a}ßig anhand der (konventionellen) Nutztierhaltung untersucht. Das Ergebnis der Arbeit zeigt, dass die Thematik der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im Allgemeinen sowie die entwickelte Unterrichtskonzeption im Konkreten f{\"u}r den Unterricht der Politischen Bildung geeignet sind. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus konnte die Erkenntnis gewonnen werden, dass die Thematik vielf{\"a}ltige Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte sowohl f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht als auch f{\"u}r weitere Unterrichtsf{\"a}cher bietet.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Expert authority and support for COVID-19 measures in Germany and the UK},
  series = {West European politics},
  journal   = {West European politics},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  issn      = {0140-2382},
  doi       = {10.1080/01402382.2021.1873630},
  pages     = {1258 -- 1282},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {During COVID-19, various public institutions tried to shape citizens' behaviour to slow the spread of the pandemic. How did their authority affect citizens' support of public measures taken to combat the spread of COVID-19? The article makes two contributions. First, it presents a novel conceptualisation of authority as a source heuristic. Second, it analyses the authority of four types of public institutions (health ministries, universities, public health agencies, the WHO) in two countries (Germany and the UK), drawing on novel data from a survey experiment conducted in May 2020. On average, institutional endorsements seem to have mattered little. However, there is an observable polarisation effect where citizens who ascribe much expertise to public institutions support COVID-19 measures more than the control group. Furthermore, those who ascribe little expertise support them less than the control group. Finally, neither perception of biases nor exposure to institutions in public debates seems consistently to affect their authority.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2021,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The dance of peace and justice},
  series = {International peacekeeping},
  journal   = {International peacekeeping},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {Taylor \& Francis},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1353-3312},
  doi       = {10.1080/13533312.2021.1927726},
  pages     = {783 -- 812},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780192897145.001.0001},
  pages     = {1 -- 199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{KuhlmannFranzkeDumasetal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Franzke, Jochen and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul and Heine, Moreen},
  title     = {Daten als Grundlage f{\"u}r wissenschaftliche Politikberatung},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51968},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-519683},
  pages     = {67},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die vorliegende Studie zeigt, dass Daten in der Krise eine herausragende Bedeutung f{\"u}r die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung, administrative Entscheidungsvorbereitung und politische Entscheidungsfindung haben. In der Krise gab es jedoch gravierende Kommunikationsprobleme und Unsicherheiten in der wechselseitigen Erwartungshaltung von wissenschaftlichen Datengebern und politisch-administrativen Datennutzern. Die Wissensakkumulation und Entscheidungsabw{\"a}gung wurde außerdem durch eine unsichere und volatile Datenlage zum Pandemiegeschehen, verbunden mit einer dynamischen Lageentwicklung, erschwert. Nach wie vor sind das Bewusstsein und wechselseitige Verst{\"a}ndnis f{\"u}r die spezifischen Rollenprofile der am wissenschaftlichen Politikberatungsprozess beteiligten Akteure sowie insbesondere deren Abgrenzung als unzureichend einzusch{\"a}tzen. Die Studie hat dar{\"u}ber hinaus vielf{\"a}ltige Defizite hinsichtlich der Verf{\"u}gbarkeit, Qualit{\"a}t, Zug{\"a}nglichkeit, Teilbarkeit und Nutzbarkeit von Daten identifiziert, die Datenproduzenten und -verwender vor erhebliche Herausforderungen stellen und einen umfangreichen Reformbedarf aufzeigen, da zum einen wichtige Datenbest{\"a}nde f{\"u}r eine krisenbezogene Politikberatung fehlen. Zum anderen sind die Tiefensch{\"a}rfe und Differenziertheit des verf{\"u}gbaren Datenbestandes teilweise unzureichend. Dies gilt z.B. f{\"u}r sozialstrukturelle Daten zur Schwere der Pandemiebetroffenheit verschiedener Gruppen oder f{\"u}r kleinr{\"a}umige Daten {\"u}ber Belastungs- und Kapazit{\"a}tsparameter, etwa zur Personalabdeckung auf Intensivstationen, in Gesundheits{\"a}mtern und Pflegeeinrichtungen. Datendefizite sind ferner im Hinblick auf eine ganzheitliche Pandemiebeurteilung festzustellen, zum Beispiel bez{\"u}glich der Gesundheitseffekte im weiteren Sinne, die aufgrund der ergriffenen Maßnahmen entstanden sind (Verschiebung oder Wegfall von Operationen, Behandlungen und Pr{\"a}vention, aber auch h{\"a}usliche Gewalt und psychische Belastungen). Mangels systematischer Begleitstudien und evaluativer Untersuchungen, u.a. auch zu lokalen Pilotprojekten und Experimenten, bestehen außerdem Datendefizite im Hinblick auf die Wirkungen von Eind{\"a}mmungsmaßnahmen oder deren Aufhebung auf der gebietsk{\"o}rperschaftlichen Ebene. Insgesamt belegt die Studie, dass es zur Optimierung der datenbasierten Politikberatung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung in und außerhalb von Krisen nicht nur darum gehen kann, ein „Mehr" an Daten zu produzieren sowie deren Qualit{\"a}t, Verkn{\"u}pfung und Teilung zu verbessern. Vielmehr m{\"u}ssen auch die Anreizstrukturen und Interessenlagen in Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft sowie die Kompetenzen, Handlungsorientierungen und kognitiv-kulturellen Pr{\"a}gungen der verschiedenen Akteure in den Blick genommen werden. Es m{\"u}ssten also Anreize gesetzt und Strukturen geschaffen werden, um das Interesse, den Willen und das K{\"o}nnen (will and skill) zur Datennutzung auf Seiten politisch-administrativer Entscheider und zur Dateneinspeisung auf Seiten von Wissenschaftlern zu st{\"a}rken. Neben adressatengerechter Informationsaufbereitung geht es dabei auch um die Gestaltung eines normativen und institutionellen Rahmens, innerhalb dessen die Nutzung von Daten f{\"u}r Entscheidungen effektiver, qualifizierter, aber auch transparenter, nachvollziehbarer und damit demokratisch legitimer erfolgen kann. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser empirischen Befunde werden acht Cluster von Optimierungsmaßnahmen vorgeschlagen: (1) Etablierung von Datenstrecken und Datenteams, (2) Schaffung regionaler Datenkompetenzzentren, (3) St{\"a}rkung von Data Literacy und Beschleunigung des Kulturwandels in der {\"o}ffentlichen Verwaltung, (4) Datenstandardisierung, Interoperabilit{\"a}t und Registermodernisierung, (5) Ausbau von Public Data Pools und Open Data Nutzung, (6) Effektivere Verbindung von Datenschutz und Datennutzung, (7) Entwicklung eines hochfrequenten, repr{\"a}sentativen Datensatzes, (8) F{\"o}rderung der europ{\"a}ischen Daten-Zusammenarbeit.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Kuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Managerial reforms from a comparative perspective},
  series = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  booktitle = {A research agenda for regional and local government},
  editor    = {Callanan, Mark and Loughlin, John},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-83910-663-7},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781839106644.00013},
  pages     = {111 -- 132},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter analyses managerial reforms at the subnational level of government from a comparative perspective and outlines possible routes for future comparative research. It examines reforms of the external relationships between local governments and private service providers, which were aimed at transforming the organizational macro-setting of local service provision, the task portfolio and functional profile of local governments. The chapter then moves to scrutinizing internal managerial reforms concerned with the modernization of organization and processes and the improvement of management capacities inside local administrations meant to strengthen performance, output- and consumer-orientation in local service delivery. The country sample includes the United Kingdom (England), Sweden, and Germany that represent three distinct types of administrative culture and local government in Europe.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Mundus vult decipi},
  series = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  editor    = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33076-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_13},
  pages     = {229 -- 247},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Menschen glauben, was sie glauben wollen. Betonung auf wollen. (…) Nein, der Glaube der Menschen h{\"a}ngt nicht von Fakten ab, nicht von Beweisen. Schlimmer noch - und das ist fast so etwas wie der zweite Teil der Erleuchtung, eine Steigerung: Man kann ihnen Fakten liefern, man kann sie widerlegen, es hilft nichts. Im Gegenteil, wer etwas glauben will, findet einen Weg! Er wird sich durch den winzigen Spalt quetschen, den die Wahrheit im l{\"a}sst. Wird die Dinge so lange so drehen und wenden, bis sie wieder in seinen Glauben hineinpassen, und seine ganze Klugheit wird ihn nicht etwa daran hindern, sondern ihm noch dabei behilflich sein. Eugen Ruge, Metropol Toren sind, die alles loben und lieben, was im Nebel verdrehter Worte dunkel daherkommt; Toren, die f{\"u}r wahr halten, was ihnen eingef{\"a}rbt durch wohlt{\"o}nende Phrasen, reizvoll die Ohren kitzelt. Lukrez, {\"U}ber die Natur der Dinge},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Ein Volkskanzler},
  publisher = {bpb, Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung},
  address   = {Bonn},
  isbn      = {978-3-8389-7228-2},
  pages     = {20},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Wie Grundrechte unter den Augen aller ausgeh{\"o}hlt und umgebaut werden, wie kurz der Weg von der Demokratie zur Diktatur ist, zeigt Maximilian Steinbeis' Gedankenexperiment »Ein Volkskanzler« in sechs Schritten. Auf der Grundlage seines Essays hat er ein Theaterst{\"u}ck verfasst, das bereits auf vielen B{\"u}hnen gespielt und nun auch als Kammerspiel verfilmt wurde. Die didaktische Handreichung unterst{\"u}tzt Lehrerinnen und Lehrer bei der Einbettung des Theaterst{\"u}cks oder der Verfilmung von »Ein Volkskanzler« im Unterricht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Aporien des Rechts},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Menschenrechte},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt am Main},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1405-3},
  issn      = {1864-6492},
  pages     = {196 -- 206},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{KuhlmannHeubergerDumas2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Heuberger, Moritz and Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
  title     = {Kommunale Handlungsf{\"a}higkeit im europ{\"a}ischen Vergleich. Autonomie, Aufgaben und Reformen},
  series = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors},
  volume    = {48},
  journal   = {Modernisierung des {\"o}ffentlichen Sektors},
  number    = {1},
  editor    = {Fleischer, Julia and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  isbn      = {978-3-7489-2330-5},
  issn      = {0945-1072},
  doi       = {10.5771/9783748923305},
  pages     = {9 -- 124},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Angesichts neuer globaler Herausforderungen geh{\"o}rt eine starke kommunale Ebene zu den Grundvoraussetzungen gesellschaftlicher Probleml{\"o}sungsf{\"a}higkeit. Die St{\"a}rkung kommunaler Selbstverwaltung ist daher ein wichtiges institutionen- und verwaltungspolitisches Zukunftsthema, zu welchem die vorliegende Studie einen Beitrag leisten m{\"o}chte.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Rezension zu: Pelluchon, Corine: Manifest f{\"u}r die Tiere. - M{\"u}nchen: C.H. Beck Verlag, 2020. - 125 S. - ISBN: 978-3-406-75709-9},
  series = {Forum Politikunterricht},
  journal   = {Forum Politikunterricht},
  number    = {1-2},
  publisher = {Deutsche Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politische Bildung, Landesverband Bayern},
  address   = {M{\"u}nchen},
  issn      = {0941-5874},
  pages     = {2},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Heinzel2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa},
  title     = {World Bank staff and project implementation},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Bruening2021,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
  title     = {Wider den Missbrauch von Beutelsbach},
  series = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
  booktitle = {D{\"u}rfen Lehrer ihre Meinung sagen?},
  editor    = {Drerup, Johannes and Zulaica y Mugica, Miguel and Yacek, Douglas},
  edition   = {1. Auflage},
  publisher = {Verlag W. Kohlhammer},
  address   = {Stuttgart},
  isbn      = {978-3-17-039884-9},
  doi       = {10.17433/978-3-17-039883-2},
  pages     = {173 -- 187},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Taking nativism to the streets},
  series = {Moving the social},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {Moving the social},
  publisher = {Institute for Social Movements},
  address   = {Bochum},
  isbn      = {978-3-8375-2491-8},
  issn      = {2197-0386},
  doi       = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62},
  pages     = {43 -- 62},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Ein nach rechts verzerrtes Bild?},
  series = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Neue Kriminalpolitik},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Nomos},
  address   = {Baden-Baden},
  issn      = {0934-9200},
  doi       = {10.5771/0934-9200-2021-4-456},
  pages     = {456 -- 473},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Dannemann2021,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo},
  title     = {Neoliberale Subjektivierung verstehen},
  series = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
  booktitle = {Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik},
  editor    = {Fridrich, Christian and Hagedorn, Udo and Hedtke, Reinhold and Mittnik, Philipp and Tafner, Georg},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-32909-9},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-32910-5_10},
  pages     = {241 -- 262},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Der homo oeconomicus als einziges Leitbild der Gesellschaft - Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt die Frage, wie ein Verst{\"a}ndnis der neoliberalen Subjektivierung als Grundlage f{\"u}r die sozio{\"o}konomische Bildung dienen kann, um einer Entwicklung zu einer marktkonformen Demokratie entgegenzuwirken. Ausgehend von Foucaults Vorlesungen zur Biopolitik und Browns aktueller Analyse zum Neoliberalismus wird ein soziologischer Erkl{\"a}rungsansatz formuliert, der das Menschenbild des homo oeconomicus als strukturelles Element unserer Gesellschaft begreift. Mit Bezug auf die besondere Rolle der neoliberalen Rationalit{\"a}t erl{\"a}utert der Beitrag Sichtweisen, die in dieser Entwicklung ein Ende der liberal-demokratischen Ordnung sehen. Im zweiten Teil wird im Sinne der immanenten Kritik eine ideologiekritische Analysekompetenz skizziert, welche die soziale Wirklichkeit mithilfe von Schl{\"u}sselproblemen an eine gesellschaftskritische Perspektive koppelt. Ziel ist es, exemplarisch „gesellschaftliche Ordnungsgrundlagen" (Salomon 2014) herauszufordern, um letztlich das {\"u}bergeordnete Ziel einer M{\"u}ndigkeit der Subjekte zu erreichen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{BotschSchulze2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  title     = {Vorwort},
  series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  editor    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {9783947686476},
  pages     = {7 -- 21},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Deutsche B{\"u}rger},
  series = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  booktitle = {Rechtsparteien in Brandenburg},
  editor    = {Botsch, Gideon and Schulze, Christoph},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft verlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {9783947686476},
  pages     = {187 -- 216},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Außerschulische Lernorte, Narrationen und Theater},
  series = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II},
  booktitle = {Deutsche Demokratiegeschichte II},
  editor    = {L{\"u}dicke, Lars},
  publisher = {be.bra wissenschaft},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-95410-282-2},
  pages     = {45 -- 55},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2021,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung},
  series = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik},
  booktitle = {Politik in der Kunst - Kunst in der Politik},
  editor    = {Goll, Thomas and Friedrichs, Werner},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33763-6},
  issn      = {2570-2114},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33763-6_3},
  pages     = {35 -- 49},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Ingo Juchler setzt sich am Beispiel des Romans „Am k{\"u}rzeren Ende der Sonnenallee" (1999) von Thomas Brussig mit „Groteske und Satire im DDR-Roman als didaktische Momente in der politischen Bildung" auseinander. Nach der Einf{\"u}hrung in den Roman er{\"o}rtert er dessen politischen Sinngehalt, den er in der Auseinandersetzung mit den literarischen Leitfiguren des Romans, Friedrich Schiller und Jean-Paul Sartre, im besonderen Wert der Freiheit findet. Den Toten der Berliner Mauer, die davon Zeugnis geben, setzt Juchler im abschließenden Kapitel ein Denkmal.},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Schweiger2021,
  author    = {Schweiger, Stefan},
  title     = {Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende - Sozialwissenschaftliche Erz{\"a}hlforschung als Methodik nachhaltigkeitsorientierter Politikwissenschaft},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {261},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die Erz{\"a}hlungen der Energiewende: Erz{\"a}hlungen beherrschen die Interpretation des politischen Geschehens mehr als formal und methodisch strenge Argumentationsketten. Dies gilt insbesondere f{\"u}r Demokratien. In Demokratien gilt es zu {\"u}berzeugen und auch zu {\"u}berreden, um Macht zu erhalten, Macht zu sichern oder Akzeptanz f{\"u}r bestimmte politische Vorhaben zu generieren. Diese simple Feststellung l{\"a}sst zwei Schl{\"u}sse f{\"u}r eine transformativ ausgerichtete Politikwissenschaft zu. Erstens k{\"o}nnen transformative Narrative produziert werden, die das Auftreten von {\"o}kologisch, sozial, {\"o}konomisch und kulturell nachhaltigem wahrscheinlicher machen, Zweitens k{\"o}nnen die Narrative von nachhaltiger wie nicht-nachhaltiger Transformation analysiert werden. Beiden Aufgaben widmet sich die Dissertationsschrift. Dabei werden f{\"u}r den transformativen Teil ethnografisch erhobene Daten zu f{\"u}nf transformativen Narrativen verdichtet, die Vorw{\"a}rts- und Vorbildcharakter haben. In den f{\"u}nf Aufs{\"a}tzen wurde auf Diversit{\"a}t zwischen den beschriebenen Protagonisten geachtet, sodass eine breite Leser*innenschaft angesprochen wird. Im analytischen Part wird in einem Aufsatz {\"u}ber diese Vorgehen reflektiert und die Form beschrieben durch die transformative Narrative Wirksamkeit entfalten. Dabei gilt immer, dass die Wissenschaft keine Narrative selbst setzt, sondern mittels nachvollziehbarer Methoden Daten zum Sprechen bringt. Dies ist unter review-Bedingungen gelungen. Neben eines Einsatz von Narrativen in Fragen der Gestaltung der neu entstandenen und weiter entstehenden Energielandschaften behandelt diese Dissertationsschrift a, diskursstrangorientierte als auch institutionsorientierte Erz{\"a}hlungen {\"u}ber die Energiewende. Dabei wurden diskursstrangorientiert die unterschiedlichen Erz{\"a}hlungen der und {\"u}ber energieintensive Unternehmen bez{\"u}glich der EEG-Umlage untersucht und kategorisiert und die Metaphern der Energiewende im Magazin DER SPIEGEL erhoben und analysiert. Institutionsorientiert wurde die Energiewendeerz{\"a}hlung der Partei `Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland´, die Bildsprache des Wirtschaftsministeriums an Hand eines Beispiels sowie die Nachhaltigkeitserz{\"a}hlungen der Zukunftsinstitut GmbH. Schließlich wird nach messbaren Folgen des Nachhaltigkeitsnarrativs in drei Regionen des Rhein-Maas-Gebiets gefragt, was die Arbeit abrunden soll.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Schuppert2021,
  author    = {Schuppert, Fabian},
  title     = {Zur Auferlegung systemischer Finanzrisiken},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r politische Theorie},
  volume    = {12},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r politische Theorie},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1869-3016},
  doi       = {10.3224/zpth.v12i1.05},
  pages     = {67 -- 83},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Obwohl seit der Finanzkrise 2008 systemische Finanzrisiken das Objekt zahlreicher wissenschaftlicher Studien waren, hat die Frage, unter welchen Bedingungen und Umst{\"a}nden die Auferlegung eines systemischen Finanzrisikos moralisch unzul{\"a}ssig ist, bisher kaum Beachtung gefunden. Ziel dieses Aufsatzes ist es, eine Reihe von normativen Kriterien f{\"u}r die Einsch{\"a}tzung der moralischen Unzul{\"a}ssigkeit von systemischen Risiken zu entwickeln. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus wird argumentiert, dass staatliche und andere relevante Institutionen zwei zentrale Pflichten hinsichtlich des Umgangs mit systemischen Finanzrisiken haben: eine Schutzpflicht gegen{\"u}ber allen B{\"u}rger*innen und eine Sorgfaltspflicht, um die diesen Institutionen obliegenden Kontroll- und Aufsichtsfunktionen verantwortungsvoll auszu{\"u}ben.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{SommererSquatritoTallbergetal.2021,
  author    = {Sommerer, Thomas and Squatrito, Theresa and Tallberg, Jonas and Lundgren, Magnus},
  title     = {Decision-making in international organizations},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09445-x},
  pages     = {815 -- 845},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {International organizations (IOs) experience significant variation in their decision-making performance, or the extent to which they produce policy output. While some IOs are efficient decision-making machineries, others are plagued by deadlock. How can such variation be explained? Examining this question, the article makes three central contributions. First, we approach performance by looking at IO decision-making in terms of policy output and introduce an original measure of decision-making performance that captures annual growth rates in IO output. Second, we offer a novel theoretical explanation for decision-making performance. This account highlights the role of institutional design, pointing to how majoritarian decision rules, delegation of authority to supranational institutions, and access for transnational actors (TNAs) interact to affect decision-making. Third, we offer the first comparative assessment of the decision-making performance of IOs. While previous literature addresses single IOs, we explore decision-making across a broad spectrum of 30 IOs from 1980 to 2011. Our analysis indicates that IO decision-making performance varies across and within IOs. We find broad support for our theoretical account, showing the combined effect of institutional design features in shaping decision-making performance. Notably, TNA access has a positive effect on decision-making performance when pooling is greater, and delegation has a positive effect when TNA access is higher. We also find that pooling has an independent, positive effect on decision-making performance. All-in-all, these findings suggest that the institutional design of IOs matters for their decision-making performance, primarily in more complex ways than expected in earlier research.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{GirnusNaumannDannemannetal.2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa and Naumann, Rosemarie and Dannemann, Udo and Droll, Max and Brandenburg, DVPB},
  title     = {Politische Bildung als Herausforderung - 30 Jahre Partnerschaft der DVPB-Landesverb{\"a}nde in Brandenburg und NRW},
  series = {Politisches Lernen},
  volume    = {39},
  journal   = {Politisches Lernen},
  number    = {3-4},
  publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {0937-2946},
  pages     = {61 -- 61},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Ganghof2021,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism},
  series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  journal   = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-289714-5},
  issn      = {1867-5808},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-53783},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-537839},
  pages     = {199},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In a democracy, a constitutional separation of powers between the executive and the assembly may be desirable, but the constitutional concentration of executive power in a single human being is not. The book defends this thesis and explores 'semi-parliamentary government' as an alternative to presidential government. Semi-parliamentarism avoids power concentration in one person by shifting the separation of powers into the democratic assembly. The executive becomes fused with only one part of the assembly, even though the other part has at least equal democratic legitimacy and robust veto power on ordinary legislation. The book identifies the Australian Commonwealth and Japan, as well as the Australian states of New South Wales, South Australia, Tasmania, Victoria, and Western Australia, as semi-parliamentary systems. Using data from 23 countries and 6 Australian states, it maps how parliamentary and semi-parliamentary systems balance competing visions of democracy; it analyzes patterns of electoral and party systems, cabinet formation, legislative coalition-building, and constitutional reforms; it systematically compares the semi-parliamentary and presidential separation of powers; and it develops new and innovative semi-parliamentary designs, some of which do not require two separate chambers.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Der rekonstruktive Nationalismus und die Demokratie},
  series = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
  booktitle = {Kann es demokratischen Nationalismus geben?},
  editor    = {Jansen, Christian and Zepp, Marianne},
  publisher = {wbg Academic},
  address   = {Darmstadt},
  isbn      = {978-3-534-40501-5},
  pages     = {87 -- 116},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{HaenelBratu2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje Charlotte and Bratu, Christine},
  title     = {Varieties of hermeneutical injustice},
  series = {Moral philosophy and politics},
  volume    = {8},
  journal   = {Moral philosophy and politics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {2194-5616},
  doi       = {10.1515/mopp-2020-0007},
  pages     = {331 -- 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Haessler2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}ßler, Marcel},
  title     = {Die Polizei aus Sicht afghanischer Polizisten},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {422},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{ThielePruin2021,
  author    = {Thiele, Lukas and Pruin, Andree},
  title     = {Does large-scale digital collaboration contribute to crisis management?},
  series = {der moderne staat - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {der moderne staat - Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Public Policy, Recht und Management},
  number    = {2-2021},
  publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1865-7192},
  doi       = {10.3224/dms.v14i2.07},
  pages     = {334 -- 350},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In recent years, collaborative approaches to crisis management involving citizens have gained increasing attention. One example is the \#WirVsVirus hackathon, which was conducted in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and had over 28,000 participants. Because research on large-scale, digital collaboration in crisis situations is scarce, consequences of their use in crisis management remain unclear. This article relies on the open governance paradigm as a lens for studying two projects emerging from the hackathon. Based on nine qualitative expert interviews, we ask how digital open governance affects governance capacity and legitimacy in crisis management. Our findings suggest that digital open governance can contribute to governance capacity and legitimacy, as it mobilises large, diverse groups of citizens to quickly develop citizen-centric, ready-to-use solutions for crisisrelated problems. However, we also identified potential problems, including risks regarding legitimacy and accountability, difficulties with scalable solutions, and questionable long-term impacts.},
  language  = {de}
}
@techreport{Doerfler2021,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Interface challenges of UN sanctions with forums of export control},
  series = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  journal   = {International sanctions: improving implementation through better interface management},
  editor    = {Lohmann, Sascha and Vorrath, Judith},
  publisher = {Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik},
  address   = {Berlin},
  pages     = {23 -- 31},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{DebreDijkstra2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha and Dijkstra, Hylke},
  title     = {Immune to COVID?},
  publisher = {London School of Economics and Political Science},
  address   = {London},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Dumas2021,
  author    = {Dumas, Beno{\^i}t Paul},
  title     = {Reforms of school supervision in the German L{\"a}nder},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_19},
  pages     = {257 -- 273},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder were extensively reformed during the last decades, systematic analyses of these reforms are missing. This chapter contributes to this research gap by providing an overview of the implemented reforms of school supervision structures in the German L{\"a}nder. The effects of these reforms are analysed in order to answer the question of whether a convergence of school supervision systems is a result of these reforms. In a first step, a distinction is made to identify system-changing reforms. Although a decrease of the number or a concentration on one school supervision system is not a result of the analysis, it is argued that there is a convergence of school supervision structures, as a clear trend against school supervision systems with lower school supervisory boards can be observed.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Das Zusammenwirken der Ortsbeir{\"a}te mit der Stadtverwaltung und der Stadtverordnetenversammlung},
  editor    = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam, Oberb{\"u}rgermeister},
  publisher = {Landeshauptstadt Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  pages     = {27},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Kiefer2021,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Kiefer, Farina},
  title     = {‚Wir' und ‚die Anderen' - Konstruktionen des Liberalismus und ihre Wirkungen auf die Politik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-51597},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-515975},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {ii, 90, XLIV},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die aktuelle Politik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union hat im Umgang mit fl{\"u}chtenden Menschen das Mittelmeer in ein Massengrab verwandelt. Dass auch im Jahr 2021 t{\"a}glich Menschen an den EU-Außengrenzen sterben h{\"a}ngt dabei mit dem Ausbau von Sicherheitsmechanismen zum Zweck eines verst{\"a}rkten Grenzschutzes zusammen. Durch Sicherheitsmechanismen wie bspw. den Ausbau von Frontex und die elektronische Erfassung von Ein- und Ausreisedaten schottet sich die EU dabei immer weiter ab w{\"a}hrend gleichzeitig die Thematik der Flucht und Migration eine zunehmende ‚Versicherheitlichung' erf{\"a}hrt. Die vorliegende Arbeit geht davon aus, dass die Grundz{\"u}ge der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration bereits im liberalen Staatsverst{\"a}ndnis der EU angelegt sind. Mithilfe einer foucaultschen Diskursanalyse hinterfragt die Arbeit daher die historisch entstandenen und im Liberalismus inbegriffenen Vorannahmen {\"u}ber nicht-europ{\"a}ische Menschen und deren Fortentwicklung in die heutigen Politiken der EU. Dabei geht die Arbeit einerseits der Frage nach, wie sich die zunehmende Versicherheitlichung der Migration und der damit verbundene Umgang mit Nicht-Europ{\"a}er*innen an den EU-Außengrenzen erkl{\"a}ren l{\"a}sst. Vertieft wird gefragt, inwieweit sich die konstruierten Wissensmuster {\"u}ber das europ{\"a}ische ‚wir' und die nicht-europ{\"a}ischen ‚Anderen' aus dem Liberalismus in der heutigen EU-Politik wiederfinden. Auf Basis der Werke Michel Foucaults f{\"u}hrt die Arbeit in die Entwicklung liberaler Staatlichkeit seit dem 17. Jahrhundert ein. Erg{\"a}nzt werden diese Darstellungen um eine postkoloniale Perspektive, die eine Darstellung des liberalen Denkens {\"u}ber das europ{\"a}ische ‚Außen' vermittelt. Gemeinsam legen diese beiden Perspektiven die Strukturen liberalen Denkens offen, die im sp{\"a}teren Verlauf der Analyse in aktuellen EU-Dokumenten wiedererkannt werden. Als Analysedokumente dienen dabei sechs von der EU ver{\"o}ffentlichte Agenden, Verordnungen und Strategien, die die thematische Schnittstelle zwischen Sicherheit und Migration umfassen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich ein ‚Othering' - die historisch entstandene Gruppenbildung des homogen begriffenen europ{\"a}ischen ‚Wirs' gegen{\"u}ber den nicht-europ{\"a}ischen ‚Anderen' - in der heutigen Politik der EU an deren Außengrenzen reproduziert. Das im 17. Jahrhundert entstandene Sicherheitsdenken des liberalen Staates wird {\"u}ber die Reproduktion bestimmter Wissensmuster in Form von ‚Stories' auf die heutigen EU-Außengrenzen {\"u}bertragen. Nach ‚innen' handelt die EU dabei nach einem Grundsatz der ‚gemeinsamen St{\"a}rke' der europ{\"a}ischen Staaten bzw. der EU-Mitgliedstaaten, w{\"a}hrend nach ‚außen' eine zweckrationale Kooperation mit Drittstaaten verfolgt wird. Statt um die Wahrung von Menschenleben geht es damals wie heute v.a. um den Vorteil Europas bzw. der EU. Von diesen Ergebnissen ausgehend wird die Zunahme der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration an den EU-Außengrenzen durch die Reproduktion des geschichtlich entstandenen Sicherheitsdenkens erkl{\"a}rt.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{KuhlmannHellstromRambergetal.2021,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Hellstrom, Mikael and Ramberg, Ulf and Reiter, Renate},
  title     = {Tracing divergence in crisis governance},
  series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  volume    = {87},
  journal   = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage Publ.},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {0020-8523},
  doi       = {10.1177/0020852320979359},
  pages     = {556 -- 575},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This cross-country comparison of administrative responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in France, Germany and Sweden is aimed at exploring how institutional contexts and administrative cultures have shaped strategies of problem-solving and governance modes during the pandemic, and to what extent the crisis has been used for opportunity management. The article shows that in France, the central government reacted determinedly and hierarchically, with tough containment measures. By contrast, the response in Germany was characterized by an initial bottom-up approach that gave way to remarkable federal unity in the further course of the crisis, followed again by a return to regional variance and local discretion. In Sweden, there was a continuation of 'normal governance' and a strategy of relying on voluntary compliance largely based on recommendations and less - as in Germany and France - on a strategy of imposing legally binding regulations. The comparative analysis also reveals that relevant stakeholders in all three countries have used the crisis as an opportunity for changes in the institutional settings and administrative procedures. Points for practitioners COVID-19 has shown that national political and administrative standard operating procedures in preparation for crises are, at best, partially helpful. Notwithstanding the fact that dealing with the unpredictable is a necessary part of crisis management, a need to further improve the institutional preparedness for pandemic crises in all three countries examined here has also become clear. This should be done particularly by way of shifting resources to the health and care sectors, strengthening the decentralized management of health emergencies, stocking and/or self-producing protection material, assessing the effects of crisis measures, and opening the scientific discourse to broader arenas of experts.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2021,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Gender at the crossroads},
  series = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Critical studies on terrorism},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group},
  address   = {London [u.a.]},
  issn      = {1753-9153},
  doi       = {10.1080/17539153.2021.1969061},
  pages     = {533 -- 558},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN's three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a "cross-cutting" theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN's counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or "triple nexus", from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities' counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Streck2021,
  author    = {Streck, Charlotte},
  title     = {From laggards to leaders},
  series = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone},
  booktitle = {Frontiers in international environmental law : doceans and climate challenges : essays in honour of David Freestone},
  editor    = {Barnes, Richard and Long, Ron{\´a}n},
  publisher = {Brill Nijhoff},
  address   = {Leiden},
  isbn      = {978-90-04-37287-0},
  doi       = {10.1163/9789004372887_004},
  pages     = {75 -- 105},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change embraces the participation of non-state actors in a separate governance track - the 'Non-state actor zone for global action' (nazca) - that runs alongside the formal track of unfccc negotiations and the implementation of the Paris Agreement by State Parties through 'nationally determined contributions'. unfccc Secretariat is entrusted with orchestrating non-state global and transnational initiatives, partnerships and networks. The involvement of non-state actors in the implementation of the Paris Agreement helps to address an action gap by countries that are unable or unwilling to implement ambitious ndcs. However, the increased prominence of initiatives driven by non-state actors also increases their direct and indirect influence on processes and rules which raises a number of questions with regards to the legitimacy of action and the democratic deficit of the global climate regime. Balancing legitimacy with effectiveness requires non-state initiatives to ensure transparent and inclusive governance, and accountability towards progress against their goals and pledges. Despite its encouragement towards private initiatives, the Paris Agreement creates surprisingly little regulatory space for non-state actors to gain hold. Neither are there measures that would link ndcs to nazca initiatives, nor are functional requirements such as transparency or reporting extended to non-state initiatives. While the Paris Agreement marks an important step towards harnessing private sector ability and ambition for climate action, more remains to be done to create a truly enabling framework for private action to strive and complement public efforts to address climate change.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Sprinz2021,
  author    = {Sprinz, Detlef F.},
  title     = {Effectiveness},
  series = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance},
  booktitle = {Essential concepts of global environmental governance},
  editor    = {Morin, Jean-Fr{\´e}d{\´e}ric and Orsini, Amandine},
  edition   = {Second edition},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {Abingdon},
  isbn      = {978-0-367-41869-4},
  doi       = {10.4324/9780367816681-34},
  pages     = {80 -- 83},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Seyfried2021,
  author    = {Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Bundesrechnungshof},
  series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  editor    = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard},
  edition   = {8., {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-23665-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_20},
  pages     = {80 -- 82},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Der Bundesrechnungshof schaut mittlerweile auf eine {\"u}ber 300 j{\"a}hrige Geschichte der Finanzkontrolle zur{\"u}ck (vgl. Engels 2014). Auch wenn Aufgaben und Organisation damaliger Rechenkammern bestenfalls rudiment{\"a}r mit den Einrichtungen moderner Finanzkontrolle vergleichbar sind, so legten sie doch einst deren Grundstein. Heute ist der Bundesrechnungshof eine oberste Bundesbeh{\"o}rde und pr{\"u}ft laut Artikel 114 Abs. 2 GG die „Rechnung sowie die Wirtschaftlichkeit und Ordnungsm{\"a}ßigkeit der Haushalts- und Wirtschaftsf{\"u}hrung des Bundes." Weitere Regelungen f{\"u}r den Bundesrechnungshof finden sich in der Bundeshaushaltsordnung (BHO, hier Teil V Rechnungspr{\"u}fung bis Teil VIII Entlastung, \S\S 88 bis 114) und im Bundesrechnungshofgesetz (BRHG vom 11.07.1985, mit letzter {\"A}nderung vom 05.02.2009).},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{HeinzelLiese2021,
  author    = {Heinzel, Mirko Noa and Liese, Andrea},
  title     = {Managing performance and winning trust},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-744X},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09414-4},
  pages     = {625 -- 653},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {World Bank evaluations show that recipient performance varies substantially between different projects. Extant research has focused on country-level variables when explaining these variations. This article goes beyond country-level explanations and highlights the role of World Bank staff. We extend established arguments in the literature on compliance with the demands of International Organizations (IOs) and hypothesize that IO staff can shape recipient performance in three ways. First, recipient performance may be influenced by the quality of IO staff monitoring and supervision. Second, the leniency and stringency with which IO staff apply the aid agreement could improve recipient performance. Third, recipient performance may depend on whether IO staff can identify and mobilize supportive interlocutors through their networks in the recipient country. We test these arguments by linking a novel database on the tenure of World Bank task team leaders to projects evaluated between 1986 and 2020. The findings are consistent with the expectation that World Bank staff play an important role, but only in investment projects. There is substantial evidence that World Bank staff supervisory ability and country experience are linked to recipient performance in those projects. Less consistent evidence indicates that leniency could matter. These findings imply that World Bank staff play an important role in facilitating implementation of investment projects.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Offen f{\"u}r Gr{\"u}nde - Welcher demokratische Anspruch ist an politische Urteile zu stellen?},
  series = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  booktitle = {Demokratie im Stresstest},
  editor    = {Deichmann, Carl and Partetzke, Marc},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33076-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33077-4_9},
  pages     = {147 -- 163},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Demokratie und politische Bildung stehen in einem sich zugewandten Verh{\"a}ltnis. Doch folgt daraus, dass politische Urteile stets demokratisch sein m{\"u}ssen? Der Beitrag diskutiert diese Frage vor dem Hintergrund der derzeitigen Debatte um antidemokratische Bewegungen in der Gesellschaft, der Rolle politischer Bildung als F{\"o}rderin von Demokratie und der individuellen Herausforderung f{\"u}r Lehrpersonen in der Unterrichtspraxis.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse},
  series = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Geschichts- und Politikdidaktik},
  editor    = {Weißeno, Georg and Ziegler, B{\´e}atrice},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-29673-5},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-29673-5_28-1},
  pages     = {1 -- 16},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse dient als Auswertungsinstrument f{\"u}r Textmaterial, kann aber auch f{\"u}r die Analyse von Ton- und Bildmaterial genutzt werden. Anders als die quantitative Inhaltsanalyse zielt sie darauf ab, dem Material auch Informationen zu entnehmen, auf die ausschließlich interpretativ geschlossen werden kann. Die qualitative Inhaltsanalyse kn{\"u}pft an die hermeneutische Tradition des Verstehens an. Der Verstehensprozess wird jedoch in einen vordefinierten, theorie- und regelgeleiteten Forschungsablauf gebettet, um dem wissenschaftlichen Anspruch an Systematik und Intersubjektivit{\"a}t nachzukommen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Girnus2021,
  author    = {Girnus, Luisa},
  title     = {Europabildung als Dialog {\"u}ber politische Werte},
  series = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren},
  booktitle = {Europa denken, kommunizieren und erfahren},
  editor    = {Vetter, Eva and Lange, Dirk and Wegner, Anke},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt/M.},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1278-3},
  pages     = {34 -- 54},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Debre2021,
  author    = {Debre, Maria Josepha},
  title     = {Clubs of autocrats},
  series = {The review of international organizations},
  volume    = {17},
  journal   = {The review of international organizations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Boston},
  issn      = {1559-7431},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11558-021-09428-y},
  pages     = {485 -- 511},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {While scholars have argued that membership in Regional Organizations (ROs) can increase the likelihood of democratization, we see many autocratic regimes surviving in power albeit being members of several ROs. This article argues that this is the case because these regimes are often members in "Clubs of Autocrats" that supply material and ideational resources to strengthen domestic survival politics and shield members from external interference during moments of political turmoil. The argument is supported by survival analysis testing the effect of membership in autocratic ROs on regime survival between 1946 to 2010. It finds that membership in ROs composed of more autocratic member states does in fact raise the likelihood of regime survival by protecting incumbents against democratic challenges such as civil unrest or political dissent. However, autocratic RO membership does not help to prevent regime breakdown due to autocratic challenges like military coups, potentially because these types of threats are less likely to diffuse to other member states. The article thereby adds to our understanding of the limits of democratization and potential reverse effects of international cooperation, and contributes to the literature addressing interdependences of international and domestic politics in autocratic regimes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Land Brandenburg},
  series = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  booktitle = {Handw{\"o}rterbuch des politischen Systems der Bundesrepublik Deutschland},
  editor    = {Andersen, Uwe and Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Marschall, Stefan and Woyke, Wichard},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-23665-6},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-23666-3_72},
  pages     = {518 -- 525},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Das {\"u}ber 860 Jahre alte deutsche Land BB liegt im Nordosten Ds zwischen Elbe und Oder. Es umschließt die Bundeshauptstadt BE, die als Einheitsgemeinde zugleich ein eigenes Land bildet. Potsdam als Landeshauptstadt ist mit 176.000 E. die gr{\"o}ßte Stadt in BB. Mit 29.482 qkm (8,3 \% von D) z{\"a}hlt die Mark zu den fl{\"a}chenreichsten Bundesl{\"a}ndern.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{FranzkeKuhlmann2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {German local authorities coping with the Covid-19 pandemic},
  series = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  booktitle = {L' administration locale face {\`a} la crise sanitaire},
  publisher = {{\´E}ditions Le Moniteur},
  address   = {Antony},
  isbn      = {9782281134964},
  pages     = {257 -- 272},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BacciniHeinzelKoenigArchibugi2021,
  author    = {Baccini, Leonardo and Heinzel, Mirko and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias},
  title     = {The social construction of global health priorities},
  series = {International studies quarterly},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {International studies quarterly},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {0020-8833},
  doi       = {10.1093/isq/sqab092},
  pages     = {15},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Donors of development assistance for health typically provide funding for a range of disease focus areas, such as maternal health and child health, malaria, HIV/AIDS, and other infectious diseases. But funding for each disease category does not match closely its contribution to the disability and loss of life it causes and the cost-effectiveness of interventions. We argue that peer influences in the social construction of global health priorities contribute to explaining this misalignment. Aid policy-makers are embedded in a social environment encompassing other donors, health experts, advocacy groups, and international officials. This social environment influences the conceptual and normative frameworks of decision-makers, which in turn affect their funding priorities. Aid policy-makers are especially likely to emulate decisions on funding priorities taken by peers with whom they are most closely involved in the context of expert and advocacy networks. We draw on novel data on donor connectivity through health IGOs and health INGOs and assess the argument by applying spatial regression models to health aid disbursed globally between 1990 and 2017. The analysis provides strong empirical support for our argument that the involvement in overlapping expert and advocacy networks shapes funding priorities regarding disease categories and recipient countries in health aid.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Haenel2021,
  author    = {H{\"a}nel, Hilkje C.},
  title     = {Epistemic injustice and recognition theory: what we owe to refugees},
  series = {Migration, recognition and critical theory},
  volume    = {21},
  booktitle = {Migration, recognition and critical theory},
  editor    = {Schweiger, Gottfried},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-72731-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-72732-1_12},
  pages     = {257 -- 282},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This paper starts from the premise that Western states are connected to some of the harms refugees suffer from. It specifically focuses on the harm of acts of misrecognition and its relation to epistemic injustice that refugees suffer from in refugee camps, in detention centers, and during their desperate attempts to find refuge. The paper discusses the relation between hermeneutical injustice and acts of misrecognition, showing that these two phenomena are interconnected and that acts of misrecognition are particularly damaging when (a) they stretch over different contexts, leaving us without or with very few safe spaces, and (b) they dislocate us, leaving us without a community to turn to. The paper then considers the ways in which refugees experience acts of misrecognition and suffer from hermeneutical injustice, using the case of unaccompanied children at the well-known and overcrowded camp Moria in Greece, the case of unsafe detention centers in Libya, and the case of the denial to assistance on the Mediterranean and the resulting pushbacks from international waters to Libya as well as the preventable drowning of refugees in the Mediterranean to illustrate the arguments. Finally, the paper argues for specific duties toward refugees that result from the prior arguments on misrecognition and hermeneutical injustice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FischerHeubergerHeine2021,
  author    = {Fischer, Caroline and Heuberger, Moritz and Heine, Moreen},
  title     = {The impact of digitalization in the public sector},
  series = {Der moderne Staat},
  volume    = {14},
  journal   = {Der moderne Staat},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Leverkusen-Opladen},
  issn      = {1865-7192},
  doi       = {10.3224/dms.v14i1.13},
  pages     = {3 -- 23},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The digitalization of public administration is increasingly moving forward. This systematic literature review analyzes empirical studies that explore the impacts of digitalization projects (n=93) in the public sector. Bibliometrically, only a few authors have published several times on this topic so far. Most studies focusing on impact come from the US or China, and are related to Computer Science. In terms of content, the majority of examined articles studies services to citizens, and therefore consider them when measuring impact. A classification of the investigated effects by dimensions of public value shows that the analysis of utilitarian-instrumental values, such as efficiency or performance, is prevalent. More interdisciplinary cooperation is needed to research the impact of digitalization in the public sector. The different dimensions of impact should be linked more closely. In addition, research should focus more on the effects of digitalization within administration.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{HeubergerSchwab2021,
  author    = {Heuberger, Moritz and Schwab, Christian},
  title     = {Challenges of digital service provision for local governments from the citizens' view},
  series = {The future of local self-government},
  booktitle = {The future of local self-government},
  editor    = {Bergstr{\"o}m, Tomas and Franzke, Jochen and Kuhlmann, Sabine and Wayenberg, Ellen},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-56058-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-56059-1_9},
  pages     = {115 -- 130},
  year      = {2021},
  language  = {en}
}