@article{SeyfriedReith2019, author = {Seyfried, Markus and Reith, Florian}, title = {The seven deadly sins of quality management: trade-offs and implications for further research}, series = {Quality in higher education}, volume = {25}, journal = {Quality in higher education}, number = {3}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {1353-8322}, doi = {10.1080/13538322.2019.1683943}, pages = {289 -- 303}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Quality management in higher education is generally discussed with reference to commendable outcomes such as success, best practice, improvement or control. This paper, though, focuses on the problems of organising quality management. It follows the narrative of the seven deadly sins, with each 'sin' illustrating an inherent trade-off or paradox in the implementation of internal quality management in teaching and learning in higher education institutions. Identifying the trade-offs behind these sins is essential for a better understanding of quality management as an organisational problem.}, language = {en} } @article{Mielke2019, author = {Mielke, Jahel}, title = {Signals for 2 degrees C}, series = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, volume = {9}, journal = {Journal of Sustainable Finance \& Investment}, number = {2}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {Abingdon}, issn = {2043-0795}, doi = {10.1080/20430795.2018.1528809}, pages = {87 -- 115}, year = {2019}, abstract = {The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.}, language = {en} } @article{GehringDorschDoerfler2019, author = {Gehring, Thomas and Dorsch, Christian and D{\"o}rfler, Thomas}, title = {Precedent and doctrine in organisational decision-making}, series = {Journal of international relations and development}, volume = {22}, journal = {Journal of international relations and development}, number = {1}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Basingstoke}, issn = {1581-1980}, doi = {10.1057/s41268-017-0101-5}, pages = {107 -- 135}, year = {2019}, abstract = {We examine how and under what conditions informal institutional constraints, such as precedent and doctrine, are likely to affect collective choice within international organisations even in the absence of powerful bureaucratic agents. With a particular focus on the United Nations Security Council, we first develop a theoretical account of why such informal constraints might affect collective decisions even of powerful and strategically behaving actors. We show that precedents provide focal points that allow adopting collective decisions in coordination situations despite diverging preferences. Reliance on previous cases creates tacitly evolving doctrine that may develop incrementally. Council decision-making is also likely to be facilitated by an institutional logic of escalation driven by institutional constraints following from the typically staged response to crisis situations. We explore the usefulness of our theoretical argument with evidence from the Council doctrine on terrorism that has evolved since 1985. The key decisions studied include the 1992 sanctions resolution against Libya and the 2001 Council response to the 9/11 attacks. We conclude that, even within intergovernmentally structured international organisations, member states do not operate on a clean slate, but in a highly institutionalised environment that shapes their opportunities for action.}, language = {en} } @masterthesis{Ihle2019, type = {Bachelor Thesis}, author = {Ihle, Sebastian}, title = {Inwiefern wird der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgew{\"a}hlten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt?}, doi = {10.25932/publishup-59688}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-opus4-596884}, school = {Universit{\"a}t Potsdam}, pages = {63}, year = {2019}, abstract = {Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Fragestellung nach, inwiefern der Beutelsbacher Konsens in einem ausgewählten Schulbuch f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht in der Sekundarstufe I in Brandenburg ber{\"u}cksichtigt wird. Um sich dieser Frage anzunähern, werden zun{\"a}chst die drei Grundsätze des Konsenses wiedergegeben: das Überwältigungsverbot, das Kontroversitätsgebot und die Sch{\"u}lerorientierung. Da der Konsens, auch wenn er von einem Großteil der Fachdidaktikerinnen und Fachdidaktiker geteilt wird, immer wieder Gegenstand von Diskussionen ist, werden in einem ersten Schritt Ansätze zur Aktualisierung bzw. Erweiterung dargestellt und anschließend aktuelle Streitpunkte aufgezeigt. In einem kurzen Zwischenfazit wird dann ein f{\"u}r die Schulbuchanalyse unabdingliches, eindeutiges Verständnis des Konsenses entwickelt. Im folgenden Schritt wird die Rolle von Schulb{\"u}chern als Lehr- und Lernmedien diskutiert. Dabei steht insbesondere die Frage im Zentrum, weshalb sich gerade Schulb{\"u}cher f{\"u}r eine Analyse im Rahmen der vorliegenden Arbeit eignen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird das Konzept der Schulbuchanalyse vorgestellt. In diesem Rahmen werden der Untersuchungsschwerpunkt (Kontroversit{\"a}tsgebot) und der Untersuchungsgegenstand (Kontroverse um Migration und Integration) eingegrenzt. In der Folge wird das Schulbuch Politik und Co. 1 mithilfe des erarbeiteten Untersuchungsinstruments (Kodierleitfaden) analysiert. Zudem werden die Ergebnisse pointiert und die gew{\"a}hlte Vorgehensweise reflektiert.}, language = {de} } @article{Bruening2020, author = {Br{\"u}ning, Christina}, title = {Heterogenit{\"a}t}, series = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, journal = {W{\"o}rterbuch Politikunterricht}, publisher = {Wochenschau}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-0953-0}, pages = {107 -- 110}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Einf{\"u}hrung}, series = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache: Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30304-4}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_1}, pages = {1 -- 5}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Henrik Ibsens Volksfeind - Politisches Theater in postfaktischen Zeiten}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1}, pages = {122 -- 137}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Henrik Ibsen behandelt in seinem Schauspiel Ein Volksfeind (1882) einen Umweltskandal, was das St{\"u}ck zeitlos aktuell macht. Heutige Inszenierungen k{\"o}nnen umstandslos an die hier vorgestellten Umweltprobleme und den Umgang damit in der nach dem Mehrheitsprinzip verfahrenden Demokratie ankn{\"u}pfen. In dem Beitrag wird zun{\"a}chst der Begriffsgeschichte von „Volksfeind" nachgegangen, vom R{\"o}mischen Reich {\"u}ber die Franz{\"o}sische Revolution, die totalit{\"a}ren Diktaturen des 20. Jahrhunderts bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik und den USA. Im Weiteren werden die im St{\"u}ck thematisierten Verh{\"a}ltnisse von Mehrheit und Minderheit sowie Macht und Recht im politisch-gesellschaftlichen Gef{\"u}ge vor dem Hintergrund demokratietheoretischer {\"U}berlegungen von Alexis die Tocqueville, John Stuart Mill und Emma Goldman untersucht. Schließlich werden die im Volksfeind aufgeworfenen Fragen nach der M{\"o}glichkeit von Bildung und politischer M{\"u}ndigkeit vor dem Hintergrund heutiger postfaktischer Tendenzen, von Politik mit „alternativen Fakten", Bullshit und L{\"u}gen diskutiert.}, language = {de} } @article{Droll2020, author = {Droll, Max}, title = {Politisches Framing — sprachbezogene Kompetenzentwicklung im Politikunterricht}, series = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, journal = {Politik und Sprache : Handlungsfelder politischer Bildung}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, isbn = {978-3-658-30305-1}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-658-30305-1_13}, pages = {171 -- 180}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Eine relevante und h{\"o}chst aktuelle {\"U}berschneidung fach{\"u}bergreifender und fachspezifischer sprachlicher Ph{\"a}nomene hat Elisabeth Wehling mit ihrem 2016 erschienenen Buch „Politisches Framing" einer breiten {\"O}ffentlichkeit, die weit {\"u}ber fachwissenschaftliche Kreise hinaus geht, dargelegt. Wehling erl{\"a}utert darin an zahlreichen Beispielen, dass in politischen Debatten und f{\"u}r ihre Wirkung nicht zuerst die vorgetragenen Fakten entscheidend sind, sondern gedankliche Deutungsrahmen — in den Kognitionswissenschaften Frames genannt — die den Fakten eine Bedeutung verleihen. Informationen werden demnach in Relation zu Erfahrungen und Vorwissen als relevant oder irrelevant eingeordnet sowie durch Frames bewertet und interpretiert. Dadurch beeinflussen Frames — h{\"a}ufig unbewusst — Denken und Handeln. (Wehling, S. 17 ff.) Eine Auseinandersetzung mit den von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnissen im Rahmen des Politikunterrichts erm{\"o}glicht die Entwicklung und F{\"o}rderung von sprachlicher und fachlicher Kompetenz. Dieser Beitrag fasst die von Wehling dargelegten Erkenntnisse zusammen und erl{\"a}utert das didaktische Potenzial des Themas Politisches Framing anhand kompetenzbezogener Aufgaben f{\"u}r den Politikunterricht.}, language = {de} } @article{RuheLeibWeidmannetal.2020, author = {Ruhe, Constantin and Leib, Julia and Weidmann, Nils B. and Bussmann, Margit}, title = {Empirisch-analytische Friedens- und Konfliktforschung in Deutschland}, series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung}, volume = {9}, journal = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Friedens- und Konfliktforschung}, number = {2}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Wiesbaden}, issn = {2524-6976}, doi = {10.1007/s42597-020-00048-8}, pages = {443 -- 454}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und erg{\"a}nzt die aktuelle Diskussion {\"u}ber die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erl{\"a}utern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarit{\"a}t, Internationalit{\"a}t und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung f{\"u}r interdisziplin{\"a}re und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch f{\"u}r die Politikberatung ist. Zuk{\"u}nftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen ber{\"u}cksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu st{\"a}rken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung" der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.}, language = {de} } @article{LeibRuppel2020, author = {Leib, Julia and Ruppel, Samantha}, title = {The learning effects of United Nations simulations in political science classrooms}, series = {European Political Science}, volume = {19}, journal = {European Political Science}, number = {3}, issn = {1682-0983}, doi = {10.1057/s41304-020-00260-3}, pages = {336 -- 351}, year = {2020}, abstract = {How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students' learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.}, language = {en} } @article{Rothermel2020, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Die Manosphere}, series = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen}, volume = {33}, journal = {Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen}, number = {2}, publisher = {de Gruyter}, address = {Berlin}, issn = {2192-4848}, doi = {10.1515/fjsb-2020-0041}, pages = {491 -- 505}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Die sogenannte Manosphere - eine digitale Gemeinschaft, die sich haupts{\"a}chlich durch misogyne und antifeministische Beitr{\"a}ge und Ideologien auszeichnet - ist aufgrund ihrer Verbindung zu verschiedenen Terroranschl{\"a}gen in der letzten Zeit verst{\"a}rkt in das Blickfeld der Medien gelangt. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die bislang h{\"a}ufig vernachl{\"a}ssigte Rolle digitaler R{\"a}ume und Netzwerke im Kontext regressiver, frauenfeindlicher Ideologien und daraus erwachsende gewaltt{\"a}tige antifeministische Handlungsrepertoires aus Perspektive der Bewegungsforschung. Am Beispiel der Manosphere auf der Plattform Reddit zeige ich, wie durch das Zusammenspiel zwischen technologischer Infrastruktur und regressiver Ideologie die Grundlage f{\"u}r die Mobilisierung und Sozialisierung in antifeministische Bewegungskulturen mit gewaltt{\"a}tigen Handlungsrepertoires on- und offline geschaffen wird.}, language = {de} } @article{Rothermel2020, author = {Rothermel, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Gender in the United Nations' agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism}, series = {International feminist journal of politics}, volume = {22}, journal = {International feminist journal of politics}, number = {5}, publisher = {Taylor \& Francis}, address = {London}, issn = {1461-6742}, doi = {10.1080/14616742.2020.1827967}, pages = {720 -- 741}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The United Nations (UN) policy agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) promotes a "holistic" approach to counterterrorism, which includes elements traditionally found in security and development programs. Advocates of the agenda increasingly emphasize the importance of gender mainstreaming for counterterrorism goals. In this article, I scrutinize the merging of the goals of gender equality, security, and development into a global agenda for counterterrorism. A critical feminist discourse-analytical reading of gender representations in P/CVE shows how problematic imageries of women as victims, economic entrepreneurs, and peacemakers from both the UN's Sustainable Development Goals and the Women, Peace and Security agenda are reproduced in core UN documents advocating for a "holistic" P/CVE approach. By highlighting the tensions that are produced by efforts to merge the different gender discourses across the UN's security and development institutions, the article underlines the relevance of considering the particular position of P/CVE at the security-development nexus for further gender-sensitive analysis and policies of counterterrorism.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Toward a theory of political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, booktitle = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_2}, pages = {9 -- 41}, year = {2020}, abstract = {To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {How to measure dictatorship, dissent, and political repression}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_3}, pages = {43 -- 75}, year = {2020}, abstract = {This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.}, language = {en} } @article{Juchler2020, author = {Juchler, Ingo}, title = {Fluchtpunkt Berlin - {\"u}ber die Zeiten hinweg}, series = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, journal = {Politische Bildung und Flucht - ein Paradigmenwechsel?!}, editor = {Achour, Sabine and Gill, Thomas}, publisher = {Wochenschau Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt}, isbn = {978-3-7344-1128-1}, pages = {88 -- 101}, year = {2020}, language = {de} } @article{Pschichholz2020, author = {Pschichholz, Christin}, title = {The First World Warasa Caesura?}, series = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, journal = {The First World War as a Caesura? : demographic concepts, population policy, and genocide in the Late Ottoman, Russian, and Habsburg spheres}, publisher = {Duncker \& Humblot}, address = {Berlin}, isbn = {978-3-428-18146-9}, pages = {7 -- 12}, year = {2020}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Does Repression Prevent Successful Campaigns?}, series = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule}, journal = {The Politics of Repression Under Authoritarian Rule}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_4}, pages = {77 -- 120}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.}, language = {en} } @article{Tanneberg2020, author = {Tanneberg, Dag}, title = {Does repression of campaigns trigger coups d'{\´e}tat?}, series = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, journal = {The politics of repression under authoritarian rule : how steadfast is the Iron Throne?}, publisher = {Springer Nature}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {978-3-030-35477-0}, issn = {2198-7289}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-35477-0_5}, pages = {121 -- 162}, year = {2020}, abstract = {Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression's time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d'{\´e}tat. The chapter's conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.}, language = {en} } @article{HickmannElsaesser2020, author = {Hickmann, Thomas and Els{\"a}sser, Joshua Philipp}, title = {New alliances in global environmental governance}, series = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, volume = {20}, journal = {International environmental agreements: politics, law and economics}, number = {3}, publisher = {Springer}, address = {Dordrecht [u.a.]}, issn = {1567-9764}, doi = {10.1007/s10784-020-09493-5}, pages = {459 -- 481}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The past few years have witnessed a growing interest among scholars and policy-makers in the interplay of international bureaucracies with civil society organizations, non-profit entities, and the private sector. Authors concerned with global environmental politics have made considerable progress in capturing this phenomenon. Nevertheless, we still lack in-depth empirical knowledge on the precise nature of such institutional interlinkages across governance levels and scales. Building upon the concept oforchestration, this article focuses on the relationship between specific types of international bureaucracies and actors other than the nation-state. In particular, we investigate how the secretariats of the three Rio Conventions reach out to non-state actors in order to exert influence on the outcome of international environmental negotiations. Our analysis demonstrates that the three intergovernmental treaty secretariats utilize various styles of orchestration in their relation to non-state actors and seek to push the global responses to the respective transboundary environmental problems forward. This article points to a recent trend towards a direct collaboration between these secretariats and non-state actors which gives rise to the idea that new alliances between these actors are emerging in global environmental governance.}, language = {en} } @incollection{Karolewski2020, author = {Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel}, title = {Memory games and populism in postcommunist Poland}, series = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, booktitle = {European memory in populism. Representations of self and other. Edited by Chiara de Cesari, Ayhan Kaya}, editor = {De Cesari, Chiara and Kaya, Ayhan}, publisher = {Routledge, Taylor \& Francis Group}, address = {London, New York}, isbn = {978-0-429-45481-3}, doi = {10.4324/9780429454813}, pages = {239 -- 256}, year = {2020}, abstract = {The chapter explores aspects of 'memory games' in postcommunist Poland vis-{\`a}-vis the country's authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform - the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.}, language = {en} }