@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {New Challenges in Local Migrant Integration Policy in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 9},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this introductory chapter, the editors describe the main theoretical basis of analysis of this book and the methodological approach. The core of this book consists of 14 country-specific chapters, which allow a European comparison and show the increasing variance in migration policy approaches within and between European countries. The degree of local autonomy, the level of centralisation and the traditional forms of migration policy are factors that especially influence the possibilities for local authorities to formulate their own integration policies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
  pages     = {107 -- 121},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Integrating Immigrants: Capacities and Challenges for Local Authorities in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_17},
  pages     = {311 -- 333},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This chapter focuses on the relationship between public opinion on migration and its media coverage. Different explanatory models, including individual characteristics, cultural factors and the impact of media and politics, have been proposed to explain public attitudes towards migrants. Understanding the local context is important, as the shares of migrants living in each region and city vary considerably. Providing correct statistical information, stressing the diversity of current migration patterns in Europe and taking part in media and public discussions are ways in which to impact public attitudes at the local level.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{FranzkedelaFuente2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen and de la Fuente, Jos{\´e} M. Ruano},
  title     = {Conclusions: An Overview of Local Migrant Integration Policies in Europe},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_18},
  pages     = {335 -- 344},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {As expected, the traditions of national-state migration policies continue to play a very important role, path-dependence in this policy field remains high. The distribution of competences in migration policy and the integration of migrants in the nation states continues to be very different. When implementing integration strategies at grassroots level, the respective policies should be tailored to the profile of both the local migrant community and the native population. Besides better migration management in local administration and the interaction of top-down and bottom-up efforts to integrate migrants is of importance.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Weiss2017,
  author    = {Weiß, Norman},
  title     = {Origin and Further Development},
  series = {The Council of Europe},
  journal   = {The Council of Europe},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-967252-3},
  pages     = {3 -- 22},
  year      = {2017},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Bruening2020,
  author    = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina},
  title     = {Heterogenit{\"a}t},
  series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  journal   = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht},
  publisher = {Wochenschau},
  address   = {Frankfurt},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-0953-0},
  pages     = {107 -- 110},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{GanghofEppner2019,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen and Eppner, Sebastian},
  title     = {Faire Repr{\"a}sentation versus klare Richtungsentscheide? Zur Reform des Wahl- und Regierungssystems Fair representation versus clear decisions On the reform of the electoral system and form of government},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
  volume    = {13},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {1865-2646},
  doi       = {10.1007/s12286-019-00431-7},
  pages     = {375 -- 397},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {The increased fragmentation of European party systems and the resulting difficulties of government formation have led to renewed debates about electoral systems. Some authors characterize certain electoral systems as optimal compromises between "proportional" and "majoritarian" conceptions of democracy. We argue that these optimality arguments are biased towards the majoritarian conception. Ambitious proportional conceptions embrace the goals of mechanical proportionality, multidimensional representation and flexible, issue-specific legislative coalitions. However, in parliamentary systems of government these goals cannot be reconciled with majoritarian goals. This is because in parliamentarism the same electoral threshold applies to parliamentary representation and to participation in the vote of non-confidence procedure. The first threshold is crucial for the proportional, the latter for the majoritarian conception of democracy. If we are willing to decouple the two thresholds - and hence change the form of government - new avenues for reform open up. We illustrate our arguments using data for 29 democratic systems between 1995 and 2015.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Einf{\"u}hrung},
  series = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30304-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1},
  pages     = {1 -- 5},
  year      = {2020},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Juchler2020,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind - Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30305-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1},
  pages     = {122 -- 137},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das St{\"u}ck zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen k{\"o}nnen umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie ankn{\"u}pfen. In dem Beitrag wird zun{\"a}chst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind" nachgegangen, vom R{\"o}mischen Reich {\"u}ber die Franz{\"o}sische Revolution, die totalit{\"a}ren Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im St{\"u}ck thematisierten Verh{\"a}ltnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gef{\"u}ge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer {\"U}berlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der M{\"o}glichkeit von Bildung und politischer M{\"u}ndigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten", Bullshit und L{\"u}gen diskutiert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Droll2020,
  author    = {Droll, Max},
  title     = {Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht},
  series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  journal   = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-30305-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13},
  pages     = {171 -- 180},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Eine relevante und h{\"o}chst aktuelle {\"U}berschneidung fach{\"u}bergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Ph{\"a}nomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing" einer breiten {\"O}ffentlichkeit, die weit {\"u}ber fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erl{\"a}utert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und f{\"u}r ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — h{\"a}ufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts erm{\"o}glicht die Entwicklung und F{\"o}rderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erl{\"a}utert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{RuheLeibWeidmannetal.2020,
  author    = {Ruhe, Constantin and Leib, Julia and Weidmann, Nils B. and Bussmann, Margit},
  title     = {Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
  volume    = {9},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {2524-6976},
  doi       = {10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8},
  pages     = {443 -- 454},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und erg{\"a}nzt die aktuelle Diskussion {\"u}ber die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erl{\"a}utern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarit{\"a}t, Internationalit{\"a}t und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch f{\"u}r die Politikberatung ist. Zuk{\"u}nftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen ber{\"u}cksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu st{\"a}rken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{LeibRuppel2020,
  author    = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha},
  title     = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms},
  series = {European Political Science},
  volume    = {19},
  journal   = {European Political Science},
  number    = {3},
  issn      = {1682-0983},
  doi       = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3},
  pages     = {336 -- 351},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2016,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {Shaping peace: an investigation of the mechanisms underlying post-conflict peacebuilding},
  series = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  journal   = {Peace, conflict \& development : an interdisciplinary journal},
  number    = {22},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Bradford},
  issn      = {1742-0601},
  pages     = {25 -- 76},
  year      = {2016},
  abstract  = {What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover the dynamics of post-conflict peace.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Leib2019,
  author    = {Leib, Julia},
  title     = {The security and justice approach in liberia's peace process},
  series = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  volume    = {25},
  journal   = {Peace economics, peace science, and public policy},
  number    = {4},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {1554-8597},
  doi       = {10.1515/peps-2019-0033},
  pages     = {6},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Liese2013,
  author    = {Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {The power of human rights decade after: from euphoria to contestation?},
  isbn      = {978-1-10-760936-5},
  year      = {2013},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{BeisheimLiese2014,
  author    = {Beisheim, Marianne and Liese, Andrea Margit},
  title     = {Summing up : key findings and avenues for future research},
  isbn      = {978-1-137-35925-0},
  year      = {2014},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Doerfler2018,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Die Sanktionsaussch{\"u}sse zwischen Macht und Regeln},
  series = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {Vereinte Nationen : Zeitschrift f{\"u}r die Vereinten Nationen und ihre Sonderorganisationen},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {BWV},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {0042-384X},
  pages     = {62 -- 66},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Sanktionen sind ein wichtiges Instrument des UN-Sicherheitsrats zur Erhaltung des Weltfriedens. Viele zentrale Entscheidungen, wie etwa die Listung und Entlistung terrorverd{\"a}chtiger Personen, werden fernab der {\"O}ffentlichkeit in Sanktionsaussch{\"u}ssen getroffen. Die Einsetzung dieser Aussch{\"u}sse hat die Entscheidungsdynamiken im Rat erheblich ver{\"a}ndert.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{GehringDoerfler2019,
  author    = {Gehring, Thomas and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas},
  title     = {Constitutive mechanisms of UN Security Council practices},
  series = {Review of International Studies},
  volume    = {45},
  journal   = {Review of International Studies},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Univ.},
  address   = {Cambridge},
  issn      = {0260-2105},
  doi       = {10.1017/S0260210518000268},
  pages     = {120 -- 140},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Based upon the current debate on international practices with its focus on taken-for-granted everyday practices, we examine how Security Council practices may affect member state action and collective decisions on intrastate conflicts. We outline a concept that integrates the structuring effect of practices and their emergence from interaction among reflective actors. It promises to overcome the unresolved tension between understanding practices as a social regularity and as a fluid entity. We analyse the constitutive mechanisms of two Council practices that affect collective decisions on intrastate conflicts and elucidate how even reflective Council members become enmeshed with the constraining implications of evolving practices and their normative implications. (1) Previous Council decisions create precedent pressure and give rise to a virtually uncontested permissive Council practice that defines the purview for intervention into such conflicts. (2) A ratcheting practice forces opponents to choose between accepting steadily reinforced Council action, as occurred regarding Sudan/Darfur, and outright blockade, as in the case of Syria. We conclude that practices constitute a source of influence that is not captured by the traditional perspectives on Council activities as the consequence of geopolitical interests or of externally evolving international norms like the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P).},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{DoerflerGehring2021,
  author    = {D{\"o}rfler, Thomas and Gehring, Thomas},
  title     = {Analogy-based collective decision-making and incremental change in international organizations},
  series = {European journal of international relations},
  volume    = {27},
  journal   = {European journal of international relations},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Sage},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1354-0661},
  doi       = {10.1177/1354066120987889},
  pages     = {753 -- 778},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {We examine how analogy-based collective decision-making of member states contributes to the endogenous emergence of informal rules and the incremental change of international organizations (IOs). Decision-making by analogy is an important characteristic of day-to-day decision-making in IOs. Relating current decisions to previous ones through analogies drives incremental change and simultaneously reinforces organizational resilience. Whereas the foreign policy analysis literature shows that analogies can be used as cognitive shortcuts in fuzzy and complex foreign policy situations, we focus on their use to overcome social ambiguity (indeterminacy) of coordination situations in IOs. Drawing on psychological conceptions, we develop two micro-level mechanisms that elucidate the effects of analogy-based collective decision-making in member-driven IOs. Analogy-based collective decisions emphasizing similarity between a current situation and previous ones follow an established problem schema and produce expansive and increasingly well-established informal rules. Collective decisions that are analogy-based but emphasize a crucial difference follow different problem schemas and trigger the emergence of additional informal rules that apply to new classes of cases. The result is an increasingly fine-grained web of distinct organizational solutions for a growing number of problems. Accordingly, an IO can increasingly facilitate collective decision-making and gains resilience. Empirically, we probe these propositions with a documentary analysis of decision-making in the Yugoslavia sanctions committee, established by the United Nations Security Council to deal with a stream of requests for exempting certain goods or services from the comprehensive economic embargo imposed on Yugoslavia in response to the War in the Balkans.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rothermel2020,
  author    = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin},
  title     = {Die Manosphere},
  series = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
  volume    = {33},
  journal   = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {de Gruyter},
  address   = {Berlin},
  issn      = {2192-4848},
  doi       = {10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041},
  pages     = {491 -- 505},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Die sogenannte Manosphere - eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich haupts{\"a}chlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beitr{\"a}ge und Ideologien auszeichnet - ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschl{\"a}gen in der letzten Zeit verst{\"a}rkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang h{\"a}ufig vernachl{\"a}ssigte Rolle digitaler R{\"a}ume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewaltt{\"a}tige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewaltt{\"a}tigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.},
  language  = {de}
}