@misc{Steegmann2024,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Steegmann, Helena},
  title     = {Die Rolle der Frauen in der Revolution 1848/49 - Anregungen f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-63029},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-630290},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {78},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {An die Revolution 1848/49 wird als wesentliches Ereignis deutscher Demokratiegeschichte erinnert; die Beteiligung von Frauen nimmt jedoch bis heute im kollektiven Ged{\"a}chtnis einen untergeordneten Stellenwert ein. Die vorliegende Masterarbeit besch{\"a}ftigt sich aus diesem Grund spezifisch mit der Rolle der Frauen in der Revolution 1848/49 und bietet Anregungen f{\"u}r die Integration des Themas in den Politikunterricht. Wie die Ergebnisse der Arbeit verdeutlichen, nutzten zahlreiche Frauen die Aufbruchsstimmung der 1840er Jahre, um sich auf verschiedene Arten und Weisen politisch zu engagieren. Zwar blieben viele dabei innerhalb der dichotomen Geschlechterteilung verhaftet, welche auf dem sich im 19. Jahrhundert herausbildenden b{\"u}rgerlichen Geschlechtermodell beruhte. Einige {\"u}berschritten diese Grenzen jedoch trotz harter Sanktionen auch bewusst. Sichtbar wird, dass die weibliche Beteiligung zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch nicht zur grunds{\"a}tzlichen Infragestellung der Geschlechterpolarit{\"a}t f{\"u}hrte, aber die Frauen zunehmend den {\"o}ffentlichen Raum auch f{\"u}r sich beanspruchten und damit die Grundlagen f{\"u}r die deutsche Frauenbewegung der folgenden Jahrzehnte schufen. Die schulische Thematisierung der Rolle der Frauen in der Revolution 1848/49 bietet sich sowohl im Geschichts- und Politikunterricht als auch f{\"a}cher{\"u}bergreifend hinsichtlich vielf{\"a}ltiger Ankn{\"u}pfungspunkte an. Die Integration des Themas in den Unterricht kann insbesondere dazu beitragen, das historische Erbe der Anf{\"a}nge der Frauenbewegung zu bewahren, und es zudem f{\"u}r die Vermittlung demokratischer Werte nutzbar machen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Dannemann2024,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo},
  title     = {Understanding neoliberal subjectification},
  series = {Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities},
  booktitle = {Economy, society and politics : socio-economic and political education in schools and universities},
  editor    = {Fridrich, Christian and Hagedorn, Udo and Hedtke, Reinhold and Mittnik, Philipp and Tafner, Georg},
  publisher = {Springer Fachmedien},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-42524-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-42525-8_10},
  pages     = {217 -- 236},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault's lectures on biopolitics and Brown's current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines - through immanent critique - an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier \& Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232-239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry.},
  language  = {en}
}
@misc{Dannemann2024,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo},
  title     = {Antidemokratische Positionen und Einstellungen in Schulen},
  publisher = {Bundeszentrale f{\"u}r politische Bildung},
  address   = {Bonn},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Die Krisen der letzten Jahre machen antidemokratische Tendenzen in der Gesellschaft immer wieder sichtbar. Diskriminierende {\"A}ußerungen werden f{\"u}r Lehrkr{\"a}fte zu einer zunehmenden Herausforderung.},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{Melliger2024,
  author    = {Melliger, Marc Andr{\´e}},
  title     = {Effects of exposing renewables to the market},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xi, 139},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Electricity production contributes to a significant share of greenhouse gas emissions in Europe and is thus an important driver of climate change. To fulfil the Paris Agreement, the European Union (EU) needs a rapid transition to a fully decarbonised power production system. Presumably, such a system will be largely based on renewables. So far, many EU countries have supported a shift towards renewables such as solar and wind power using support schemes, but the economic and political context is changing. Renewables are now cheaper than ever before and have become cost-competitive with conventional technologies. Therefore, European policymakers are striving to better integrate renewables into a competitive market and to increase the cost-effectiveness of the expansion of renewables. The first step was to replace previous fixed-price schemes with competitive auctions. In a second step, these auctions have become more technology-open. Finally, some governments may phase out any support for renewables and fully expose them to the competitive power market. However, such policy changes may be at odds with the need to rapidly expand renewables and meet national targets due to market characteristics and investors' risk perception. Without support, price risks are higher, and it may be difficult to meet an investor's income expectations. Furthermore, policy changes across different countries could have unexpected effects if power markets are interconnected and investors able to shift their investments. Finally, in multi-technology auctions, technologies may dominate, which can be a risk for long-term power system reliability. Therefore, in my thesis, I explore the effects of phasing out support policies for renewables, of coordinating these phase-outs across countries, and of using multi-technology designs. I expand the public policy literature about investment behaviour and policy design as well as policy change and coordination, and I further develop an agent-based model. The main questions of my thesis are what the cost and deployment effects of gradually exposing renewables to market forces would be and how coordination between countries affects investors' decisions and market prices.. In my three contributions to the academic literature, I use different methods and come to the following results. In the first contribution, I use a conjoint analysis and market simulation to evaluate the effects of phasing out support or reintroducing feed-in tariffs from the perspective of investors. I find that a phase-out leads to investment shifts, either to other still-supported technologies or to other countries that continue to offer support. I conclude that the coordination of policy changes avoids such shifts.. In the second contribution, I integrate the empirically-derived preferences from the first contribution in to an agent-based power system model of two countries to simulate the effects of ending auctions for renewables. I find that this slows the energy transition, and that cross-border effects are relevant. Consequently, continued support is necessary to meet the national renewables targets. In the third contribution, I analyse the outcome of past multi-technology auctions using descriptive statistics, regression analysis as well as case study comparisons. I find that the outcomes are skewed towards single technologies. This cannot be explained by individual design elements of the auctions, but rather results from context-specific and country-specific characteristics. Based on this, I discuss potential implications for long-term power system reliability. The main conclusions of my thesis are that a complete phase-out of renewables support would slow down the energy transition and thus jeopardize climate targets, and that multi-technology auctions may pose a risk for some countries, especially those that cannot regulate an unbalanced power plant portfolio in the long term. If policymakers decide to continue supporting renewables, they may consider adopting technology-specific auctions to better steer their portfolio. In contrast, if policymakers still want to phase out support, they should coordinate these policy changes with other countries. Otherwise, overall transition costs can be higher, because investment decisions shift to still-supported but more expensive technologies.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{RockstroemKotzeMilutinovićetal.2024,
  author    = {Rockstr{\"o}m, Johan and Kotz{\´e}, Louis and Milutinović, Svetlana and Biermann, Frank and Brovkin, Victor and Donges, Jonathan and Ebbesson, Jonas and French, Duncan and Gupta, Joyeeta and Kim, Rakhyun and Lenton, Timothy and Lenzi, Dominic and Nakicenovic, Nebojsa and Neumann, Barbara and Schuppert, Fabian and Winkelmann, Ricarda and Bosselmann, Klaus and Folke, Carl and Lucht, Wolfgang and Schlosberg, David and Richardson, Katherine and Steffen, Will},
  title     = {The planetary commons},
  series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
  volume    = {121},
  journal   = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
  number    = {5},
  publisher = {National Academy of Sciences},
  address   = {Washington, DC},
  issn      = {1091-6490},
  doi       = {10.1073/pnas.2301531121},
  pages     = {10},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {The Anthropocene signifies the start of a no- analogue tra­jectory of the Earth system that is fundamentally different from the Holocene. This new trajectory is characterized by rising risks of triggering irreversible and unmanageable shifts in Earth system functioning. We urgently need a new global approach to safeguard critical Earth system regulating functions more effectively and comprehensively. The global commons framework is the closest example of an existing approach with the aim of governing biophysical systems on Earth upon which the world collectively depends. Derived during stable Holocene conditions, the global commons framework must now evolve in the light of new Anthropocene dynamics. This requires a fundamental shift from a focus only on governing shared resources beyond national jurisdiction, to one that secures critical functions of the Earth system irrespective of national boundaries. We propose a new framework—the planetary commons—which differs from the global commons frame­work by including not only globally shared geographic regions but also critical biophysical systems that regulate the resilience and state, and therefore livability, on Earth. The new planetary commons should articulate and create comprehensive stewardship obligations through Earth system governance aimed at restoring and strengthening planetary resilience and justice.},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{Marienfeldt2024,
  author    = {Marienfeldt, Justine},
  title     = {Digitalisierung und Automatisierung in der Sachbearbeitung},
  series = {Handbuch Digitalisierung in Staat und Verwaltung},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Digitalisierung in Staat und Verwaltung},
  editor    = {Klenk, Tanja and Nullmeier, Frank and Wewer, G{\"o}ttrik},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-23669-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-23669-4_89-1},
  pages     = {1 -- 12},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Die Nutzung von Informations- und Kommunikationstechnik (IKT), Fachverfahren und die Automatisierung von Prozessen ver{\"a}ndern die Sachbearbeitung und Leistungserstellung in der Verwaltung und somit die T{\"a}tigkeiten, Arbeitsbedingungen und Personalstrukturen. Bei der Antragsbearbeitung und Bescheiderstellung in der Ordnungs- und Leistungsverwaltung erh{\"a}lt IKT nicht nur eine unterst{\"u}tzende, sondern zunehmend auch eine leitende oder entscheidende Rolle. Abh{\"a}ngig von der konkreten Ausgestaltung kann die fortschreitende Digitalisierung eine ganzheitliche Sachbearbeitung erm{\"o}glichen, aber auch einschr{\"a}nken. Insgesamt kann sie zu einer Neuordnung des Berufsfeldes {\"o}ffentlicher Dienst f{\"u}hren.},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{CohenKrauseAbouChadi2024,
  author    = {Cohen, Denis and Krause, Werner and Abou-Chadi, Tarik},
  title     = {Comparative vote switching},
  series = {The journal of politics},
  volume    = {86},
  journal   = {The journal of politics},
  number    = {2},
  publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
  address   = {Chicago, IL},
  issn      = {0022-3816},
  doi       = {10.1086/726952},
  pages     = {597 -- 607},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Large literatures focus on voter reactions to parties' policy strategies, agency, or legislative performance. While many inquiries make explicit assumptions about the direction and magnitude of voter flows between parties, comparative empirical analyses of vote switching remain rare. In this article, we overcome three challenges that have previously impeded the comparative study of dynamic party competition based on voter flows: we present a novel conceptual framework for studying voter retention, defection, and attraction in multiparty systems, showcase a newly compiled data infrastructure that marries comparative vote switching data with information on party behavior and party systems in over 250 electoral contexts, and introduce a statistical model that renders our conceptual framework operable. These innovations enable first-time inquiries into the polyadic vote switching patterns underlying multiparty competition and unlock major research potentials on party competition and party system change.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-63885,
  title     = {Dirty capitalism},
  editor    = {Rodrian-Pfennig, Margit and Oppenh{\"a}user, Holger and Gl{\"a}ser, Georg and Dannemann, Udo},
  publisher = {Westf{\"a}lisches Dampfboot},
  address   = {M{\"u}nster},
  isbn      = {978-3-89691-092-9},
  pages     = {224},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Von Garzweiler bis zum Great Pacific Garbage Patch zeigt sich offenkundig: Die kapitalistische Vergesellschaftung ist dreckig. Umso mehr braucht kritische politisch-{\"o}konomische oder sozio-{\"o}konomische Bildung einen gesellschaftstheoretisch fundierten Kapitalismusbegriff. Der Ansatz des Dirty Capitalism leistet hierzu einen expliziten Beitrag. Er greift die vielf{\"a}ltige Kritik an Vorstellungen und analytischer Reichweite eines "reinen" Kapitalismus, wie sie z.B. auch im Ansatz des racial capitalism formuliert wird, auf und erweitert die Analyseperspektive {\"u}ber Klassenverh{\"a}ltnisse hinaus auf Rassismus, (Post-)Kolonialismus, Geschlechter- und Naturverh{\"a}ltnisse. Im Band wird das Konzept weiterentwickelt und als Zugang f{\"u}r die kritische politische Bildung und Politikdidaktik diskutiert und empirisch genutzt.},
  language  = {de}
}
@book{vonWinter2024,
  author    = {von Winter, Thomas},
  title     = {Lobbyismus in der deutschen Politik},
  publisher = {Verlag Barbara Budrich},
  address   = {Opladen},
  isbn      = {978-3-8252-6210-5},
  doi       = {10.36198/9783838562100},
  pages     = {383},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Der Band pr{\"a}sentiert eine systematische Aufbereitung empirischer Befunde zum Lobbyismus in Deutschland und vermittelt, wie Lobbyist*innen, Entscheidungstr{\"a}ger*innen und institutionelle Rahmen miteinander interagieren. Untersucht werden politische Aktivit{\"a}ten von sozialen Bewegungen, Verb{\"a}nden, Unternehmen und Beratungsfirmen im Bundestag, der Bundesregierung und der {\"O}ffentlichkeit.},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{KrauseGahn2024,
  author    = {Krause, Werner and Gahn, Christina},
  title     = {How powerful are polls in influencing election outcomes?},
  series = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog},
  journal   = {The LOOP : ECPR's Political Science Blog},
  publisher = {European Consortium for Political Research},
  address   = {Colchester},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Werner Krause and Christina Gahn argue that we need to pay more attention to how the media communicates the results of opinion polls to the public. Reporting methodological details, such as margins of error, can alter citizens' vote choices on election day. This has important implications for elections around the world},
  language  = {en}
}
@incollection{DebielSondermann2024,
  author    = {Debiel, Tobias and Sondermann, Elena},
  title     = {Entwicklung und internationale Politik},
  series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen},
  editor    = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33952-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_44},
  pages     = {1397 -- 1425},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Gut zwei Jahrzehnte nach dem Millenniumsgipfel der Vereinten Nationen bleiben berechtigte Zweifel an der Wirksamkeit von Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZ). Ist das Politikfeld von den Realit{\"a}ten {\"u}berholt worden? Welchen Beitrag haben Entwicklungstheorien f{\"u}r die Weiterentwicklung von Entwicklungspolitik leisten k{\"o}nnen? Der Beitrag zieht eine Bilanz, die von der ersten Entwicklungsdekade in den 1960er-Jahren bis zu den Folgen der Covid-19-Pandemie reicht. Er pl{\"a}diert f{\"u}r eine herrschaftskritische Weiterentwicklung des Entwicklungsbegriffs und f{\"u}r eine St{\"a}rkung globaler Kooperation.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{HerschingerRenner2024,
  author    = {Herschinger, Eva and Renner, Judith},
  title     = {Diskursforschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen},
  series = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen},
  booktitle = {Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen},
  editor    = {Sauer, Frank and von Hauff, Luba and Masala, Carlo},
  edition   = {3., vollst{\"a}ndig {\"u}berarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-33952-4},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-33953-1_15},
  pages     = {375 -- 399},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Diskursive Perspektiven auf internationale Politik haben in den vergangenen Jahren an Relevanz und Popularit{\"a}t gewonnen. Der vorliegende Beitrag gibt zun{\"a}chst einen {\"U}berblick {\"u}ber verschiedene Spielarten diskursiver Ans{\"a}tze in den Internationalen Beziehungen, um sich dann vor allem poststrukturalistisch inspirierten Diskursarbeiten zu widmen. Poststrukturalistische Ans{\"a}tze, so argumentieren wir, sind besonders interessant f{\"u}r die Disziplin der IB, da sie vier spezifische Gewinne bieten: Erstens erlauben sie eine kritische Perspektive auf Fragen internationaler Politik, zweitens hilft eine poststrukturalistische Perspektive dabei, den oft {\"u}bersehenen politischen Charakter sozialer Realit{\"a}t herauszustellen, drittens halten sie dazu an, die eigene Sichtweise des/der Forschenden zu reflektieren und viertens erlaubt es eine poststrukturalistische Vorgehensweise mit ihrem Fokus auf „Wie-m{\"o}glich-Fragen", eine alternative analytische Perspektive zu dominanten erkl{\"a}renden Ans{\"a}tzen einzunehmen.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{IhleCarl2024,
  author    = {Ihle, Sebastian and Carl, Kea},
  title     = {Die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im (Politik-) Unterricht},
  series = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt},
  booktitle = {Beziehungsweisen von Mensch, Tier und Umwelt},
  editor    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  publisher = {Springer VS},
  address   = {Wiesbaden},
  isbn      = {978-3-658-42652-1},
  doi       = {10.1007/978-3-658-42653-8_5},
  pages     = {69 -- 88},
  year      = {2024},
  abstract  = {Der vorliegende Beitrag, der sich weniger als Fachbeitrag, sondern vielmehr als Erfahrungsbericht aus der Praxis versteht, berichtet von unterschiedlichen Versuchen, die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung in den schulischen Kontext einzubringen und somit der unzureichenden Beachtung der Thematik entgegenzuwirken. Nachdem {\"u}berblicksartig die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik herausgestellt und auf diese Weise die Notwendigkeit einer unterrichtlichen Besch{\"a}ftigung mit dem Verh{\"a}ltnis von Menschen und anderen Tieren begr{\"u}ndet wird, wird zun{\"a}chst von einem ersten Versuch berichtet, (angehende) Lehrkr{\"a}fte im Rahmen eines Workshops am Studienseminar Potsdam f{\"u}r die Relevanz der Mensch-Tier-Thematik zu sensibilisieren sowie {\"u}ber eine m{\"o}gliche Umsetzung in den verschiedenen Unterrichtsf{\"a}chern zu informieren. Anschließend werden - exemplarisch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht - zwei Unterrichtsstunden, die die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung auf verschiedene Weise in den Politikunterricht einbeziehen, sowie die im Rahmen der Durchf{\"u}hrung gesammelten Erfahrungen vorgestellt.},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{BloiseIhle2024,
  author    = {Bloise, Jennifer and Ihle, Sebastian},
  title     = {Speziesismus in den (sozialen) Medien},
  series = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung},
  booktitle = {Tiere - Medien - Bildung},
  editor    = {Hoiß, Christian and Schluchter, Jan-Ren{\´e}},
  publisher = {kopaed},
  address   = {M{\"u}nchen},
  isbn      = {978-3-96848-108-1},
  pages     = {15 -- 31},
  year      = {2024},
  language  = {de}
}
@article{DannemannGuertler2024,
  author    = {Dannemann, Udo and G{\"u}rtler, Friedemann},
  title     = {Meine Krise, deine Krise - unsere Krise(n)?},
  series = {POLIS},
  volume    = {28},
  journal   = {POLIS},
  number    = {1},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt, M.},
  issn      = {2749-4861},
  doi       = {10.46499/2377.3002},
  pages     = {22 -- 25},
  year      = {2024},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{JuchlerOberle2023,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo and Oberle, Monika},
  title     = {Zur Tier-Mensch-Beziehung in der politischen Bildung},
  series = {Politische Bildung in der superdiversen Gesellschaft},
  booktitle = {Politische Bildung in der superdiversen Gesellschaft},
  editor    = {Oberle, Monika and Stamer, M{\"a}rthe-Maria},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt},
  isbn      = {978-3-7344-1578-4},
  pages     = {136 -- 145},
  year      = {2023},
  language  = {de}
}
@incollection{Juchler2023,
  author    = {Juchler, Ingo},
  title     = {Skepsis und Urteilsbildung im Angesicht epistemischer Ungewissheiten, politischer Kontroversen und Wertkonflikten},
  series = {Politische Bildung und Digitalit{\"a}t},
  booktitle = {Politische Bildung und Digitalit{\"a}t},
  editor    = {Busch, Matthias and Keuler, Charlotte},
  publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag},
  address   = {Frankfurt/M.},
  isbn      = {978-3-7566-1579-7},
  pages     = {130 -- 137},
  year      = {2023},
  language  = {de}
}
@phdthesis{CamposdeAndrade2023,
  author    = {Campos de Andrade, Andr{\´e} Luiz},
  title     = {Governing climate change in Brazil},
  doi       = {10.25932/publishup-58733},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-587336},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam},
  pages     = {xxvii, 272},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Enacted in 2009, the National Policy on Climate Change (PNMC) is a milestone in the institutionalisation of climate action in Brazil. It sets greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and a set of principles and directives that are intended to lay the foundations for a cross-sectoral and multilevel climate policy in the country. However, after more than a decade since its establishment, the PNMC has experienced several obstacles related to its governance, such as coordination, planning and implementation issues. All of these issues pose threats to the effectiveness of GHG mitigation actions in the country. By looking at the intragovernmental and intergovernmental relationships that have taken place during the lifetime of the PNMC and its sectoral plans on agriculture (the Sectoral Plan for Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change for the Consolidation of a Low-Carbon Economy in Agriculture [ABC Plan]), transport and urban mobility (the Sectoral Plan for Transportation and Urban Mobility for Mitigation and Adaption of Climate Change [PSTM]), this exploratory qualitative research investigates the Brazilian climate change governance guided by the following relevant questions: how are climate policy arrangements organised and coordinated among governmental actors to mitigate GHG emissions in Brazil? What might be the reasons behind how such arrangements are established? What are the predominant governance gaps of the different GHG mitigation actions examined? Why do these governance gaps occur? Theoretically grounded in the literature on multilevel governance and coordination of public policies, this study employs a novel analytical framework that aims to identify and discuss the occurrence of four types of governance gaps (i.e. politics, institutions and processes, resources and information) in the three GHG mitigation actions (cases) examined (i.e. the PNMC, ABC Plan and PSTM). The research results are twofold. First, they reveal that Brazil has struggled to organise and coordinate governmental actors from different policy constituencies and different levels of government in the implementation of the GHG mitigation actions examined. Moreover, climate policymaking has mostly been influenced by the Ministry of Environment (MMA) overlooking the multilevel and cross-sectoral approaches required for a country's climate policy to mitigate and adapt to climate change, especially if it is considered an economy-wide Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), as the Brazilian one is. Second, the study identifies a greater manifestation of gaps in politics (e.g. lack of political will in supporting climate action), institutions and processes (e.g. failures in the design of institutions and policy instruments, coordination and monitoring flaws, and difficulties in building climate federalism) in all cases studied. It also identifies that there have been important advances in the production of data and information for decision-making and, to a lesser extent, in the allocation of technical and financial resources in the cases studied; however, it is necessary to highlight the limitation of these improvements due to turf wars, a low willingness to share information among federal government players, a reduced volume of financial resources and an unequal distribution of capacities among the federal ministries and among the three levels of government. A relevant finding is that these gaps tend to be explained by a combination of general and sectoral set aspects. Regarding the general aspects, which are common to all cases examined, the following can be mentioned: i) unbalanced policy capabilities existing among the different levels of government, ii) a limited (bureaucratic) practice to produce a positive coordination mode within cross-sectoral policies, iii) the socioeconomic inequalities that affect the way different governments and economic sectors perceive the climate issue (selective perception) and iv) the reduced dialogue between national and subnational governments on the climate agenda (poor climate federalism). The following sectoral aspects can be mentioned: i) the presence of path dependencies that make the adoption of transformative actions harder and ii) the absence of perceived co-benefits that the climate agenda can bring to each economic sector (e.g. reputational gains, climate protection and access to climate financial markets). By addressing the theoretical and practical implications of the results, this research provides key insights to tackle the governance gaps identified and to help Brazil pave the way to achieving its NDCs and net-zero targets. At the theoretical level, this research and the current country's GHG emissions profile suggest that the Brazilian climate policy is embedded in a cross-sectoral and multilevel arena, which requires the effective involvement of different levels of political and bureaucratic powers and the consideration of the country's socioeconomic differences. Thus, the research argues that future improvements of the Brazilian climate policy and its governance setting must frame climate policy as an economic development agenda, the ramifications of which go beyond the environmental sector. An initial consequence of this new perspective may be a shift in the political and technical leadership from the MMA to the institutions of the centre of government (Executive Office of the President of Brazil) and those in charge of the country's economic policy (Ministry of Economy). This change could provide greater capacity for coordination, integration and enforcement as well as for addressing certain expected gaps (e.g. financial and technical resources). It could also lead to greater political prioritisation of the agenda at the highest levels of government. Moreover, this shift of the institutional locus could contribute to greater harmonisation between domestic development priorities and international climate politics. Finally, the research also suggests that this approach would reduce bureaucratic elitism currently in place due to climate policy being managed by Brazilian governmental institutions, which is still a theme of a few ministries and a reason for the occurrence of turf wars.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Ganghof2023,
  author    = {Ganghof, Steffen},
  title     = {Justifying types of representative democracy},
  series = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy},
  journal   = {Critical review of international social and political philosophy},
  publisher = {Routledge},
  address   = {London},
  issn      = {1369-8230},
  doi       = {10.1080/13698230.2022.2159665},
  pages     = {1 -- 12},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {This article responds to critical reflections on my Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform.},
  language  = {en}
}
@book{OPUS4-62304,
  title     = {Tracing value change in the international legal order},
  editor    = {Krieger, Heike and Liese, Andrea},
  publisher = {Oxford University Press},
  address   = {Oxford},
  isbn      = {978-0-19-285583-1},
  doi       = {10.1093/oso/9780192855831.001.0001},
  pages     = {xiv, 353},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {International law is constantly navigating the tension between preserving the status quo and adapting to new exigencies. But when and how do such adaptation processes give way to a more profound transformation, if not a crisis of international law? To address the question of how attacks on the international legal order are changing the value orientation of international law, this book brings together scholars of international law and international relations. By combining theoretical and methodological analyses with individual case studies, this book offers readers conceptualizations and tools to systematically examine value change and explore the drivers and mechanisms of these processes. These case studies scrutinize value change in the foundational norms of the post-1945 order and in norms representing the rise of the international legal order post-1990. They cover diverse issues: the prohibition of torture, the protection of women's rights, the prohibition of the use of force, the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, sustainability norms, and accountability for core international crimes. The challenges to each norm, the reactions by norm defenders, and the fate of each norm are also studied. Combined, the analyses show that while a few norms have remained surprisingly robust, several are changing, either in substance or in legal or social validity. The book concludes by integrating the conceptual and empirical insights from this interdisciplinary exchange to assess and explain the ambiguous nature of value change in international law beyond the extremes of mere progress or decline.},
  language  = {en}
}