@article{FleischerBuzogany2023, author = {Fleischer, Julia and Buzog{\´a}ny, Aron}, title = {Unboxing international public administrations}, series = {The American review of public administration}, volume = {53}, journal = {The American review of public administration}, number = {1}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {Thousand Oaks, Calif.}, issn = {0275-0740}, doi = {10.1177/02750740221136488}, pages = {23 -- 35}, year = {2023}, abstract = {Recent debates in international relations increasingly focus on bureaucratic apparatuses of international organizations and highlight their role, influence, and autonomy in global public policy. In this contribution we follow the recent call made by Moloney and Rosenbloom in this journal to make use of "public administrative theory and empirically based knowledge in analyzing the behavior of international and regional organizations" and offer a systematic analysis of the inner structures of these administrative bodies. Changes in these structures can reflect both the (re-)assignment of responsibilities, competencies, and expertise, but also the (re)allocation of resources, staff, and corresponding signalling of priorities. Based on organizational charts, we study structural changes within 46 international bureaucracies in the UN system. Tracing formal changes to all internal units over two decades, this contribution provides the first longitudinal assessment of structural change at the international level. We demonstrate that the inner structures of international bureaucracies in the UN system became more fragmented over time but also experienced considerable volatility with periods of structural growth and retrenchment. The analysis also suggests that IO's political features yield stronger explanatory power for explaining these structural changes than bureaucratic determinants. We conclude that the politics of structural change in international bureaucracies is a missing piece in the current debate on international public administrations that complements existing research perspectives by reiterating the importance of the political context of international bureaucracies as actors in global governance.}, language = {en} } @book{Terhalle2015, author = {Terhalle, Maximilian}, title = {The transition of global order}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, isbn = {978-1-137-38689-2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {XI, 267}, year = {2015}, language = {en} } @article{KuhlmannLaffinWayenberg2018, author = {Kuhlmann, Sabine and Laffin, Martin and Wayenberg, Ellen}, title = {Subnational Government in the Research Spotlight}, series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_15}, pages = {147 -- 165}, year = {2018}, abstract = {Kuhlmann, Laffin and Wayenberg point out three main strands of subnational changes that have significantly dominated the research field and focus of Permanent Study Group 5. Elaborating upon the Study Group's contributions, the chapter overviews relevant research questions, approaches and findings that have been touched upon concerning local and regional government systems, subnational reforms and their evaluation in a multi-level governance setting. The chapter concludes with zooming in on austerity as a main driver of future developments upon and amongst all levels of government.}, language = {en} } @article{Reichard2006, author = {Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Strengthening competitiveness of local public service providers in Germany}, series = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, volume = {72}, journal = {International review of administrative sciences : an international journal of comparative public administration}, number = {4}, publisher = {Sage}, address = {London}, issn = {0020-8523}, doi = {10.1177/0020852306070079}, pages = {473 -- 492}, year = {2006}, abstract = {This article discusses the challenges for providers of local public services to adapt to increasing marketization and competition in the public sector. Based on some empirical evidence from local government in Germany, the article describes different adaptive measures in the past and shows the legal restrictions to strengthening performance and particularly competitiveness. Furthermore, the article presents some findings from good practice cases of local service providers in Germany who have successfully exposed themselves to market mechanisms. Finally, the article discusses observed results of increased competitiveness in the local government sector, with special regard to quality, efficiency and public employment. The article concludes with describing necessary elements of a competitive regime for public services and with some general reflections about the role of competition in the public sector.}, language = {en} } @article{GuskeJacobHirschnitzGarbersetal.2019, author = {Guske, Anna-Lena and Jacob, Klaus and Hirschnitz-Garbers, Martin and Peuckert, Jan and Schridde, Stefan and Stinner, Sven and Wolff, Franziska and Zahrnt, Dominik and Ziesemer, Florence}, title = {Stories that Change Our World?}, series = {Sustainability}, volume = {11}, journal = {Sustainability}, number = {21}, publisher = {MDPI}, address = {Basel}, issn = {2071-1050}, doi = {10.3390/su11216163}, pages = {14}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Narratives are shaping our understanding of the world. They convey values and norms and point to desirable future developments. In this way, they justify and legitimize political actions and social practices. Once a narrative has emerged and this world view is supported by broad societal groups, narratives can provide powerful momentum to trigger innovation and changes in the course of action. Narratives, however, are not necessarily based on evidence and precise categories, but can instead be vague and ambiguous in order to be acceptable and attractive to different actors. However, the more open and inclusive a narrative is, the less impact can be expected. We investigate whether there is a shared narrative in research for the sustainable economy and how this can be evaluated in terms of its potential societal impact. The paper carves out the visions for the future that have been underlying the research projects conducted within the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) funding programme "The Sustainable Economy". It then analyzes whether these visions are compatible with narratives dominating societal discourse on the sustainable economy, and concludes how the use of visions and narratives in research can contribute to fostering societal transformations.}, language = {en} } @article{RingelingReichard2019, author = {Ringeling, Arthur and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Some Reflections on the Development of Educaton for Public Administration in Europe}, series = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe : The Contribution of EGPA}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92855-5}, pages = {203 -- 212}, year = {2019}, language = {en} } @article{RingelingReichard2018, author = {Ringeling, Arthur and Reichard, Christoph}, title = {Some Reflections on the Development of Education for Public Administration in Europe}, series = {Public Administration in Europe. Governance and Public Management}, journal = {Public Administration in Europe. Governance and Public Management}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-92856-2}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-92856-2_19}, pages = {203 -- 212}, year = {2018}, abstract = {The chapter presents an overview about the evolution of the teaching dimension in the academic debate within the EGPA community. Major topics of EGPA's permanent study group on "PA and teaching" over the last decade are displayed. From a more general perspective, the authors discuss the various types and target groups of academic programs in Public Administration and their change over time. They also shed some light on the change of contents and pedagogical approaches in the last decades. Furthermore, different patterns and degrees of institutionalization of Public Administration as academic discipline across Europe are illustrated. In a short r{\´e}sum{\´e} the authors reflect about future educational developments in our field and about the role of EGPA}, language = {en} } @incollection{Bosch2020, author = {Bosch, David}, title = {Robo-Advisiory and the consequences for capital market effiency}, series = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, booktitle = {EU's connectivity in times of Eurasian Dynamics : challenges for banking and finance}, publisher = {WeltTrends}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-947802-44-9}, pages = {239 -- 249}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @incollection{DoerflerHosli2013, author = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Hosli, Madeleine O.}, title = {Reforming the United Nations Security Council}, series = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization}, booktitle = {Routledge Handbook of International Organization}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-0-415-50143-9}, doi = {10.4324/9780203405345.ch28}, pages = {377 -- 390}, year = {2013}, language = {en} } @book{TaylorNanzTaylor2020, author = {Taylor, Charles and Nanz, Patrizia and Taylor, Madeleine Beaubien}, title = {Reconstructing democracy}, publisher = {Harvard University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-0-674-24462-7}, pages = {107}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Across the world, democracies are suffering from a disconnect between the people and political elites. In communities where jobs and industry are scarce, many feel the government is incapable of understanding their needs or addressing their problems. The resulting frustration has fueled the success of destabilizing demagogues. To reverse this pattern and restore responsible government, we need to reinvigorate democracy at the local level. But what does that mean? Drawing on examples of successful community building in cities large and small, from a shrinking village in rural Austria to a neglected section of San Diego, Reconstructing Democracy makes a powerful case for re-engaging citizens. It highlights innovative grassroots projects and shows how local activists can form alliances and discover their own power to solve problems.}, language = {en} } @article{Heidemann2015, author = {Heidemann, Birte}, title = {Post-agreement belfast : labour, work and the new subalterns in daragh carville's play this other city}, series = {Reworking postcolonialism : globalization, labour and rights}, journal = {Reworking postcolonialism : globalization, labour and rights}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {New York}, isbn = {978-1-137-43592-7}, pages = {119 -- 133}, year = {2015}, language = {en} } @book{Juchler2018, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Political Narrations}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-319-70753-2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {123}, year = {2018}, abstract = {This book analyzes narrations embedded in political disputes, allowing readers to gain a deeper understanding of modern political reality. The author explores this theme in readings of the Sophocles tragedy Antigone, the Melian Dialogue of Thucydides, Heinrich von Kleist's novella Michael Kohlhaas, Fyodor Dostoevsky's The Grand Inquisitor and E.L. Doctorow's Ragtime novel, taking into account the relevant interdisciplinary aspects of the narratives. His study of these four narrations focuses on key political concepts, such as might and right, self-interest, legality and justice, the nation-state and democracy, and relates them compellingly to current actuality. Since narrations can exert comprehensive and lasting influence on individuals' political discernment, this systematic analysis allows for a better comprehension of politics in education and civics.}, language = {en} } @misc{Wegmann2022, author = {Wegmann, Simone}, title = {Policy-making power of opposition players}, series = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, journal = {Zweitver{\"o}ffentlichungen der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam : Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliche Reihe}, number = {1}, issn = {1867-5808}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-56651}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-566516}, pages = {27}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The organisation of legislative chambers and the consequences of parliamentary procedures have been among the most prominent research questions in legislative studies. Even though democratic elections not only lead to the formation of a government but also result in an opposition, the literature has mostly neglected oppositions and their role in legislative chambers. This paper proposes to fill this gap by looking at the legislative organisation from the perspective of opposition players. The paper focuses on the potential influence of opposition players in the policy-making process and presents data on more than 50 legislative chambers. The paper shows considerable variance of the formal power granted to opposition players. Furthermore, the degree of institutionalisation of opposition rights is connected to electoral systems and not necessarily correlated with other institutional characteristics such as regime type or the size of legislative chambers.}, language = {en} } @article{Wegmann2022, author = {Wegmann, Simone}, title = {Policy-making power of opposition players}, series = {The Journal of Legislative Studies}, volume = {28}, journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies}, number = {1}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1357-2334}, doi = {10.1080/13572334.2020.1843233}, pages = {1 -- 25}, year = {2022}, abstract = {The organisation of legislative chambers and the consequences of parliamentary procedures have been among the most prominent research questions in legislative studies. Even though democratic elections not only lead to the formation of a government but also result in an opposition, the literature has mostly neglected oppositions and their role in legislative chambers. This paper proposes to fill this gap by looking at the legislative organisation from the perspective of opposition players. The paper focuses on the potential influence of opposition players in the policy-making process and presents data on more than 50 legislative chambers. The paper shows considerable variance of the formal power granted to opposition players. Furthermore, the degree of institutionalisation of opposition rights is connected to electoral systems and not necessarily correlated with other institutional characteristics such as regime type or the size of legislative chambers.}, language = {en} } @article{BachThiemannZucco2019, author = {Bach, Stefan and Thiemann, Andreas and Zucco, Aline}, title = {Looking for the missing rich: tracing the top tail of the wealth distribution}, series = {International Tax and Public Finance}, volume = {26}, journal = {International Tax and Public Finance}, number = {6}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht}, issn = {0927-5940}, doi = {10.1007/s10797-019-09578-1}, pages = {1234 -- 1258}, year = {2019}, abstract = {We analyse the top tail of the wealth distribution in France, Germany, and Spain using the first and second waves of the Household Finance and Consumption Survey (HFCS). Since top wealth is likely to be under-represented in household surveys, we integrate big fortunes from rich lists, estimate a Pareto distribution, and impute the missing rich. In addition to the Forbes list, we rely on national rich lists since they represent a broader base of the big fortunes in those countries. As a result, the top 1\% wealth share increases notably for the three selected countries after imputing the top wealth. We find that national rich lists can improve the estimation of the Pareto coefficient in particular when the list of national USD billionaires is short.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Vu2012, author = {Vu, Thi Thanh Van}, title = {Local government on the way to good governance}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-93943}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {vii, 254}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Bad governance causes economic, social, developmental and environmental problems in many developing countries. Developing countries have adopted a number of reforms that have assisted in achieving good governance. The success of governance reform depends on the starting point of each country - what institutional arrangements exist at the out-set and who the people implementing reforms within the existing institutional framework are. This dissertation focuses on how formal institutions (laws and regulations) and informal institutions (culture, habit and conception) impact on good governance. Three characteristics central to good governance - transparency, participation and accountability are studied in the research. A number of key findings were: Good governance in Hanoi and Berlin represent the two extremes of the scale, while governance in Berlin is almost at the top of the scale, governance in Hanoi is at the bottom. Good governance in Hanoi is still far from achieved. In Berlin, information about public policies, administrative services and public finance is available, reliable and understandable. People do not encounter any problems accessing public information. In Hanoi, however, public information is not easy to access. There are big differences between Hanoi and Berlin in the three forms of participation. While voting in Hanoi to elect local deputies is formal and forced, elections in Berlin are fair and free. The candidates in local elections in Berlin come from different parties, whereas the candidacy of local deputies in Hanoi is thoroughly controlled by the Fatherland Front. Even though the turnout of voters in local deputy elections is close to 90 percent in Hanoi, the legitimacy of both the elections and the process of representation is non-existent because the local deputy candidates are decided by the Communist Party. The involvement of people in solving local problems is encouraged by the government in Berlin. The different initiatives include citizenry budget, citizen activity, citizen initiatives, etc. Individual citizens are free to participate either individually or through an association. Lacking transparency and participation, the quality of public service in Hanoi is poor. Citizens seldom get their services on time as required by the regulations. Citizens who want to receive public services can bribe officials directly, use the power of relationships, or pay a third person - the mediator ("C{\`o}" - in Vietnamese). In contrast, public service delivery in Berlin follows the customer-orientated principle. The quality of service is high in relation to time and cost. Paying speed money, bribery and using relationships to gain preferential public service do not exist in Berlin. Using the examples of Berlin and Hanoi, it is clear to see how transparency, participation and accountability are interconnected and influence each other. Without a free and fair election as well as participation of non-governmental organisations, civil organisations, and the media in political decision-making and public actions, it is hard to hold the Hanoi local government accountable. The key differences in formal institutions (regulative and cognitive) between Berlin and Hanoi reflect the three main principles: rule of law vs. rule by law, pluralism vs. monopoly Party in politics and social market economy vs. market economy with socialist orientation. In Berlin the logic of appropriateness and codes of conduct are respect for laws, respect of individual freedom and ideas and awareness of community development. People in Berlin take for granted that public services are delivered to them fairly. Ideas such as using money or relationships to shorten public administrative procedures do not exist in the mind of either public officials or citizens. In Hanoi, under a weak formal framework of good governance, new values and norms (prosperity, achievement) generated in the economic transition interact with the habits of the centrally-planned economy (lying, dependence, passivity) and traditional values (hierarchy, harmony, family, collectivism) influence behaviours of those involved. In Hanoi "doing the right thing" such as compliance with law doesn't become "the way it is". The unintended consequence of the deliberate reform actions of the Party is the prevalence of corruption. The socialist orientation seems not to have been achieved as the gap between the rich and the poor has widened. Good governance is not achievable if citizens and officials are concerned only with their self-interest. State and society depend on each other. Theoretically to achieve good governance in Hanoi, institutions (formal and informal) able to create good citizens, officials and deputies should be generated. Good citizens are good by habit rather than by nature. The rule of law principle is necessary for the professional performance of local administrations and People's Councils. When the rule of law is applied consistently, the room for informal institutions to function will be reduced. Promoting good governance in Hanoi is dependent on the need and desire to change the government and people themselves. Good governance in Berlin can be seen to be the result of the efforts of the local government and citizens after a long period of development and continuous adjustment. Institutional transformation is always a long and complicated process because the change in formal regulations as well as in the way they are implemented may meet strong resistance from the established practice. This study has attempted to point out the weaknesses of the institutions of Hanoi and has identified factors affecting future development towards good governance. But it is not easy to determine how long it will take to change the institutional setting of Hanoi in order to achieve good governance.}, language = {en} } @article{WegmannEvequoz2019, author = {Wegmann, Simone and Evequoz, Aurelien}, title = {Legislative functions in newly democratised countries: the use of parliamentary questions in Kenya and Zambia}, series = {The Journal of Legislative Studies}, volume = {25}, journal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies}, number = {4}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1357-2334}, doi = {10.1080/13572334.2019.1697057}, pages = {443 -- 465}, year = {2019}, abstract = {A large literature exists examining the functions of legislatures and the behaviour of MPs in established democracies. But little efforts have been made to observe how MPs behave in new democratic assemblies. This article seeks to address this shortcoming through an exploration of the use of parliamentary questions in two new democracies: Kenya and Zambia. Analysing an innovative dataset we offer one of the few attempts to directly measure legislative behaviour in new democracies. We examine how the factors found in the literature on parliamentary questions in liberal democracies react to this shift of context and to what degree legislatures in these countries fulfil their core functions. Results show that opposition MPs are not necessarily among the most active but that electoral incentives such as the margin by which MPs have won their seats or the number of voters they represent explain the use and content of parliamentary questions.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Introduction}, series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule : How Steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_1}, pages = {1 -- 7}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Does political repression work and if so, under what conditions? Many contributions to the empirical study of non-democratic rule assume it does. As a consequence, strong convictions on political repression abound, but empirical investigations into the matter remain rare. This introduction sets the agenda for the chapters to come and outlines the answers given to the three motivating questions of this volume. First, what variants of political repression are there, and how do they interact? Second, what impact does the interaction of different forms of political repression have on the problem of authoritarian control? Finally, what difference does the complementary use of violence and restrictions make for the problem of authoritarian power-sharing?}, language = {en} } @article{LoewenthalMiaariAbrahams2022, author = {Loewenthal, Amit and Miaari, Sami H. and Abrahams, Alexei}, title = {How civilian attitudes respond to the state's violence}, series = {Conflict management and peace science}, journal = {Conflict management and peace science}, publisher = {Sage Publ.}, address = {Thousand Oaks}, issn = {0738-8942}, doi = {10.1177/07388942221097325}, pages = {23}, year = {2022}, abstract = {States, in their conflicts with militant groups embedded in civilian populations, often resort to policies of collective punishment to erode civilian support for the militants. We attempt to evaluate the efficacy of such policies in the context of the Gaza Strip, where Israel's blockade and military interventions, purportedly intended to erode support for Hamas, have inflicted hardship on the civilian population. We combine Palestinian public opinion data, Palestinian labor force surveys, and Palestinian fatalities data, to understand the relationship between exposure to Israeli policies and Palestinian support for militant factions. Our baseline strategy is a difference-in-differences specification that compares the gap in public opinion between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank during periods of intense punishment with the gap during periods when punishment is eased. Consistent with previous research, we find that Palestinian fatalities are associated with Palestinian support for more militant political factions. The effect is short-lived, however, dissipating after merely one quarter. Moreover, the blockade of Gaza itself appears to be only weakly associated with support for militant factions. Overall, we find little evidence to suggest that Israeli security policies toward the Gaza Strip have any substantial lasting effect on Gazan support for militant factions, neither deterring nor provoking them relative to their West Bank counterparts. Our findings therefore call into question the logic of Israel's continued security policies toward Gaza, while prompting a wider re-examination of the efficacy of deterrence strategies in other asymmetric conflicts.}, language = {en} } @incollection{HickmannLederer2018, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Lederer, Markus}, title = {Global political economy and development}, series = {Global Environmental Politics}, booktitle = {Global Environmental Politics}, edition = {1}, publisher = {Routledge}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-1-351-71664-2}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {47 -- 56}, year = {2018}, language = {en} }