@article{Barabasz2010, author = {Barabasz, Adam}, title = {Die polnische Presse {\"u}ber die Wahlen zum Europ{\"a}ischen Parlament 2004 und 2009}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {15}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-63075}, pages = {175 -- 195}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Inhalt: Die Wahlkampagne zum Europaparlament 2004 ; Die Wahlkampagne zum Europaparlament 2009 ; Zusammenfassung ; Literatur}, language = {de} } @misc{Berger2004, author = {Berger, Thomas}, title = {„Back to the Future" : German style}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47434}, year = {2004}, language = {de} } @article{Bloom2010, author = {Bloom, Aurica}, title = {Europ{\"a}isierung nationalstaatlicher Politik}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {15}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-63090}, pages = {215 -- 233}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Inhalt: Die Zivilgesellschaft Polens ; Worin liegen die Ursachen? ; Empowerment durch Europ{\"a}isierung ; Finanzielle Unterst{\"u}tzung durch die EU ; New modes of governance - Neue Formen der Kooperation? ; Europ{\"a}ische Gesetzgebung vs. nationalstaatliche Politik ; Erfolge f{\"u}r sexuelle Minderheiten in Polen ; Zusammenfassung ; Literatur}, language = {de} } @article{Brand2011, author = {Brand, Alexander}, title = {Alte These - neuer Aufguss}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {20}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62788}, pages = {34 -- 37}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @article{BundeOroz2011, author = {Bunde, Tobias and Oroz, Adrian}, title = {Warten auf Godot}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {20}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62768}, pages = {26 -- 29}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @misc{Buras2005, author = {Buras, Piotr}, title = {1945 und die Polen}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9747}, year = {2005}, abstract = {The current series of anniversaries concerning World War II raise the question of how Poland is coming to terms with its past. The article summarises the ongoing Polish debate about the Warsaw Uprising and the changing perspectives on Polish history in society and political circles. The discussion about Poland's view on its own past has great influence on recent foreign political relations, e.g. with Germany, the Ukraine, or Russia.}, language = {de} } @misc{Busch2005, author = {Busch, Christoph}, title = {Rechtsradikale Vernetzung im Internet}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-9772}, year = {2005}, abstract = {This article asks how the internet has been contributing to the trans-national networking of the radical right and whether the radical right has the capacity to act as a trans-national movement. Taking into account language difficulties, the ideological background of ultra- nationalism and internal disputes, the analysis shows that the radical right-wing transnational networking has hardly developed. Additionally, its internet users' potential is too low to contribute to a stronger trans-national alignment. The obstacles remain despite improved technological possibilities. This is proven by empirical examples of virtual trans-national networks.}, language = {de} } @misc{Busse2004, author = {Busse, Sabine}, title = {F{\"u}r ein Voranschreiten der deutschen Realit{\"a}t : ein Pl{\"a}doyer f{\"u}r verantwortungsvollen Pragmatismus}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46588}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Galt vor 1990 das ungeschriebene Gesetz, dass 1948/49 die Bundesrepublik nicht als Staat auf der Suche nach einer eigenen Außenpolitik, sondern als Ergebnis amerikanischer Außenpolitik auf der Suche nach einem Staat gegr{\"u}ndet wurde, stellt Deutschland heute immer weniger ein St{\"u}ck Amerika mitten in Europa dar. Die neue „Berliner Realit{\"a}t" beinhaltet also die Tatsache, dass Deutschland nicht mehr Objekt der weltgeschichtlichen Situation ist, „sondern auch Subjekt, verantwortlich f{\"u}r weit mehr als das eigene Schicksal"5. Der damit verbundenen Verantwortung kann sich Deutschland nicht entziehen. Es ist deshalb an der Zeit, f{\"u}r einen deutschen Pragmatismus zu pl{\"a}dieren, der weniger von tagespolitischen Erw{\"a}gungen gepr{\"a}gt sein sollte, sondern mit Werten (wie Verantwortungsbewusstsein und Ehrlichkeit) und Zielen (wie wirtschaftlicher Wohlstand und Sicherheit) unterf{\"u}ttert werden muss. Daraus ergeben sich außenpolitische Visionen, die das Handeln der Politiker antreiben und legitimieren. Mittelfristig k{\"o}nnen diese deutschen außenpolitischen Visionen immer mehr mit denen der anderen 24 EU-Mitgliedstaaten verschmelzen, sodass hier tats{\"a}chlich eine gewisse {\"U}berwindung der Nationalstaaten - aber eben nur innerhalb der EU - zu beobachten w{\"a}re. Allerdings w{\"u}rde sich an diese Entwicklung unmittelbar die Frage anschließen, ob die neue europ{\"a}ische Selbstbestimmung nur im Verh{\"a}ltnis zu den USA zu gewinnen, oder ob sie nicht viel weit reichender zu formulieren ist.}, language = {de} } @misc{Buechs2005, author = {B{\"u}chs, Milena}, title = {EU-Besch{\"a}ftigungsstrategie : Effektiv und demokratisch?}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47829}, year = {2005}, abstract = {The European Employment Strategy (EES) belongs to the European Union's „softer", legally non-binding policy instruments. Many politicians and academics associated its introduction with the expectation for a strengthening of the EU's social dimension and democratic quality. This article examines whether, so far, the EES can be regarded as effective and legitimate. To illustrate this, the author briefly examines the role of the EES for the development of labour market policy in Germany and the UK.}, language = {de} } @misc{Campbell2004, author = {Campbell, Edwina S.}, title = {Berlin : look to the world!}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46591}, year = {2004}, abstract = {In the spring 2004 issue of WeltTrends, Professor Gunther Hellmann made a „plea for offensive idealism" and „against the power political resocialization of German foreign policy". To a long-time outside observer of that foreign policy, this plea is unsurprising, but depressing. In keeping with Professor Hellmann's own willingness, „notwendige Differenzierungen [zu] vernachl{\"a}ssigen zugunsten einer bewussten Zuspitzung" I will comment on the aspects of his argument that strike an American colleague as particularly disturbing.}, language = {en} } @book{Chinalski2009, author = {Chinalski, Maciej}, title = {Regional Governance in der Oder-Partnerschaft}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {978-3-86956-030-4}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-39248}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {97}, year = {2009}, abstract = {In der vorliegenden Arbeit analysiert Maciej Chinalski den Regional Governance Ansatz und seine praktische Umsetzung in den Europ{\"a}ischen Grenzregionen zwischen Deutschland und Polen (Oder-Partnerschaft) sowie im Vierl{\"a}ndereck von {\"O}sterreich, Ungarn, Tschechien und Slowakei (Centrope-Region). Regional Governance gilt als eine Kooperationsform unterschiedlicher regionaler Akteure, die nach neuen Synergien suchen, um ihre Zusammenarbeit voranzutreiben. Eine Region wird dabei als Raum verst{\"a}rkter Interaktionen zwischen Staat, Zivilgesellschaft und Wirtschaft verstanden.}, language = {de} } @article{ChurskaNowakFojutowski2010, author = {Churska-Nowak, Karolina and Fojutowski, Łukasz}, title = {Polnische und europ{\"a}ische Erfahrungen in der Parteienfinanzierung}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {15}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-63084}, pages = {197 -- 213}, year = {2010}, abstract = {Inhalt: Gr{\"u}nde f{\"u}r das Entstehen der Parteienfinanzierung aus dem Staatshaushalt ; Argumente f{\"u}r und gegen die Haushaltsfinanzierung politischer Parteien ; Finanzierung politischer Parteien in Polen nach 1989 ; Die Diskussion {\"u}ber das System der Finanzierung politischer Parteien in Polen ; Zusammenfassung ; Literatur}, language = {de} } @misc{Cichocki2004, author = {Cichocki, Marek A.}, title = {Der hohe Preis der Macht}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47445}, year = {2004}, language = {de} } @misc{Crome2012, author = {Crome, Erhard}, title = {Deutschland in Europa : eine neue Hegemoniedebatte}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-61936}, year = {2012}, abstract = {Europa in der Krise - ganz Europa? Deutschland hat von der Krise scheinbar profitiert, buchst{\"a}blich: sowohl wirtschaftlich als auch politisch. Die deutsche F{\"u}hrungsrolle f{\"u}r das angeb- lich schwankende Konstrukt der Europ{\"a}ischen Union gilt vielen Kommentatoren als normal. Die wirtschaftliche Kraft des Landes wird als Grundlage seiner hegemonialen Stellung in Europa anerkannt. Die „deutsche Frage" stellt sich, im Jahr 2012, neu - und ist kritisch zu diskutieren.}, language = {de} } @phdthesis{Danken2017, author = {Danken, Thomas}, title = {Coordination of wicked problems}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396766}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {VI, 237}, year = {2017}, abstract = {The thesis focuses on the inter-departmental coordination of adaptation and mitigation of demographic change in East Germany. All Eastern German States (L{\"a}nder) have set up inter-departmental committees (IDCs) that are expected to deliver joint strategies to tackle demographic change. IDCs provide an organizational setting for potential positive coordination, i.e. a joint approach to problem solving that pools and utilizes the expertise of many departments in a constructive manner from the very beginning. Whether they actually achieve positive coordination is contested within the academic debate. This motivates the first research question of this thesis: Do IDCs achieve positive coordination? Interdepartmental committees and their role in horizontal coordination within the core executive triggered interest among scholars already more than fifty years ago. However, we don't know much about their actual importance for the inter-departmental preparation of cross-cutting policies. Until now, few studies can be found that analyzes inter-departmental committees in a comparative way trying to identify whether they achieve positive coordination and what factors shape the coordination process and output of IDCs. Each IDC has a chair organization that is responsible for managing the interactions within the IDCs. The chair organization is important, because it organizes and structures the overall process of coordination in the IDC. Consequently, the chair of an IDC serves as the main boundary-spanner and therefore has remarkable influence by arranging meetings and the work schedule or by distributing internal roles. Interestingly, in the German context we find two organizational approaches: while some states decided to put a line department (e.g. Department of Infrastructure) in charge of managing the IDC, others rely on the State Chancelleries, i.e. the center of government. This situation allows for comparative research design that can address the role of the State Chancellery in inter-departmental coordination of cross-cutting policies. This is relevant, because the role of the center is crucial when studying coordination within central government. The academic debate on the center of government in the German politico-administrative system is essentially divided into two camps. One camp claims that the center can improve horizontal coordination and steer cross-cutting policy-making more effectively, while the other camp points to limits to central coordination due to departmental autonomy. This debate motivates the second research question of this thesis: Does the State Chancellery as chair organization achieve positive coordination in IDCs? The center of government and its role in the German politic-administrative system has attracted academic attention already in the 1960s and 1970s. There is a research desiderate regarding the center's role during the inter-departmental coordination process. There are only few studies that explicitly analyze centers of government and their role in coordination of cross-cutting policies, although some single case studies have been published. This gap in the academic debate will be addressed by the answer to the second research question. The dependent variable of this study is the chair organization of IDCs. The value of this variable is dichotomous: either an IDC is chaired by a Line department or by a State Chancellery. We are interested whether this variable has an effect on two dependent variables. First, we will analyze the coordination process, i.e. interaction among bureaucrats within the IDC. Second, the focus of this thesis will be on the coordination result, i.e. the demography strategies that are produced by the respective IDCs. In terms of the methodological approach, this thesis applies a comparative case study design based on a most-similar-systems logic. The German Federalism is quite suitable for such designs. Since the institutional framework largely is the same across all states, individual variables and their effect can be isolated and plausibly analyzed. To further control for potential intervening variables, we will limit our case selection to states located in East Germany, because the demographic situation is most problematic in the Eastern part of Germany, i.e. there is a equal problem pressure. Consequently, we will analyze five cases: Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt (line department) and Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Saxony (State Chancellery). There is no grand coordination theory that is ready to be applied to our case studies. Therefore, we need to tailor our own approach. Our assumption is that the individual chair organization has an effect on the coordination process and output of IDCs, although all cases are embedded in the same institutional setting, i.e. the German politico-administrative system. Therefore, we need an analytical approach than incorporates institutionalist and agency-based arguments. Therefore, this thesis will utilize Actor-Centered Institutionalism (ACI). Broadly speaking, ACI conceptualizes actors' behavior as influenced - but not fully determined - by institutions. Since ACI is rather abstract we need to adapt it for the purpose of this thesis. Line Departments and State Chancelleries will be modeled as distinct actors with different action orientations and capabilities to steer the coordination process. However, their action is embedded within the institutional context of governments, which we will conceptualize as being comprised of regulative (formal rules) and normative (social norms) elements.}, language = {en} } @misc{Deimer2005, author = {Deimer, Klaus}, title = {Niedriglohn und soziale Sicherung}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-47850}, year = {2005}, abstract = {In the need to reform the German labour market, the so-called ‚Hartz IV'- Act cut down subsidies for unemployed people in order to increase the pressure for searching for a new job. By law, low-paid jobs shall be introduced. However, even if this creates employment, there will be a future problem: pensions for these people will dramatically drop below the poverty line. The author argues that, in order to avoid such 'poverty-traps', an alternative social support system should be considered: a 'tax transfer system' with lowered income tax, yet complete reduction of legal exceptions on the one hand, and transfer systems combined with work incentives on the other hand.}, language = {de} } @article{Dinger2011, author = {Dinger, D{\"o}rte}, title = {Nationale Interessen sind von gestern!}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {20}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62756}, pages = {22 -- 25}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @misc{Elsenhans2004, author = {Elsenhans, Hartmut}, title = {Selbstbeschr{\"a}nkter Realismus und geographisch begrenzter Idealismus}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-46606}, year = {2004}, abstract = {Hellmanns Warnung vor einer Resozialisierung der deutschen Außenpolitik in eine traditionelle Großmachtrolle erweckt bei mir viel Sympathie. Seine Alternative finde ich moralisch ehrenhaft, aber realistisch nur innerhalb des Prozesses der europ{\"a}ischen Integration. Ich glaube allerdings nicht, dass das Erbe der Geschichte Deutschlands ein besonderes außenpolitisches Vorgehen erzwingt. Ebenso wenig glaube ich, dass idealistische Positionen, gleich welcher Couleur, bei der Bewahrung von Frieden realistischen {\"u}berlegen sind. Der Berliner Republik haftet ein gewisser Wilhelminismus in der Außenpolitik an. Man will durch Nachholen gleich werden wie die anderen. Die Warnung vor Rissen im B{\"u}ndnis und vor der M{\"o}glichkeit einer Spirale des Niedergangs der europ{\"a}ischen Integration im Beitrag von Hellmann teile ich. Ich w{\"u}rde noch weiter gehen: Auch die humanit{\"a}re Intervention bleibt Intervention. Prinzipien der Menschenrechte sind wichtig, ihre Ausgestaltung, manchmal sogar Teile ihrer Prinzipien aber strittig. Welche Kriterien gibt uns der offensive Realismus bei der St{\"a}rkung der Interventionsm{\"o}glichkeiten draußen, wenn wir dabei keine machtpolitischen Interessen vertreten sollen? Wenn wir nicht alle {\"U}bel der Welt abschaffen wollen, dann muss eine Hierarchie verfolgt werden. Die rot-gr{\"u}ne Koalition hat mit der Ausnahme der Irak-Entscheidung im Wesentlichen das Ziel verfolgt, den eigenen Einfluss innerhalb der westlichen Staatengemeinschaft zu steigern. Hellmanns Empfehlung lautet wohl, dort mitzumachen, wo supranationale Institutionen geschaffen werden sollen. Welches sind die Kriterien zur Messung dieser Ziele?}, language = {de} } @article{FrankeRoos2011, author = {Franke, Ulrich and Roos, Ulrich}, title = {Globale Solidarit{\"a}t als nationales Interesse}, series = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, journal = {WeltTrends-Papiere}, number = {20}, publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam}, address = {Potsdam}, issn = {1864-0656}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-62772}, pages = {30 -- 33}, year = {2011}, language = {de} } @misc{Franzke2005, author = {Franzke, Jochen}, title = {Netzwerke f{\"u}r Demokratie statt Achsen mit Autokraten}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-8071}, year = {2005}, abstract = {The German Ostpolitik of the Red-Green government between 1998 and 2005 focused particularly on the autocratic Russia. It mostly ignored the other - democratic - states in Central and Eastern Europe. Since this policy failed to improve the stability in the region, a policy change is necessary. Regional stability can only be based on the equal cooperation of democratic states. Germany should therefore intensify her support for the democratic forces in the region and integrate her policy into a common Ostpolitik within the EU.}, language = {de} }