@article{Thomeczek2024,
  author    = {Thomeczek, Jan Philipp},
  title     = {B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW): left-wing authoritarian—and populist?},
  series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
  journal   = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {0032-3470},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11615-024-00544-z},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Germany's relatively stable party system faces a new left-authoritarian challenger: Sahra Wagenknecht's B{\"u}ndnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) party. First polls indicate that for the BSW, election results above 10\% are within reach. While Wagenknecht's positions in economic and cultural terms have already been discussed, this article elaborates on another highly relevant feature of Wagenknecht, namely her populist communication. Exploring Wagenknecht's and BSW's populist appeal helps us to understand why the party is said to also have potential among seemingly different voter groups coming from the far right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and far left Die Linke, which share high levels of populist attitudes. To analyse the role that populist communication plays for Wagenknecht and the BSW, this article combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative analysis covers all speeches (10,000) and press releases (19,000) published by Die Linke members of Parliament (MPs; 2005-2023). The results show that Wagenknecht is the (former) Die Linke MP with the highest share of populist communication. Furthermore, she was also able to convince a group of populist MPs to join the BSW. The article closes with a qualitative analysis of BSW's manifesto that reveals how populist framing plays a major role in this document, in which the political and economic elites are accused of working against the interest of "the majority". Based on this analysis, the classification of the BSW as a populist party seems to be appropriate.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Kuhlmann2023,
  author    = {Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {From Weberian bureaucracy to digital government?},
  series = {Handbook of public administration reform},
  booktitle = {Handbook of public administration reform},
  editor    = {Goldfinch, Shaun F.},
  publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing},
  address   = {Cheltenham, UK},
  isbn      = {978-1-80037-674-8},
  doi       = {10.4337/9781800376748.00016},
  pages     = {207 -- 226},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Over the past decades, the traditional profile of the German administrative system has significantly been reshaped and remoulded through reforms and transformations. Manifold modernization efforts have been undertaken to adjust administrative structures and procedures to increasing challenges and pressures. In this chapter, the attempt is made to outline major institutional reform paths in Germany from Weberian bureaucracy to most recent reforms towards a digital transformation of public administration. We will show to what extent the German administrative system has moved away from the classical Weberian bureaucracy to a hybrid system where elements of the 'old' model and new reform paradigms such as the NPM and digital government are hybridized, labelled the Neo Weberian State. The question will be addressed as to what extent this shift has taken shape and which hurdles and path-dependencies can be identified to explain partial persistence and continuity over time.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Franzke2022,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {German local authorities in the COVID-19 pandemic},
  series = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic},
  booktitle = {Local government and the COVID-19 pandemic},
  editor    = {Nunes Silva, Carlos},
  publisher = {Springer},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-91111-9},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-91112-6_6},
  pages     = {131 -- 154},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {This study evaluates the challenges, institutional impacts and responses of German local authorities to the COVID-19 pandemic from a political science point of view. The main research question is how they have contributed to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and to what extent the strengths and weaknesses of the German model of municipal autonomy have influenced their policy. It analyses the adaptation strategies of German local authorities and assesses the effectiveness of their actions up to now. Their implementation is then evaluated in five selected issues, e.g. adjustment organization and staff, challenges for local finances, local politics and citizen's participation. This analysis is reflecting the scientific debate in Germany since the beginning of 2020, based on the available analyses of political science, law, economics, sociology and geography until end of March 2021.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Franzke2021,
  author    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  title     = {Germany: From Denied Immigration to Integration of Migrants},
  series = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  journal   = {Local Integration of Migrants Policy},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-50978-1},
  issn      = {2523-8248},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-50979-8_7},
  pages     = {107 -- 121},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The chapter begins with a brief historical overview of Germany's transition in the twentieth and twenty-first century from a transit and emigration country to one of immigration. The next part of this chapter looks at the challenges and problems facing German immigration policy within a multi-level federal system. Finally, the chapter gives an analysis of some of the trends in German migration policy since the refugee crisis in 2015, such as changes in the party system and in the concepts underlying migration policies to better manage, control and limit immigration to Germany.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Botsch2021,
  author    = {Botsch, Gideon},
  title     = {Taking nativism to the streets},
  series = {Moving the social},
  volume    = {66},
  journal   = {Moving the social},
  publisher = {Institute for Social Movements},
  address   = {Bochum},
  isbn      = {978-3-8375-2491-8},
  issn      = {2197-0386},
  doi       = {10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62},
  pages     = {43 -- 62},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative f{\"u}r Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SteckerKachelPaasch2021,
  author    = {Stecker, Christian and Kachel, Jannis and Paasch, Jana},
  title     = {Muster der Landesgesetzgebung},
  series = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
  volume    = {62},
  journal   = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift : PVS : German political science quarterly / hrsg. vom Vorstand der Deutschen Vereinigung f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  issn      = {0032-3470},
  doi       = {10.1007/s11615-021-00307-0},
  pages     = {307 -- 324},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {This research note presents the first systematic documentation of the legislative process in the German state parliaments. The data set comprises 16,610 bills between 1990 and 2020. After a description of the data, we provide illustrative insights into the patterns of law-making. It is shown that these patterns are dominated by the new dualism between government and opposition. Furthermore, the incentives of issue competition are clearly present in the legislative initiatives. There is no evidence, however, for the expectation that intracoalitional policy distance prolongs the duration of legislative procedures. The published data provides scholars with the opportunity to investigate various additional research questions.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Lendermann2020,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Lendermann, Marc},
  title     = {Die Digitalwirtschaft als Herausforderung f{\"u}r das Wettbewerbsrecht - welcher Reformbedarf in Deutschland, Frankreich und der EU?},
  series = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe},
  journal   = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {2701-391X},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-45914},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-459142},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {XV, 61},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Der bislang in Deutschland und Frankreich sowie auf EU-Ebene geltende Rechtsrahmen ist grunds{\"a}tzlich geeignet, um den Besonderheiten der Digitalwirtschaft Rechnung tragen zu k{\"o}nnen. Legislatives Handeln scheint insbesondere dort sinnvoll, wo es zur Effektivierung der Durchsetzung des bestehenden Rechts beitr{\"a}gt. Dies betrifft unter anderem die St{\"a}rkung einstweiliger Maßnahmen, f{\"u}r deren Anwendung Frankreich als Vorbild dienen kann. In den untersuchten Rechtsordnungen l{\"a}sst sich ein inkrementeller Politikansatz beobachten: die S{\"a}ulen des Wettbewerbsrechts werken sukzessive in den Blick genommen und gesetzgeberische Maßnahmen nur schrittweise vorgenommen. Die in Deutschland und Frankreich gef{\"u}hrten Diskussionen und bereits vorgenommenen gesetzgeberischen Maßnahmen deuten derzeit auf eine zunehmende Divergenz zwischen deutschem und franz{\"o}sischem Wettbewerbsrecht bei den Antworten auf die Herausforderungen der Digitalwirtschaft hin. Zum einen, weil die in Deutschland vorgenommenen {\"A}nderungen der Zusammenschlusskontrolle in Frankreich nicht {\"u}bernommen werden. Zum anderen, weil die in Deutschland diskutierten Vorschl{\"a}ge zur Reform der Missbrauchsaufsicht kaum auf das franz{\"o}sische Recht {\"u}bertragbar sind.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Lang2020,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Lang, Simon},
  title     = {Die Neuausrichtung der Clusterpolitik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union im Rahmen der Europa 2020 Strategie und ihre Wirkung in den Mitgliedsstaaten Deutschland und Frankreich},
  series = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe},
  journal   = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {2701-391X},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-47286},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-472860},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {XXII, 88},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Clusterpolitik als Politikfeld an der Schnittstelle von Industrie-, Innovations- (F\&E) und Regionalpolitik entwickelte sich Mitte der 1990er Jahre zuerst in einigen EU Mitgliedsstaaten, darunter Deutschland. Mit einem Abstand von rund 10 Jahren begann die Herausbildung als eigenes Politikfeld in Frankreich. Die europ{\"a}ische Ebene begann ebenfalls erst ab Mitte der 2000er Jahre im Zusammenhang mit der Lissabon Strategie sich intensiver mit Clustern und Clusterpolitik zu besch{\"a}ftigen und entwickelte ab 2008 Jahren einen systematischen Politikansatz. Der Anstoß zur Politikfeldentwicklung auf dem Gebiet der Clusterpolitik ging in Europa also gerade nicht von der EU-Ebene aus. Auch wenn das Politikfeld „EU-Clusterpolitik" einem erheblichen Wandel im Zuge der Europa 2020 Strategie unterlag, findet eine Koordinierung der mitgliedsstaatlichen Politiken durch die EU-Ebene bislang nicht statt und ist - soweit ersichtlich - von Seiten der EU auch nicht angestrebt. Die EU Clusterpolitik ist vielmehr komplement{\"a}r und unterst{\"u}tzend zu den nationalen Politiken ausgerichtet. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird aufgezeigt, dass sich die drei clusterpolitischen Arenen EU, Deutschland, Frankreich weitestgehend unabh{\"a}ngig voneinander entwickelten und jeweils eigenen von unterschiedlichen Institutionen, Kontexten, Traditionen und Pfadabh{\"a}ngigkeiten bestimmten Logiken folgten. Sowohl der vertikale als auch der horizontale Verflechtungsgrad ist gering zwischen EU und Mitgliedsstaaten. Verflechtungsmuster beginnen gerade erst sich auszudifferenzieren. Jedoch sind Policy-Transfer oder sogar Policy-Learning Prozesse zwischen den drei Arenen EU, Deutschland und Frankreich schon in Ans{\"a}tzen erkennbar. Es gibt deutliche Unterschiede in den Clusterpolitiken Frankreichs und Deutschlands. Clusterpolitik wird in Deutschland in erster Linie auf Ebene der L{\"a}nder konzipiert und implementiert, w{\"a}hrend sie in Frankreich nach wie vor vom Zentralstaat gesteuert wird - wenn auch mit zunehmend konzeptioneller Beteiligung der regionalen Ebene. Die Neuausrichtung der EU Clusterpolitik im Rahmen der Europa 2020 Strategie fand in Frankreich eine deutlich st{\"a}rkere Resonanz als in Deutschland. Die Handlungslogik hinter den clusterpolitischen Maßnahmen der EU mit Bezug zur Lissabon-Strategie lag in der Verbesserung der Innovationsf{\"a}higkeit - die Handlungslogik der clusterpolitischen Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Europa 2020 Strategie liegt in der Modernisierung der industriellen Basis Europas durch Entwicklung neuer Wertsch{\"o}pfungsketten. Die EU Clusterpolitik unterlag insofern einem erheblichen Wandel.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Michel2020,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Michel, Beno{\^i}t},
  title     = {Soutenir l'innovation dans le secteur spatial},
  series = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe},
  journal   = {MEGA-Schriftenreihe},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  issn      = {2701-391X},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-43599},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-435997},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {XVII, 59},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Seit dem Beginn der Raumfahrzeit in den F{\"u}nfzigern haben Frankreich und Deutschland zur Entstehung einer europ{\"a}ischen Raumfahrtindustrie beigetragen. Beide L{\"a}nder sind in diesem Sektor Hauptakteure und Hauptpartner. Die Europ{\"a}ische Weltraumorganisation, die sich auf diese zivile und milit{\"a}rische Doppelindustrie st{\"u}tzt, hat Europa auf der Weltb{\"u}hne einen wichtigen Platz einger{\"a}umt. Um die Jahrhundertwende hat das Schaffen von Clustern dazu beigetragen, die Innovation in einem Sektor zu unterst{\"u}tzen, der wegen neuer internationaler Akteure in Frage gestellt wird. Diese Cluster haben sich auf der wirtschaftlichen Ebene des Sektors etabliert: in diesen Organisationen koexistieren private und {\"o}ffentliche Akteure, die von der Forschung bis zur Implementierung der entwickelten Technologien zusammenarbeiten. Zu der Vielzahl der Maßnahmen zur Innovationsf{\"o}rderung in Frankreich und Deutschland werden nun die von der Europ{\"a}ischen Kommission festgelegten europ{\"a}ischen Ziele hinzugef{\"u}gt. Wettbewerbscluster werden nicht mehr als privilegierte Instrumente der europ{\"a}ischen Weltraumpolitik identifiziert wie in den deutsch-franz{\"o}sischen Kooperationsprojekten der letzten Jahre. Die lokalen Kapazit{\"a}ten dieser Organisationen sind nicht den heutigen europ{\"a}ischen wirtschaftlichen Probleme angepasst und erlauben es nicht, sich effektiv in die moderne Raumfahrtindustrie zu integrieren.},
  language  = {fr}
}
@incollection{BogumilKuhlmann2020,
  author    = {Bogumil, J{\"o}rg and Kuhlmann, Sabine},
  title     = {Territorial administration in Germany},
  series = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
  booktitle = {Prefects, governors and commissioners : territorial representatives of the state in Europe},
  editor    = {Tanguy, Gildas and Eymeri-Douzans, Jean-Michel},
  publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan},
  address   = {Cham},
  isbn      = {978-3-030-59395-7},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-030-59396-4_15},
  pages     = {327 -- 352},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {This chapter outlines the organization and allocation of functions at the meso-level of government in Germany (states/L{\"a}nder administrations). Furthermore, we shed light on the carriers and qualification profiles of the top bureaucrats in meso-level administrations. These high-rank territorial administrators/executives—state appointed heads of administrative districts (Regierungspr{\"a}sidenten) on the one hand, elected heads of county administrations (Landr{\"a}te) on the other hand—can be regarded as the German 'equivalents' of the prefects in countries with a Napoleonic administrative tradition. Finally, we analyse major reforms that have led to (at times, profound) transformations in territorial administrations, raising the question of to what extent alternative models of territorial bundling and coordination functions are sound and sustainable.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-43038,
  title     = {Die verschwundene Diplomatie},
  editor    = {Crome, Erhard and Franzke, Jochen and Kr{\"a}mer, Raimund},
  edition   = {2. , unver{\"a}nderte Ausg.},
  publisher = {Berliner Debatte Wissenschaftsverlag},
  address   = {Berlin},
  isbn      = {978-3-947802-27-2},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {Das sechste Potsdamer Textbuch ist eine solide und kritische Bilanz der Außenpolitik der DDR. Weder rechtfertigt und verkl{\"a}rt sie nostalgisch eingef{\"a}rbt das vergangene System, noch verurteilt sie pauschal. Den Beitr{\"a}gen liegen sowohl umfangreiche Recherchen in den Archiven als auch lebensweltliche Erfahrungen mit der Außenpolitik des deutschen Realsozialismus zugrunde. Der Band, der zum 70. Geburtstag des ehemaligen Professors am Institut f{\"u}r Internationale Beziehungen der DDR Claus Montag erschien, macht generelle Linien der ostdeutschen Außenpolitik sichtbar und zeigt zugleich sehr konkret die internationale Vernetzung der DDR in den verschiedenen Phasen des Kalten Krieges.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{Maerz2019,
  author    = {M{\"a}rz, Moses Alexander},
  title     = {Imagining a politics of relation},
  series = {Tydskrif vir letterkunde},
  volume    = {56},
  journal   = {Tydskrif vir letterkunde},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {University of Pretoria},
  address   = {Pretoria},
  issn      = {0041-476X},
  doi       = {10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.56i1.6271},
  pages     = {49 -- 61},
  year      = {2019},
  abstract  = {This study explores the theoretical and political potentials of {\´E}douard Glissant's philosophy of relation and its approach to the issues of borders, migration, and the setup of political communities as proposed by his pens{\´e}e nouvelle de la fronti{\`e}re (new border thought), against the background of the German migration crisis of 2015. The main argument of this article is that Glissant's work offers an alternative epistemological and normative framework through which the contemporary political issues arising around the phenomenon of repressive border regimes can be studied. To demonstrate this point, this article works with Glissant's border thought as an analytical lens and proposes a pathway for studying the contemporary German border regime. Particular emphasis is placed on the identification of potential areas where a Glissantian politics of relation could intervene with the goal of transforming borders from impermeable walls into points of passage. By exploring the political implications of his border thought, as well as the larger philosophical context from which it emerges, while using a transdisciplinary approach that borrows from literary and political studies, this work contributes to ongoing debates in postcolonial studies on borders and borderlessness, as well as Glissant's political legacy in the twenty-first century.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{SorgeStreeck2018,
  author    = {Sorge, Arndt and Streeck, Wolfgang},
  title     = {Diversified quality production revisited},
  series = {Socio-economic review},
  volume    = {16},
  journal   = {Socio-economic review},
  number    = {3},
  publisher = {Oxford Univ. Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  issn      = {1475-1461},
  doi       = {10.1093/ser/mwy022},
  pages     = {587 -- 612},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major 'complementarities' disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Danken2017,
  author    = {Danken, Thomas},
  title     = {Coordination of wicked problems},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-396766},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {VI, 237},
  year      = {2017},
  abstract  = {The thesis focuses on the inter-departmental coordination of adaptation and mitigation of demographic change in East Germany. All Eastern German States (L{\"a}nder) have set up inter-departmental committees (IDCs) that are expected to deliver joint strategies to tackle demographic change. IDCs provide an organizational setting for potential positive coordination, i.e. a joint approach to problem solving that pools and utilizes the expertise of many departments in a constructive manner from the very beginning. Whether they actually achieve positive coordination is contested within the academic debate. This motivates the first research question of this thesis: Do IDCs achieve positive coordination? Interdepartmental committees and their role in horizontal coordination within the core executive triggered interest among scholars already more than fifty years ago. However, we don't know much about their actual importance for the inter-departmental preparation of cross-cutting policies. Until now, few studies can be found that analyzes inter-departmental committees in a comparative way trying to identify whether they achieve positive coordination and what factors shape the coordination process and output of IDCs. Each IDC has a chair organization that is responsible for managing the interactions within the IDCs. The chair organization is important, because it organizes and structures the overall process of coordination in the IDC. Consequently, the chair of an IDC serves as the main boundary-spanner and therefore has remarkable influence by arranging meetings and the work schedule or by distributing internal roles. Interestingly, in the German context we find two organizational approaches: while some states decided to put a line department (e.g. Department of Infrastructure) in charge of managing the IDC, others rely on the State Chancelleries, i.e. the center of government. This situation allows for comparative research design that can address the role of the State Chancellery in inter-departmental coordination of cross-cutting policies. This is relevant, because the role of the center is crucial when studying coordination within central government. The academic debate on the center of government in the German politico-administrative system is essentially divided into two camps. One camp claims that the center can improve horizontal coordination and steer cross-cutting policy-making more effectively, while the other camp points to limits to central coordination due to departmental autonomy. This debate motivates the second research question of this thesis: Does the State Chancellery as chair organization achieve positive coordination in IDCs? The center of government and its role in the German politic-administrative system has attracted academic attention already in the 1960s and 1970s. There is a research desiderate regarding the center's role during the inter-departmental coordination process. There are only few studies that explicitly analyze centers of government and their role in coordination of cross-cutting policies, although some single case studies have been published. This gap in the academic debate will be addressed by the answer to the second research question. The dependent variable of this study is the chair organization of IDCs. The value of this variable is dichotomous: either an IDC is chaired by a Line department or by a State Chancellery. We are interested whether this variable has an effect on two dependent variables. First, we will analyze the coordination process, i.e. interaction among bureaucrats within the IDC. Second, the focus of this thesis will be on the coordination result, i.e. the demography strategies that are produced by the respective IDCs. In terms of the methodological approach, this thesis applies a comparative case study design based on a most-similar-systems logic. The German Federalism is quite suitable for such designs. Since the institutional framework largely is the same across all states, individual variables and their effect can be isolated and plausibly analyzed. To further control for potential intervening variables, we will limit our case selection to states located in East Germany, because the demographic situation is most problematic in the Eastern part of Germany, i.e. there is a equal problem pressure. Consequently, we will analyze five cases: Thuringia, Saxony-Anhalt (line department) and Brandenburg, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Saxony (State Chancellery). There is no grand coordination theory that is ready to be applied to our case studies. Therefore, we need to tailor our own approach. Our assumption is that the individual chair organization has an effect on the coordination process and output of IDCs, although all cases are embedded in the same institutional setting, i.e. the German politico-administrative system. Therefore, we need an analytical approach than incorporates institutionalist and agency-based arguments. Therefore, this thesis will utilize Actor-Centered Institutionalism (ACI). Broadly speaking, ACI conceptualizes actors' behavior as influenced - but not fully determined - by institutions. Since ACI is rather abstract we need to adapt it for the purpose of this thesis. Line Departments and State Chancelleries will be modeled as distinct actors with different action orientations and capabilities to steer the coordination process. However, their action is embedded within the institutional context of governments, which we will conceptualize as being comprised of regulative (formal rules) and normative (social norms) elements.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{FleischerSeyfried2013,
  author    = {Fleischer, Julia and Seyfried, Markus},
  title     = {Drawing from the bargaining pool},
  series = {Party politics},
  journal   = {Party politics},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-404479},
  pages     = {12},
  year      = {2013},
  abstract  = {This article expands our current knowledge about ministerial selection in coalition governments and analyses why ministerial candidates succeed in acquiring a cabinet position after general elections. It argues that political parties bargain over potential office-holders during government-formation processes, selecting future cabinet ministers from an emerging bargaining pool'. The article draws upon a new dataset comprising all ministrable candidates discussed by political parties during eight government-formation processes in Germany between 1983 and 2009. The conditional logit regression analysis reveals that temporal dynamics, such as the day she enters the pool, have a significant effect on her success in achieving a cabinet position. Other determinants of ministerial selection discussed in the existing literature, such as party and parliamentary expertise, are less relevant for achieving ministerial office. The article concludes that scholarship on ministerial selection requires a stronger emphasis for its endogenous nature in government-formation as well as the relevance of temporal dynamics in such processes.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{Vogt2012,
  author    = {Vogt, Cornelius},
  title     = {Strategische Aspekte deutscher Weltraumsicherheitspolitik},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-184-4},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-59287},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {94},
  year      = {2012},
  abstract  = {Deutschland hat sich innerhalb kurzer Zeit zu einem bedeutenden sicherheitspolitischen Akteur im Weltraum entwickelt. Am 1. Dezember 2010 stellte die Bundesregierung die deutsche Raumfahrtstrategie vor. Immer wieder ist die Rede von der strategischen Bedeutung des Weltraums f{\"u}r die deutsche Sicherheitspolitik. Eine fundierte und {\"u}berpr{\"u}fbare Begr{\"u}ndung f{\"u}r diese Behauptung fehlt indes. Der Politikwissenschaftler Cornelius Vogt analysiert die strategischen Aspekte deutscher Weltraumsicherheitspolitik. Seine Untersuchung des strategischen Umfeldes, der nationalen Interessen, des sicherheitspolitischen Nutzens des Weltraums und der wichtigsten Anwendungsfelder zeigt, dass der Weltraum zum unverzichtbaren Bestandteil der gesamtstaatlichen Sicherheitsvorsorge avanciert ist.},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{OPUS4-5525,
  title     = {Deutsche Interessen : eine außenpolitische Debatte},
  editor    = {Zamirirad, Azadeh},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  organization    = {WeltTrends},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-153-0},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-53953},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {59},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {Deutschland braucht eine neue außenpolitische Kultur! Hierf{\"u}r pl{\"a}dierte eine junge Gruppe aus dem "T{\"o}nissteiner Kreis" 2010 in der Fr{\"u}hjahrsausgabe von WeltTrends und forderte eine klare Formulierung deutscher Interessen. Die angestoßene Debatte stieß auf große Resonanz und wurde von jungen Akademikern aufgenommen, die sich nicht scheuten, eigene Anregungen f{\"u}r die deutsche Außenpolitik zu formulieren und zentrale Thesen des Pl{\"a}doyers in Frage zu stellen: Worin bestand das Neue, worin das Deutsche an der Forderung nach einer Interessendefinition? Das Papier gibt die lebhafte Debatte des außenpolitischen Nachwuchses wieder, die 2010 innerhalb wie außerhalb der Zeitschrift gef{\"u}hrt wurde.},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{KleinwaechterSteinbachSchwarz2011,
  author    = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Lutz and Steinbach, Volker and Schwarz, R{\"u}diger},
  title     = {Deutsche Rohstoffpolitik},
  series = {WeltTrends Spezial},
  volume    = {6},
  journal   = {WeltTrends Spezial},
  editor    = {Kleinw{\"a}chter, Lutz},
  publisher = {Welt Trends e.V},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-941880-34-4},
  issn      = {2193-0627},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {In einer Welt mit stetig wachsendem Energiebedarf herrscht ein Kampf um Ressourcen, sodass Rohstoffe zunehmend politisches Handeln bestimmen. Lutz Kleinw{\"a}chter, Volker Steinbach, Leiter der Deutschen Rohstoffagentur, und R{\"u}diger Schwarz analysieren die deutsche Rohstoffstrategie. Wissen wir, was wir tun m{\"u}ssen, oder tappen wir bald planlos durchs Dunkel, weil uns die Energie ausgeht?},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{OPUS4-5040,
  title     = {Europa als Inspiration und Herausforderung : sozialwissenschaftliche Sichten aus Deutschland und Polen},
  editor    = {Franzke, Jochen},
  isbn      = {978-3-86956-095-3},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-48170},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  year      = {2010},
  abstract  = {Die Integration Europas bleibt f{\"u}r die Sozialwissenschaften eine Quelle der Inspiration und Herausforderung. Auch 53 Jahre nach Unterzeichnung der R{\"o}mischen Vertr{\"a}ge ist der Kontinent weiter in Bewegung, geht es um die Vision seiner zuk{\"u}nftigen Gestalt ebenso wie um die Regelung vielf{\"a}ltigster Tagesprobleme. Um zu dieser Debatte einen spezifischen Beitrag zu leisten, fand im Juni 2010 an der Universit{\"a}t Potsdam eine deutsch-polnische Konferenz zum Thema „Europa als Inspiration und Herausforderung aus sozialwissenschaftlicher Sicht" statt. Dabei wurden unterschiedliche Ans{\"a}tze der europawissenschaftlichen Forschungen in den beteiligten Einrichtungen (z. B. aus der Sicht von Politologen, Soziologen, Historikern oder Kulturwissenschaftlern) pr{\"a}sentiert. Zugleich diente die Konferenz dazu, das wissenschaftliche Forschungsinteresse am „nahen Osten" wieder zu st{\"a}rken.},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{Kraemer2009,
  author    = {Kr{\"a}mer, Franziska},
  title     = {Die Politik Deutschlands in der Kosovofrage},
  publisher = {Universit{\"a}tsverlag Potsdam},
  address   = {Potsdam},
  isbn      = {978-3-940793-70-6},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus-27673},
  publisher      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {132},
  year      = {2009},
  abstract  = {Anfang des Jahres 2008 erkannte die Bundesrepublik Deutschland den Kosovo als souver{\"a}nen Staat an, w{\"a}hrend sich die Europ{\"a}ische Union mit dieser Entscheidung zur{\"u}ckhielt. Die Politikwissenschaftlerin Franziska Kr{\"a}mer untersucht in ihrer Arbeit „Die Politik Deutschlands in der Kosovofrage" das Spannungsverh{\"a}ltnis zwischen eigenst{\"a}ndiger deutscher und europ{\"a}ischer Außenpolitik. Am Beispiel des Kosovo wird die Problematik der Verflechtung von deutschen und europ{\"a}ischen Politikebenen diskutiert. Die Autorin kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die deutsche Kosovopolitik als Beispiel einer neuen deutschen Außenpolitik und nicht als der Beginn einer Europ{\"a}isierung deutscher Außenpolitik zu sehen ist.},
  language  = {de}
}